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		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Chen Shuanglin: Created page with &amp;quot; A Study of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove Abstract: The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove represent the most emblematic literati group of the Wei-Jin period. Its members...&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
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A Study of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove&lt;br /&gt;
Abstract: The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove represent the most emblematic literati group of the Wei-Jin period. Its members—Ji Kang, Ruan Ji, Shan Tao, Xiang Xiu, Liu Ling, Wang Rong, and Ruan Xian—are renowned for their pure conversation (qingtan), metaphysical discourse, defiance of ritual orthodoxy, and devotion to nature, profoundly shaping the spiritual tradition of Chinese literati. This paper systematically examines each member's life, pivotal events, and intellectual characteristics, integrating historical evaluations to illuminate their multifaceted significance in literary, philosophical, and cultural history.&lt;br /&gt;
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Keywords: Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove; Wei-Jin metaphysics; literati spirit; Confucian ethics vs. nature&lt;br /&gt;
I. Introduction&lt;br /&gt;
The transition from the Cao-Wei to the Western Jin dynasty (3rd century CE) was marked by intense political strife and intellectual ferment. As the power struggle between the Cao and Sima clans escalated, scholar-officials confronted existential dilemmas of political allegiance and personal survival. Against this backdrop, seven like-minded intellectuals gathered in a bamboo grove in Shanyang (present-day Jiaozuo, Henan), engaging in pure conversation, wine-drinking, music-making, and poetry. This cohort was later canonized as the &amp;quot;Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove&amp;quot; (Zhulin Qixian), a designation first recorded in Sun Sheng's Wei Shi Chunqiu and popularized through the Shishuo Xinyu. Far from forming an organized school, the seven sages diverged significantly in political stances, life choices, and intellectual orientations. Yet they collectively embodied a spirit of individual freedom, a rejection of hypocritical ritualism, and a yearning for metaphysical transcendence—a spiritual temperament that endures as one of the most compelling chapters in the Chinese literati tradition.&lt;br /&gt;
II. Individual Studies&lt;br /&gt;
Ji Kang (224–263; alternative birth years of 223 and 225 have been proposed)&lt;br /&gt;
Ji Kang, courtesy name Shuye, was a native of Zhi in Qiao Commandery. He served as a Palace Attendant (Zhongsan Dafu) and is often referred to as &amp;quot;Ji Zhongsan.&amp;quot; Renowned for his striking appearance—described as possessing &amp;quot;the bearing of a dragon and the grace of a phoenix&amp;quot;—he was the spiritual center of the seven sages. His marriage to the Princess of Changleting, a great-granddaughter of Cao Cao, placed him in a precarious position after the Sima clan seized power. Ji Kang was a polymath: an accomplished guqin player whose rendition of Guangling San became legendary, a painter, a calligrapher, and the author of seminal philosophical essays including On the Absence of Sorrow in Music, On Nourishing Life, and On Dispelling Self-Interest. His tetrasyllabic poetry is regarded as the finest of its age.&lt;br /&gt;
The defining event of Ji Kang's life occurred in 263 CE, when he defended his friend Lü An against false charges and was himself implicated through the machinations of Zhong Hui. Zhong warned Sima Zhao that Ji Kang was &amp;quot;a crouching dragon&amp;quot; who &amp;quot;refuses submission to sovereign or lord, despises his age, and will not be used.&amp;quot; Sima Zhao ordered his execution. Before the execution ground, three thousand students of the Imperial Academy petitioned for his pardon, but their plea was denied. Composed and serene, Ji Kang asked for his guqin and played Guangling San one final time. &amp;quot;From this day, Guangling San is no more,&amp;quot; he lamented, then calmly faced death at the age of forty. This moment stands as an enduring symbol of intellectual integrity in the face of political violence. Liu Xie's Wenxin Diaolong praised his independent thought; Lu Xun, who edited Ji Kang's collected works, celebrated his rebellious spirit of &amp;quot;denouncing Kings Tang and Wu and disparaging the Duke of Zhou and Confucius.&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
Ruan Ji (210–263; an alternative death year of 262 has been proposed)&lt;br /&gt;
Ruan Ji, courtesy name Sizong, was a native of Weishi in Chenliu. His father Ruan Yu numbered among the &amp;quot;Seven Masters of the Jian'an Period.&amp;quot; Described as &amp;quot;grand in appearance and magnanimous in spirit,&amp;quot; Ruan Ji revered Lao-Zhuang philosophy and was a central figure in Zhengshi-era metaphysics. His eighty-two Poems of My Heart inaugurated the Chinese tradition of pentasyllabic poetic sequences, conveying profound melancholy through oblique and intricate language—&amp;quot;the intent is deep and expansive, the meaning difficult to trace,&amp;quot; as Zhong Rong observed in Shipin. His philosophical work Biography of Master Great Man constructed an ideal persona transcending all ritual and social constraints, delivering sharp satire of Confucian moralists.&lt;br /&gt;
Ruan Ji was famous for his &amp;quot;blue and white eyes&amp;quot;—treating those who adhered to ritual convention with white eyes (disdain) and kindred spirits with blue eyes (warmth). He would often drive his chariot aimlessly, allowing it to go wherever it would, and when it could go no further, he would &amp;quot;weep bitterly and turn back&amp;quot;—a performance that powerfully symbolized the literatus's predicament of finding no viable path under political darkness. When Sima Zhao sought a marriage alliance by asking for Ruan Ji's daughter as a bride for his son (the future Emperor Wu of Jin), Ruan Ji remained drunk for sixty consecutive days, rendering the envoy unable to broach the subject until the proposal was abandoned. This strategy of survival through intoxication forms a striking counterpoint to Ji Kang's martyrdom.&lt;br /&gt;
Throughout history, Ruan Ji has been received with sympathetic understanding. The Book of Jin describes him as &amp;quot;outwardly unrestrained but inwardly pure and sincere.&amp;quot; Lu Xun noted that Ruan Ji's apparent libertinism was born of desperation, and that his writings, &amp;quot;though intended as satire, were heavily veiled.&amp;quot; Ruan Ji died in anguish in 263 CE—the same year as Ji Kang—a coincidence that poignantly underscores the shared tragedy of their generation.&lt;br /&gt;
 Shan Tao (205–283)&lt;br /&gt;
Shan Tao, courtesy name Juyuan, was the oldest of the seven sages and the most pragmatic. After impoverished early years spent discoursing with Ji Kang and Ruan Ji in the bamboo grove, he entered the service of the Sima regime, eventually rising to the posts of Supervisor of the Secretariat and Minister over the Masses, enfeoffed as Earl of Xinta. He was celebrated for his talent in evaluating and recommending officials; his personnel assessments, known as &amp;quot;Shan Gong's Memorials,&amp;quot; became a byword for meritocratic selection.&lt;br /&gt;
The most dramatic episode of Shan Tao's life concerns his &amp;quot;rupture&amp;quot; with Ji Kang. After his own promotion, Shan Tao recommended Ji Kang to succeed him in office. Far from accepting the gesture, Ji Kang wrote the celebrated Letter Breaking Off Relations with Shan Juyuan, enumerating his &amp;quot;seven intolerables&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;two outright impossibilities&amp;quot; in a declaration of his refusal to serve. Yet, on the eve of his execution, Ji Kang entrusted his ten-year-old son Ji Shao to none other than Shan Tao, saying, &amp;quot;While Juyuan lives, you will not be orphaned.&amp;quot; Shan Tao faithfully raised Ji Shao to adulthood and eventually recommended him for office. The immense tension between the &amp;quot;break&amp;quot; and the &amp;quot;entrustment&amp;quot; reveals a bond of moral trust among the seven sages that transcended ordinary friendship. The Book of Jin praises Shan Tao as &amp;quot;upright, prudent, frugal, and restrained,&amp;quot; noting that he &amp;quot;maintained constant virtue while serving at court.&amp;quot; Gu Yanwu, in his *Rizhi Lu* (Record of Daily Knowledge), while critical of Wei-Jin qingtan as a whole, showed some understanding of Shan Tao's particular approach to navigating the era.&lt;br /&gt;
 Xiang Xiu (ca. 227–272)&lt;br /&gt;
Xiang Xiu, courtesy name Ziqi, represents a pivotal link in the development of Wei-Jin metaphysics. His most significant contribution was his commentary on the Zhuangzi, the precursor to the received Guo Xiang edition (the precise relationship between Xiang Xiu's and Guo Xiang's commentaries—whether the latter built upon or appropriated the former—remains debated among scholars). Xiang Xiu's exegesis, described as &amp;quot;subtle in analysis and extraordinary in insight, greatly propelling the arcane discourse,&amp;quot; catalyzed the flourishing of Zhuangzi studies in the period. Lü An, upon reading the draft, exclaimed, &amp;quot;Zhuang Zhou is not dead!&amp;quot; Xiang Xiu's intimacy with Ji Kang was such that the two worked together at the forge in Lü An's household.&lt;br /&gt;
Ji Kang's execution marked the turning point of Xiang Xiu's life. Forced to present himself before Sima Zhao in Luoyang, he was taunted: &amp;quot;I heard you had the ambition of Mount Ji [i.e., to live as a recluse]; how is it that you are here?&amp;quot; Xiang Xiu could only submit with humiliating deference. On the journey back from the capital, passing Ji Kang's former residence in Shanyang, he heard the sound of a flute and was overcome with grief. The resulting Recalling Old Friends—a terse elegy that seems to choke on its own words—became a timeless expression of suppressed mourning. Lu Xun, in his essay &amp;quot;In Memory of the Forgotten,&amp;quot; invoked this allusion, reflecting that in his youth he found it strange that Xiang Xiu's elegy was so brief, &amp;quot;barely beginning before it abruptly ended. Now I understand.&amp;quot; Xiang Xiu's enforced political recantation and his unresolved inner anguish epitomize the spiritual schizophrenia that constituted the general tragedy of literati living through dynastic transition.&lt;br /&gt;
 Liu Ling (ca. 221–300)&lt;br /&gt;
Liu Ling, courtesy name Bolun, was the least prepossessing of the seven—described as &amp;quot;scarcely six feet tall and exceedingly ugly&amp;quot;—yet perhaps the most spiritually liberated. He &amp;quot;gave free rein to his passions and indulged his will,&amp;quot; and his reputation for love of wine has endured through the ages. His sole surviving work, Hymn to the Virtue of Wine, suffices to establish his iconic status in Chinese wine culture.&lt;br /&gt;
The Shishuo Xinyu records the most vivid anecdotes of Liu Ling. In his drunken ecstasy, he would strip naked at home; when visitors reproached him, he retorted: &amp;quot;I take Heaven and Earth as my mansion, and this room as my trousers. Gentlemen, what are you doing entering my trousers?&amp;quot; This witty riposte, reversing spatial hierarchy entirely, enacted a performative deconstruction of Confucian spatial order. On another occasion, when a drunken quarrel escalated and his antagonist &amp;quot;rolled up his sleeves and bared his chest,&amp;quot; Liu Ling calmly remarked: &amp;quot;My chicken-ribs are unworthy of your honorable fist.&amp;quot; The man burst out laughing and desisted. The apparently self-deprecating remark was, in fact, a masterful use of humor to defuse violence.&lt;br /&gt;
Liu Ling often traveled by deer-drawn cart with a jug of wine, instructing a servant to follow with a spade and the order: &amp;quot;When I die, bury me on the spot.&amp;quot; This attitude of taking Heaven and Earth as one's coffin and regarding life and death as day and night represents an extreme, theatrical enactment of Zhuangzian equanimity. The consciousness later articulated by Li Bai—&amp;quot;since ancient times, sages and worthies have all been forgotten; only great drinkers leave their names&amp;quot;—traces a direct lineage to Liu Ling's Dionysian spirit.&lt;br /&gt;
Wang Rong (234–305)&lt;br /&gt;
Wang Rong, courtesy name Junchong, hailed from the preeminent Langya Wang clan. Among the seven sages, he attained the highest official rank, serving as Director of the Imperial Secretariat and Minister over the Masses. A celebrated child prodigy, the Shishuo Xinyu recounts how the seven-year-old Wang Rong, observing a roadside plum tree laden with fruit that other children scrambled to pick, stood unmoved, reasoning: &amp;quot;A tree by the roadside bearing so much fruit—these plums must be bitter.&amp;quot; This precocious rational judgment foreshadowed the calculating disposition of his adult life.&lt;br /&gt;
Wang Rong's worldliness was thoroughgoing. He &amp;quot;delighted in profit,&amp;quot; amassed extensive estates, water-powered mills, and personally kept account books; he even demanded that his son-in-law return a single garment he had borrowed. Such behavior invited censure both then and later—Ruan Ji once rebuked him in person for &amp;quot;ruining the mood.&amp;quot; Yet Wang Rong was no mere philistine: during the mourning period for his mother, he was &amp;quot;so emaciated from grief that he could only rise leaning on a staff,&amp;quot; and the sincerity of his mourning was widely acknowledged. This complex coexistence of worldly calculation and genuine emotion illustrates the multifaceted nature of Wei-Jin personhood. Wang Rong lived to seventy-two, serving under two emperors and surviving the devastating War of the Eight Princes—a testament to his political resilience and survival instinct.&lt;br /&gt;
Ruan Xian (dates unknown)&lt;br /&gt;
Ruan Xian, courtesy name Zhongrong, was Ruan Ji's nephew; together they were called the &amp;quot;Greater and Lesser Ruan.&amp;quot; A master of musical pitch and a skilled pipa player, his name was later applied to the instrument itself—the ruan, a plucked lute still in use today. He was equally notorious for his bohemian conduct. The most scandalous episode occurred when, during the mourning period for a family elder, he had relations with his aunt's Xianbei maidservant and, upon learning that the maid had departed with his aunt, openly pursued her, declaring that &amp;quot;the seed of the Ruan clan must not be lost.&amp;quot; The child born of this liaison would become the noted official Ruan Fu. This incident, transgressing the most fundamental norms of filial piety, caused a major scandal in aristocratic society.&lt;br /&gt;
During the seventh-day-of-the-seventh-month &amp;quot;airing of clothes&amp;quot; custom, the wealthy branches of the Ruan clan displayed their silks and brocades in ostentatious array. Ruan Xian, by contrast, hoisted a calf-nose apron (a laborer's shorts) on a long pole in his courtyard. When questioned about this eccentricity, he replied: &amp;quot;Unable to escape vulgar custom, I merely do as others do—after my own fashion.&amp;quot; This gesture of self-mocking humor deconstructed the symbols of wealth and status. Ruan Xian's libertinism, more physically expressive than Ruan Ji's, struck at ritual order with greater immediacy. Yan Yanzhi's Five Gentlemen praised his indifference to official preferment.&lt;br /&gt;
III. Comprehensive Assessment&lt;br /&gt;
As a cultural symbol, the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove transcend the sum of seven individual biographies. In intellectual history, they occupy the critical transition from Han classical studies to Wei-Jin metaphysics. While He Yan and Wang Bi inaugurated the xuanxue discourse with their &amp;quot;revering non-being&amp;quot; ontology, the seven sages extended metaphysics from abstract speculation to a lived attitude and behavioral mode. Their motto—&amp;quot;transcending Confucian ethics to follow nature&amp;quot; (yue mingjiao er ren ziran)—converts &amp;quot;nature&amp;quot; from a philosophical category into a practical principle, embodied in such physical expressions as drug-taking, wine-drinking, long whistling, and nakedness. This transformation rendered metaphysics not merely an object of intellectual debate but a state of being that could be experienced and inhabited.&lt;br /&gt;
In literary history, Ji Kang's tetrasyllabic verse, Ruan Ji's Poems of My Heart, Xiang Xiu's Recalling Old Friends, and Liu Ling's Hymn to the Virtue of Wine each established paradigms in their respective genres, collectively defining the fundamental character of Wei-Jin literature as an inheritance from the Jian'an tradition—Liu Xie's phrase &amp;quot;profound in intent, sustained in expression, pregnant with heroic vigor&amp;quot; originally described Jian'an literature, a character that persisted and deepened into the Wei-Jin period. In cultural history, the tradition of mingshi fengliu (the &amp;quot;elegant demeanor of renowned scholars&amp;quot;) inaugurated by the seven sages—embracing respect for individuality, intimacy with nature, devotion to art, and detachment from power—profoundly shaped the spiritual world of Chinese literati. Over the subsequent millennium and more, from Tao Yuanming, Li Bai, and Su Shi to Xu Wei and modern intellectuals, this spiritual legacy has been inherited in varying degrees.&lt;br /&gt;
Historical evaluations of the seven sages have shifted with intellectual tides. From the Southern and Northern Dynasties through the Tang, critics emphasized their literary achievements and refined deportment. With the rise of Song Neo-Confucianism, scholars such as Zhu Xi criticized their &amp;quot;denigration of ritual and law&amp;quot; from a moralistic standpoint. During the Ming-Qing transition, amidst national crisis, Gu Yanwu and Wang Fuzhi elaborated the thesis that &amp;quot;pure conversation brought ruin to the state.&amp;quot; From the modern period onward, represented by Lu Xun and Zong Baihua, scholars have reaffirmed the significance of individual liberation in Ji Kang's and Ruan Ji's anti-ritual thought. The modern scholar Chen Yinke and the contemporary scholar Yu Yingshi have situated the seven sages phenomenon within the structural context of Cao-Sima factional struggles and the transformation of aristocratic culture.&lt;br /&gt;
The life-practices of the seven sages provide a paradigm for subsequent intellectuals in negotiating the relationship between the individual and power—encompassing Ji Kang's heroic resistance, Ruan Ji's strategic withdrawal, Shan Tao's pragmatic engagement, and Liu Ling's radical self-exile. The coexistence and dialogue among these diverse possibilities constitute, in themselves, the most precious legacy of the free spirit.&lt;br /&gt;
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References&lt;br /&gt;
10. Holzman, Donald. Poetry and Politics: The Life and Works of Juan Chi, A.D. 210–263. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976.&lt;br /&gt;
11. Lu Xun, ed. Ji Kang Ji (Collected Works of Ji Kang). In “Complete Works of Lu Xun”, vol. 9. Beijing: People's Literature Publishing House, 2005.&lt;br /&gt;
12. Mather, Richard B., trans. Shih-shuo Hsin-yü: A New Account of Tales of the World. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 2002.&lt;br /&gt;
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竹林七贤&lt;br /&gt;
摘要：竹林七贤是魏晋时期最具代表性的士人群体，其成员嵇康、阮籍、山涛、向秀、刘伶、王戎、阮咸以清谈玄学、蔑视礼法、纵情山水著称，深刻影响了中国文人精神传统的形成。本文系统梳理七人各自的生平经历、重大人生事件与思想特质，并结合历代学者的评价，揭示其在文学史、哲学史与文化史上的多重意义。&lt;br /&gt;
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关键词：竹林七贤；魏晋玄学；士人精神；名教与自然&lt;br /&gt;
一、引言&lt;br /&gt;
魏晋之际（公元3世纪），中国社会经历着深刻的政治动荡与思想变革。曹魏与司马氏的权力斗争日趋白热化，士大夫阶层面临严峻的生存抉择。在这一特殊历史语境下，七位志趣相投的知识分子聚于山阳（今河南焦作）竹林之中，饮酒清谈，弹琴赋诗，形成了一个独特的文化群体，后世称之为&amp;quot;竹林七贤&amp;quot;。这一称谓最早见于东晋孙盛《魏氏春秋》，经《世说新语》的传播而广为人知。七贤并非一个组织严密的学派，其成员在政治立场、人生选择与思想旨趣上各有不同，但他们共同展现了对个体自由的追求、对虚伪礼教的反抗，以及对玄远超脱之精神境界的向往。这种精神气质成为中国文人传统中最为动人的篇章之一。&lt;br /&gt;
二、七贤各论&lt;br /&gt;
 2.1 嵇康（224–263，生年另有223年、225年说）&lt;br /&gt;
字叔夜，谯国铚人，官至中散大夫，世称&amp;quot;嵇中散&amp;quot;。嵇康风姿俊美，&amp;quot;龙章凤姿，天质自然&amp;quot;，是七贤中精神领袖式的人物。他娶曹操曾孙女长乐亭主为妻，这一姻亲关系使他在司马氏掌权后处于敏感地位。嵇康才艺广博，善弹琴（尤工《广陵散》），工书画，著有《声无哀乐论》《养生论》《释私论》等重要哲学论文。其诗以四言成就最高，&amp;quot;目送归鸿，手挥五弦&amp;quot;（《赠秀才入军》）成为千古名句。&lt;br /&gt;
嵇康一生中最重大的事件发生在景元四年（263年）。好友吕安被诬陷入狱，嵇康挺身为之辩护，却遭钟会构陷。钟会向司马昭进谗，称嵇康&amp;quot;上不臣天子，下不事王侯，轻时傲世，不为物用&amp;quot;，是&amp;quot;卧龙&amp;quot;般的人物，恐为隐患。司马昭遂将其下狱处死。临刑前，三千太学生请愿求赦未果，嵇康神色自若，索琴弹奏《广陵散》，叹曰：&amp;quot;《广陵散》于今绝矣！&amp;quot;从容就戮，年仅四十岁。这一事件成为中国士人精神史上的标志性时刻，象征着独立人格在政治暴力面前的壮烈抵抗。&lt;br /&gt;
后世评价中，南朝刘勰《文心雕龙》称&amp;quot;嵇康师心以遣论&amp;quot;，赞其思想独立；鲁迅先生编校《嵇康集》，推重其&amp;quot;非汤武而薄周孔&amp;quot;的反叛精神，认为嵇康&amp;quot;思想新颖，往往与古时旧说反对&amp;quot;。&lt;br /&gt;
2.2 阮籍（210–263，卒年另有景元三年即262年说）&lt;br /&gt;
字嗣宗，陈留尉氏人。阮籍出身士族，其父阮瑀为&amp;quot;建安七子&amp;quot;之一。他&amp;quot;容貌瑰杰，志气宏放&amp;quot;，崇尚老庄之学，是正始玄学的核心代表。阮籍的八十二首《咏怀诗》开创了中国五言组诗的传统，以隐晦曲折的笔法寄托深远幽思，&amp;quot;厥旨渊放，归趣难求&amp;quot;（钟嵘《诗品》），成为后世政治抒情诗的典范。其哲学论文《大人先生传》虚构了一位超越名教礼法、与天地并生的理想人格，集中表达了对礼法之士的尖锐讽刺。&lt;br /&gt;
阮籍以&amp;quot;青白眼&amp;quot;待人著称——遇礼俗之士以白眼对之，见意气相投者则青眼相待。他常常驾车独行，不由径路，走到无路可走之处便&amp;quot;恸哭而返&amp;quot;——这一行为艺术般的举动，深刻隐喻了士人在黑暗政治中无路可走的生存困境。司马昭曾欲为其子司马炎（后来的晋武帝）求婚于阮籍之女，阮籍连续大醉六十日，使来者无法开口，终使此事作罢。这种以&amp;quot;醉&amp;quot;为策略的生存智慧，与嵇康的壮烈赴死形成了鲜明对比。&lt;br /&gt;
历代论者对阮籍多表理解之同情。《晋书》本传称其&amp;quot;外坦荡而内淳至&amp;quot;；刘勰评其&amp;quot;阮旨遥深&amp;quot;；鲁迅指出阮籍的放达背后是&amp;quot;不得已&amp;quot;，其诗文&amp;quot;虽志在刺讥，而文多隐避&amp;quot;。阮籍于景元四年（263年）在苦闷中辞世，与嵇康同年而终，命运的交织令人感慨。&lt;br /&gt;
2.3 山涛（205–283）&lt;br /&gt;
字巨源，河内怀人。山涛在七贤中最为年长，亦是最务实的一位。他早年贫困，与名士嵇康、阮籍交游于竹林，后因世事变化而入仕司马氏，官至尚书仆射、司徒，封新沓伯。山涛以知人善任闻名，主持吏部时选拔人才极为审慎，&amp;quot;山公启事&amp;quot;成为后世任人唯贤的典范。&lt;br /&gt;
山涛人生中最具戏剧性的事件，是他与嵇康的&amp;quot;绝交&amp;quot;。山涛升迁后举荐嵇康自代，嵇康非但不领情，反而写下了著名的《与山巨源绝交书》，以&amp;quot;七不堪&amp;quot;&amp;quot;二甚不可&amp;quot;表明自己绝不出仕的决心，言辞峻烈。然而，嵇康临刑前却将年仅十岁的儿子嵇绍托付给山涛，说&amp;quot;巨源在，汝不孤矣。&amp;quot;山涛不负所托，悉心抚养嵇绍成人，并最终推荐其入朝为官。这&amp;quot;绝交&amp;quot;与&amp;quot;托孤&amp;quot;之间的巨大张力，揭示了七贤之间超越世俗义气的人格信任。&lt;br /&gt;
《晋书》评价山涛&amp;quot;贞慎俭约&amp;quot;，&amp;quot;在朝以恒德自守&amp;quot;。他虽入仕司马氏，却不失士人之节操，在浑浊的政治环境中保持了相对独立的人格操守。顾炎武在《日知录》中论及魏晋人物时，对山涛的处世之道亦有所理解。&lt;br /&gt;
 2.4 向秀（约227–272）&lt;br /&gt;
字子期，河内怀人。向秀是魏晋玄学发展中的关键环节，其最重要的贡献是对《庄子》的注释，即目前通行的郭象注本之前身（向秀注与郭象注之关系，学界有因袭、剽窃等不同看法）。向秀注《庄子》，&amp;quot;妙析奇致，大畅玄风&amp;quot;，极大地推动了庄学在魏晋的兴盛。吕安见其注稿，惊叹&amp;quot;庄周不死矣！&amp;quot;其好友嵇康更是在吕安家中与之共同从事锻铁劳作，可见向秀与嵇康、吕安关系之亲密。&lt;br /&gt;
嵇康被杀是向秀人生的转折点。他在嵇康遇害后被迫入洛见司马昭，司马昭讥讽他说：&amp;quot;闻有箕山之志，何以在此？&amp;quot;（听说你有隐居箕山之志，怎么来到我这里了？）向秀只能卑辞以对。出京途中，他路过嵇康山阳旧居，闻笛声而悲，写下了千古传诵的《思旧赋》——一篇欲言又止、欲哭无泪的悼念之文。鲁迅在《为了忘却的记念》中引此典故，感叹&amp;quot;年轻时读向子期《思旧赋》，很怪他为什么只有寥寥几行，刚开头却又煞了尾。现在懂了。&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
向秀在高压下被迫改变政治立场，但内心的痛苦未尝消解。这种&amp;quot;心迹不相应&amp;quot;的精神分裂状态，正是魏晋易代之际士人普遍悲剧的缩影。&lt;br /&gt;
 2.5 刘伶（约221–300）&lt;br /&gt;
字伯伦，沛国人。刘伶在七贤中容貌最陋，&amp;quot;身长六尺，貌甚丑顇&amp;quot;，却是精神最为解放的一位。他&amp;quot;放情肆志&amp;quot;，以嗜酒名垂千古，传世作品仅《酒德颂》一篇，却足以奠定其在中国酒文化中的标志性地位。&lt;br /&gt;
《世说新语》载刘伶事迹最为生动：他纵酒放达，常在家中脱衣裸形，人见而讥之。他回答说：&amp;quot;我以天地为栋宇，屋室为裈衣，诸君何入我裈中？&amp;quot;（我把天地当作房屋，把房屋当作裤子，各位为什么钻进了我的裤子里？）这一机锋四溢的回答，将空间概念彻底逆转，以狂放的行为实践了对名教空间秩序的消解。另有一次，他醉酒后与人冲突，对方&amp;quot;奋袂攘襟&amp;quot;，他从容道：&amp;quot;鸡肋不足以安尊拳。&amp;quot;（我这鸡肋般的身子可经不起您的尊拳。）对方一笑而罢。此语看似自贬，实为幽默化解暴力的高超艺术。&lt;br /&gt;
刘伶常乘鹿车，携一壶酒，使人荷锸相随，交代&amp;quot;死便埋我&amp;quot;。这种以天地为棺椁、视死生如昼夜的态度，将庄子齐物思想推向了一种极端而又具有表演性的生活方式。后世文人如李白&amp;quot;古来圣贤皆寂寞，惟有饮者留其名&amp;quot;的意识，与刘伶的酒神精神一脉相承。&lt;br /&gt;
2.6 王戎（234–305）&lt;br /&gt;
字濬冲，琅琊临沂人，出身一流士族琅琊王氏。王戎是七贤中入仕最深、官位最高者，至中书令、司徒。他自幼聪慧，以&amp;quot;神童&amp;quot;闻名——《世说新语》记其七岁时与群童观道旁李树，&amp;quot;诸儿竞走取之，唯戎不动&amp;quot;，理由是&amp;quot;树在道边而多子，此必苦李。&amp;quot;这种早慧的理性判断预示了他日后精于利害计算的人生取向。&lt;br /&gt;
然而王戎的世俗化程度也最为彻底。他&amp;quot;性好兴利&amp;quot;，广置田产水碓，亲自主持账目核算，甚至不借给女婿一件单衣而要其归还。这种行径在当时及后世均遭非议，阮籍曾当面斥其&amp;quot;败人意&amp;quot;（扫人兴致）。但王戎并非单纯的市侩之人——在丧母期间，他&amp;quot;容貌毁悴，杖而后起&amp;quot;，其哀恸之真诚得到了时人的认可。这种在世俗利益与真挚情感之间的复杂并存，恰好说明了魏晋人格的多重面向。王戎活到七十二岁，历仕武帝、惠帝两朝，亲历八王之乱而幸存，其政治韧性与生存智慧耐人寻味。&lt;br /&gt;
 2.7 阮咸（生卒年不详）&lt;br /&gt;
字仲容，阮籍之侄，与阮籍并称&amp;quot;大小阮&amp;quot;。阮咸妙解音律，善弹琵琶（唐代以&amp;quot;阮咸&amp;quot;名其乐器，即今日&amp;quot;阮&amp;quot;之前身）。他同样以放达著称，最为惊世骇俗之举是在居丧期间与姑母家鲜卑婢女私通，并公然追回已随姑母远去的婢女，声称&amp;quot;人种不可失&amp;quot;——此婢所怀之子即后来的阮孚。此事在当时士族社会中引起轩然大波，挑战了孝道伦理的底线。&lt;br /&gt;
七月初七&amp;quot;曝衣&amp;quot;之日，阮氏族中富人&amp;quot;皆纱罗锦绮&amp;quot;，陈设炫耀，阮咸却以长竿挂一条&amp;quot;犊鼻裈&amp;quot;（短裤）于庭院之中，人称怪之，他答以&amp;quot;未能免俗，聊复尔耳&amp;quot;。这一举动以自嘲式的幽默解构了财富与等级象征。阮咸的放达较之阮籍更为外露、更具身体性，其行为中蕴含的对礼教秩序的冲击力也更直接。颜延之《五君咏》赞其&amp;quot;屡荐不入官，一麾乃出守&amp;quot;，对其淡泊仕途给予肯定。&lt;br /&gt;
三、综合评价&lt;br /&gt;
竹林七贤作为一个文化符号，其意义远远超越了七个个体的简单相加。从思想史角度看，他们处于汉代经学向魏晋玄学转型的关键节点：何晏、王弼以&amp;quot;贵无论&amp;quot;开创正始玄风，而七贤将玄学从纯粹的概念思辨推展为一种生活态度与行为方式——所谓&amp;quot;越名教而任自然&amp;quot;，就是将&amp;quot;自然&amp;quot;从哲学范畴转化为实践原则，落实为服药、饮酒、长啸、裸裎等身体性表达。这一转化使得玄学不再只是清谈论辩的对象，而成为一种可以被体验、被践行的人生境界。&lt;br /&gt;
从文学史角度看，嵇康的四言诗、阮籍的《咏怀诗》、向秀的《思旧赋》、刘伶的《酒德颂》均构成各自体裁的典范作品，共同奠定了魏晋文学的基本品格——刘勰《文心雕龙·时序》以&amp;quot;志深而笔长，故梗概而多气&amp;quot;评建安文学，此品格于魏晋之际得以延续与深化。从文化史角度看，七贤所开创的&amp;quot;名士风流&amp;quot;传统——包括对个性的尊重、对自然的亲近、对艺术的沉迷、对权力的疏离——深刻塑造了中国文人的精神世界。此后千余年间，陶渊明、李白、苏轼、徐渭直至近代学人，无不在不同程度上承继了这一精神遗产。&lt;br /&gt;
历代对竹林七贤的评价随时代思潮而变迁。南北朝至唐代，论者多推重其文学成就与名士风度；宋明理学兴起后，朱熹等人从道德主义的立场对七贤的&amp;quot;非毁礼法&amp;quot;提出批评；至明末清初，在民族危机的激发下，顾炎武、王夫之等对七贤的&amp;quot;清谈误国&amp;quot;之说有所阐发；而近代以来，以鲁迅、宗白华为代表，论者重新肯定了嵇康、阮籍反礼教思想中的个体解放意义。现代学者如陈寅恪、当代学者如余英时则从社会政治史的视角，将七贤现象置于曹马党争与士族文化变迁的结构脉络中加以解释。&lt;br /&gt;
竹林七贤的生命实践，为后世知识分子提供了一种处理个体与权力之关系的范式——既有嵇康的壮烈抵抗，也有阮籍的韬晦避祸；既有山涛的务实进取，也有刘伶的彻底放逐。这诸种可能性的并存与对话，本身就是自由精神最宝贵的遗产。&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
参考文献&lt;br /&gt;
1. 房玄龄等.《晋书》. 北京：中华书局, 1974.&lt;br /&gt;
2. 刘义庆撰, 刘孝标注, 余嘉锡笺疏.《世说新语笺疏》. 北京：中华书局, 2007.&lt;br /&gt;
3. 鲁迅.《而已集》. 北京：人民文学出版社, 1973.&lt;br /&gt;
4. 鲁迅校.《嵇康集》. 见《鲁迅全集》第9卷. 北京：人民文学出版社, 2005.&lt;br /&gt;
5. 陈寅恪.《金明馆丛稿初编》. 北京：生活·读书·新知三联书店, 2001.&lt;br /&gt;
6. 余英时.《士与中国文化》. 上海：上海人民出版社, 2003.&lt;br /&gt;
7. 宗白华.《美学散步》. 上海：上海人民出版社, 1981.&lt;br /&gt;
8. 钟嵘著, 曹旭集注.《诗品集注》. 上海：上海古籍出版社, 2011.&lt;br /&gt;
9. 刘勰著, 范文澜注.《文心雕龙注》. 北京：人民文学出版社, 1958.&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Chen Shuanglin</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://bou.de/u/index.php?title=Overview_on_Chinese_Culture_Spring_2026&amp;diff=177808</id>
		<title>Overview on Chinese Culture Spring 2026</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://bou.de/u/index.php?title=Overview_on_Chinese_Culture_Spring_2026&amp;diff=177808"/>
		<updated>2026-05-11T02:32:13Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Chen Shuanglin: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;'''Overview on Chinese Culture 中國文化概要 (Spring Semester 2026)'''&lt;br /&gt;
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Course Code: 09230030.01 | Credits: 3 | Level: BA24&lt;br /&gt;
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'''Instructor:''' Prof. Martin Woesler | '''Schedule:''' Thu 14:30-16:10 Room 409 / Mon 8:00-9:40 Room 601 (调课周) | 上课时间：周四14:30-16:10 409教室 / 调课周一8:00-9:40 601教室&lt;br /&gt;
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'''Course Website:''' [https://dcg.de/ai/uni/intro_chinese_culture.php Interactive course page] (topic selection, PPT upload, quizzes)&lt;br /&gt;
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'''Grading:''' Regular performance 平时成绩 (30%) + Final paper 期末论文 (70%)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
==Grading Criteria for Powerpoint Presentations==&lt;br /&gt;
#Each presentation should not exceed 15 minutes including the interactive part with fellow students.&lt;br /&gt;
#Was the presentation based on scientific facts, with the presenter's own research, experience and opinion clearly marked as factual/subjective?&lt;br /&gt;
#Was the presentation successful? Did it catch the audience's attention?&lt;br /&gt;
#Formal aspects: loud/clear speaker, self-confident, speaking freely, meaningful slides (not text deserts)?&lt;br /&gt;
#Was the presentation appropriate to the topic?&lt;br /&gt;
#Was the activity part meaningful and appropriate?&lt;br /&gt;
#Was the time well managed (not too short, not too long)?&lt;br /&gt;
#Did the presentation compare the cultural phenomenon in China and in other countries?&lt;br /&gt;
#Did the presentation avoid boring reading, pronunciation mistakes, typos?&lt;br /&gt;
#Did you list your sources on the last slide?&lt;br /&gt;
#Did you upload your PPT file (max 5MB, compress images first)?&lt;br /&gt;
#Did you present in full screen mode?&lt;br /&gt;
#Did you arrive early to test your file on the classroom computer?&lt;br /&gt;
#Did the presentation avoid plagiarism, undisclosed AI use, ideology, patriotism, politics, religious beliefs, advertisement, ignorance, racism, prejudices, lies, or false rumors?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
==How to Upload Your PowerPoint / 如何上传PPT==&lt;br /&gt;
# Log in at [https://dcg.de/ai/uni/intro_chinese_culture.php the course page], click your topic, select file, click &amp;quot;Upload PPT&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
# Or on this Wiki: log in, click &amp;quot;Edit&amp;quot;, add &amp;lt;code&amp;gt;&amp;lt;nowiki&amp;gt;[[Media:YourName_Topic_2026.pptx]]&amp;lt;/nowiki&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/code&amp;gt; next to your topic, save, then click the red link to upload&lt;br /&gt;
'''Important:''' Compress to under 5MB first! (PowerPoint: File → Compress Pictures → 150 dpi)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
==Session Schedule==&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 1 — Mar 05 — Organizational Issues=&lt;br /&gt;
* Course overview, topic selection, final paper guidelines&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 2 — Mar 12 — Teacher Introduction=&lt;br /&gt;
* Teacher presentation: Introduction to Chinese Culture [[Media:02_Culture_Spring_2026.pptx]]&lt;br /&gt;
=Break with Majiang Play=&lt;br /&gt;
I am presenting Majiang [[Media:02_Majiang_Spring_2026.pptx]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 3 — Mar 19 — Student Presentations (Round 1)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Cài Lányǐng (蔡蓝颖): Northeastern Chinese Cuisine（东北菜） — '''82'''&lt;br /&gt;
* Cáo Héfēng (曹河丰): Relegation Literature (Su Shi) — '''86'''&lt;br /&gt;
* Cáo Shīqín (曹诗琴): 财神 God of Wealth — '''88'''&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;s&amp;gt;Chén Shuānglín (陈双麟): Chinese Ancient Weapons&amp;lt;/s&amp;gt; ''(moved to later session)''&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 4 — Mar 26=&lt;br /&gt;
* Cuī Xīnyàn (崔心彦): Traditional Chinese Dance 98&lt;br /&gt;
* Dínà (迪娜·代买克): Panda-Kultur 80&lt;br /&gt;
* Hǎo Yuán (郝圆): Calendar, The 24 Solar Terms 88&lt;br /&gt;
* Mǎ Qīng (马清): Tsingtao Beer（青岛啤酒）89&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 5 — Mar 30 (Mon 8:00-9:40, Room 601 / 调课：3月30日周一 8:00 601教室)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Gāo Yáng (高扬): Erhu 91&lt;br /&gt;
* Huáng Zǐyuè (黄梓玥): Spring Festival Couplets 80&lt;br /&gt;
* Hú Xīnyǐn (胡馨尹): Mahjong 92 [[Media:Hu Xinyin_Mahjong_2026.pptx]]&lt;br /&gt;
* Huáng Rúguǒ (黄如果): Hotpot 83&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 6 — Apr 09=&lt;br /&gt;
* Wáng Péigèn (王培亘): The Classic of Mountains and Seas（山海经）95&lt;br /&gt;
* Lǐ Sīchéng (李思成): The Four Pillars of Destiny（八字）91&lt;br /&gt;
* Péng Yìlín (彭熠琳): Tea 85&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 7 — Apr 16=&lt;br /&gt;
14:37-14:52 Shēn Yìkē (申奕珂): Stand-up comedy（单口喜剧） keyword on ppt, setup-punch line 93 pronounciation: comendians, 小罗、付航（小土豆）&lt;br /&gt;
为什么学着这个屏幕寒假跟我一起看吗？你是现场看的吗？还是你们觉得这个幽默怎么样？然后我们决定问一下谁给你十分要拒收，谁给的举手，所以你们一定要举手，不是OK三个人3678 90 10 12觉得很&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
14:57-15:12 Wǔ Shèngqiú (伍胜球): Hunan Rice Noodles（湖南米粉）米2分4 film 5 min. zu lang, pronounciation, too much text on slides, interactive: do you prefer flat or round noodles? Regional differences 89&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
15:25-15:40 Wú Wànghuī (吴旺辉): The Four Treasures of the Study 96 performed calligraphy while he showed a film about traditional paper making. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
15:42-15:55 Xiàng Jiāyíng (向佳滢): Milk Tea 93 [[Media:Xiang Jiaying_Milk Tea_2026.pptx]]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
15:55-16:10 Qín Shàngyì (秦尚易): Live Streaming E-commerce（直播电商） 92&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 8 — Apr 20 (Mon 8:00-9:40, Room 601 / 调课：4月20日周一 8:00 601教室)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Chén Shuānglín (陈双麟): The Chinese characters&lt;br /&gt;
* Yáng Shīxuān (杨诗萱): Jiangxi Cuisine（赣菜）&lt;br /&gt;
* Zēng Yǒngqí (曾咏琪): Zhang Qian and the Silk Road&lt;br /&gt;
* Zhāng Zǐhán (张子涵): Calligraphy&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 9 — Apr 27 (Mon 8:00-9:40, Room 601 / 调课：4月27日周一 8:00 601教室)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Cài Lányǐng (蔡蓝颖): Harbin Ice and Snow World（冰雪大世界）&lt;br /&gt;
* Lǐ Fāngfēi (黎芳菲): Zhuazhou（抓周）&lt;br /&gt;
* Lín Gǎng (林港): Science Fiction and Fantasy&lt;br /&gt;
* Shēn Wěibīng (申伟兵): Chinese Imperial Examination&lt;br /&gt;
* Zhāng Níng (张宁): Study on the Chinese Zodiac（十二生肖的文化内涵及现代价值研究）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 10 — May 11 (Mon 8:00-9:40, Room 601 / 谭老师调课：5月7日→5月11日) — Student Presentations (Round 2)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Cáo Héfēng (曹河丰): Chinese Dreamcore（中式梦核）&lt;br /&gt;
* Cáo Shīqín (曹诗琴): Buytogether / PDD（拼多多）&lt;br /&gt;
* Cáo Yì'ān (曹亦桉): Female Writers: Zhang Ailing, Chen Ping, Lin Yihan and Li Bihua&lt;br /&gt;
* Chén Shuānglín (陈双麟): “Tao Te Ching”(《道德经》&lt;br /&gt;
* Zhōu Yǐngwēi (周颖微): Guzheng&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 11 — May 18 (Mon 8:00-9:40, Room 601 / 谭老师调课：5月14日→5月18日)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Cuī Xīnyàn (崔心彦): Guangdong Herbal tea（广东凉茶）&lt;br /&gt;
* Dínà (迪娜·代买克): China's Four Great Classical Novels&lt;br /&gt;
* Gāo Yáng (高扬): Redology: the study of Dream of the Red Chamber（红学）&lt;br /&gt;
* Hǎo Yuán (郝圆): Luosifen&lt;br /&gt;
* Zhū Shùwén (朱树文): Training Schools（补习班）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 12 — May 25 (Mon 8:00-9:40, Room 601 / 谭老师调课：5月21日→5月25日)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Hú Xīnyǐn (胡馨尹): The Story of Ming Lan（知否知否应是绿肥红瘦）&lt;br /&gt;
* Huáng Rúguǒ (黄如果): Guangdong Morning Tea Culture（广东早茶文化）&lt;br /&gt;
* Lǐ Fāngfēi (黎芳菲): Temple Fair（庙会）&lt;br /&gt;
* Mǎ Qīng (马晴): Shandong cuisine（鲁菜）&lt;br /&gt;
* Wáng Péigèn (王培亘): Blind Box（盲盒）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 13 — May 28 (Thu 14:30-16:10, Room 601)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Huáng Zǐyuè (黄梓玥): Braised Chicken Rice（黄焖鸡米饭）&lt;br /&gt;
* Péng Yìlín (彭熠琳): Peking Opera&lt;br /&gt;
* Qín Shàngyì (秦尚易): Danmu（弹幕）&lt;br /&gt;
* Wú Wànghuī (吴旺辉): Gods and Immortals&lt;br /&gt;
* Zhōu Yǐngwēi (周颖微): Jujube Cake（酸枣糕）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 14 — Jun 04 (Thu 14:30-16:10, Room 601)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Lǐ Sīchéng (李思成): Sunzi's Art of War（孙子兵法）&lt;br /&gt;
* Shēn Yìkē (申奕珂): Traditional Chinese Pigments（中国传统颜料）&lt;br /&gt;
* Wǔ Shèngqiú (伍胜球): Black Myth: Wukong（黑神话悟空）&lt;br /&gt;
* Xiàng Jiāyíng (向佳滢): Table Manners&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 15 — Jun 11 (Thu 14:30-16:10, Room 601)=&lt;br /&gt;
* Yáng Shīxuān (杨诗萱): The Yingge Dance（英歌舞）&lt;br /&gt;
* Zēng Yǒngqí (曾咏琪): Eight Major Cuisines of China&lt;br /&gt;
* Zhāng Níng (张宁): The Four Talented Women of Ancient China&lt;br /&gt;
* Zhāng Zǐhán (张子涵): The Legend of Zhen Huan（甄嬛传）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Session 16 — Jun 18 (Thu 14:30-16:10, Room 601) — Final Session=&lt;br /&gt;
* Cáo Yì'ān (曹亦桉): Chinese popular viral memes（中国网络热梗）&lt;br /&gt;
* Lín Gǎng (林港): Culture-Loaded Words in Black Myth: Wukong（黑神话：悟空中的文化词）&lt;br /&gt;
* Shēn Wěibīng (申伟兵): Modern Chinese Education&lt;br /&gt;
* Zhū Shùwén (朱树文): TCM Health Preservation - Dietary Therapy（中医养生——食疗）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
=Semester Paper Topics=&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Each student writes one semester paper (~3000 words). You need to find a topic which has not yet been written by any student before (see textbook) and which needs to be approved by the teacher. It should look exactly the same as a chapter in the textbook in both English and Chinese. AI-content for the final exam paper less than 15%.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;background: #fff3cd; border: 1px solid #ffc107; padding: 12px; border-radius: 4px; margin: 1em 0;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
'''Source Verification Requirement / 参考文献验证要求:'''&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
All sources used for your paper — whether academic articles, books, or websites — must be submitted as PDF files via email to martin@woesler.de. This applies to every source listed in your references.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
所有用于撰写论文的参考资料——无论是学术论文、书籍还是网页——均须以PDF文件形式发送至 martin@woesler.de。每一条参考文献均需提供对应的PDF。&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* PDFs under 10 MB: send directly as email attachment / 10MB以下的PDF：直接作为邮件附件发送&lt;br /&gt;
* PDFs over 10 MB: do '''not''' send by email — instead, provide a download link (e.g. cloud storage link) / 超过10MB的PDF：'''请勿'''通过邮件发送，请提供下载链接（如网盘链接）&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
----&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
==期末论文==&lt;br /&gt;
===Korean Janggu Dance===&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ====Origin and Development====&lt;br /&gt;
The origin of the Janggu Dance can be traced back to the narrow-waisted drum from India. Around the 4th century AD, this musical instrument was introduced to the Central Plains of China via the Silk Road. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, it was adopted in the Nine and Ten Grand Drum Dances, and the Goryeo Music of the Korean ethnic group was included in the renowned Ten Great Musical Forms. After the Song Dynasty, the zhanggu (a type of narrow-waisted drum) gradually disappeared in the Central Plains of China but continued to be passed down among the Korean people, and was renamed the Janggu. In the Ming and Qing dynasties, some Koreans migrated from the Korean Peninsula to China, bringing the Janggu Dance with them. After a long period of development, it gradually evolved into the Korean Janggu Dance with distinct Chinese characteristics. In the early 20th century, the Janggu Dance separated from the Nongak Dance (farmers’ music dance) as an independent performance form. The Korean people perform this dance at every festival and celebration. In the 1950s, Korean dancers carefully adapted the Janggu Dance, which was staged for the first time, thus expanding its influence. (Yanbian Border Villages · Historical and Cultural Digital Exhibition Platform, Intangible Cultural Heritage: Korean Janggu Dance)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ====Introduction====&lt;br /&gt;
The Korean Janggu Dance is a highly representative traditional dance of the Korean ethnic group, mainly popular in Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture of Jilin Province and other Korean inhabited areas. In 2008, the Korean Janggu Dance from Tumen City, Jilin Province was included in the second batch of the National Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of China. (China Intangible Cultural Heritage Network · China Intangible Cultural Heritage Digital Museum, Korean Janggu Dance)&lt;br /&gt;
It has a history of over a thousand years. The prototype of its core prop, the Janggu, is the narrow-waisted drum originating from India. In the 4th century AD, this instrument was introduced to the Central Plains of China through the Silk Road and incorporated into the imperial court music and dance system during the Sui and Tang dynasties. In the Korean Goryeo Music, it was known as the “dutanggu” and “maoyuanggu”, etc. (Yanbian Border Villages · Historical and Cultural Digital Exhibition Platform, Intangible Cultural Heritage: Korean Janggu Dance)&lt;br /&gt;
During the Song and Yuan dynasties, this type of narrow-waisted drum spread eastward to the Korean Peninsula, gradually evolving into the Janggu that meets the aesthetic and performance needs of the Korean ethnic group, and became an accompanying instrument for the Korean Nongak Dance. (China National Cultural Resource Network, Janggu Dance)&lt;br /&gt;
In the Ming and Qing dynasties, with the migration of some Korean people to China, the Janggu Dance was introduced as well. It gradually integrated with the production, life, and folk culture of the Chinese Korean ethnic group, forming a dance form with distinct Chinese local characteristics. This dance is a combination of playing, singing, and dancing. The core prop, the Janggu, has a unique shape with thick two ends and a thin middle, and the two drumheads produce different pitches. The dancer slings the Janggu over the shoulder, holds a drumstick in the right hand to strike the drum, and uses the left hand to pat the drumhead, creating rich and varied rhythms. ( China Intangible Cultural Heritage Network · China Intangible Cultural Heritage Digital Museum, Korean Janggu Dance)&lt;br /&gt;
The Janggu can produce staggered high and low tones. The dancer slings the drum over the shoulder, strikes it with a drumstick in the right hand, and pats the drumhead with fingers of the left hand, creating a variety of rich rhythms. The performance style is divided into two categories: the soft-style Janggu dance and the vigorous-style Janggu dance. The soft-style Janggu dance features gentle and stretching movements, mostly expressing lyrical artistic conception; the vigorous-style Janggu dance has bold and powerful movements, often incorporating elements of labor scenes such as rice transplanting and harvesting. The performance forms include solo dance, duet dance, and group dance. The rhythm of the dance generally starts slow and gradually speeds up; during the climax, the dancer performs skillful movements such as continuous spinning, and ends abruptly, which is highly artistically appealing. The accompanying instruments include suona horn, bamboo flute, gayageum, etc., often paired with classic Korean folk songs such as Arirang. The dance movements are characterized by shoulder-raising, shoulder-stretching, and magpie steps, with various dance steps including crane steps and shuffle steps, fully demonstrating the unique charm of Korean dance. Today, through the construction of intangible cultural heritage inheritance bases, the popularization of campus teaching, and domestic and international cultural exchange performances, the Janggu Dance continues to thrive and has become an important artistic symbol showcasing the cultural charm of the Korean ethnic group. (Yanbian Border Villages · Historical and Cultural Digital Exhibition Platform, Intangible Cultural Heritage: Korean Janggu Dance)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ====Dance Characteristics====&lt;br /&gt;
Performance Forms: The Janggu Dance boasts diverse performance forms, including solo dance, duet dance, and group dance. The female version of the dance is elegant in style, while the male version is lively and unrestrained. The large Janggu dance is usually led by one dancer with the rest following; the small Janggu dance is often performed by 2 to 4 people playing drums and dancing against each other during festivals and holidays.&lt;br /&gt;
Movement Characteristics: The dance mainly features hand movements with various forms, which can be summarized into four characteristics: twisting, springing, squatting, and steadying. Dancers strike the drum while dancing in accordance with fixed drumbeat rhythms, emphasizing the coordination between movements and the unity of rhythm, and using the drum to create various shapes. The dance steps are characterized by “dodging, turning, spinning and leaping” and “squatting, soaring, standing and jumping”. When transitioning between movements such as “bowing the waist” and “bending the knees”, dancers must pass through with a “twisted torso”. Every dancing posture maintains the feature of “curved body and twisted torso”, combining hardness and softness with agile steps.&lt;br /&gt;
Music Accompaniment: The metrical form of Korean folk songs belongs to the triple-beat system. Triple time and compound time such as 6/8, 9/8, 12/8, and 18/8 composed of triple beats occupy an important position in the songs. The Janggu Dance is accompanied by various wind and percussion instruments such as suona horn, bamboo flute, gong and drum, sheng and xiao. The basic drumbeat pattern is “dong-dong, dong, dong-dong, dong”. The tempo and intensity of the drumbeats coordinate with the dance movements, achieving a perfect integration of drum and dance. The dance features a rich variety of tunes, including Arirang, Doraji, and Yangsan Road. (Yanbian Border Villages · Historical and Cultural Digital Exhibition Platform, Intangible Cultural Heritage: Korean Janggu Dance)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ====Cultural Value====&lt;br /&gt;
From the perspective of artistic and aesthetic value, integrating playing, dancing, and music, the Janggu Dance achieves a high degree of coordination between human, drum, and music. Its dance movements combining hardness and softness with varied drumbeats make it a representative of Korean dance art, enriching the ecology of Chinese folk dance. From the perspective of ethnic cohesion value, as a core performance form in Korean festivals and rituals, its brisk rhythms and stretching movements reflect the ethnic spirit of diligence and optimism, serving as an important bond for maintaining ethnic identity and sense of belonging. Finally, from the perspective of cultural inheritance and exchange value, its development history witnesses cross-regional cultural integration. As a national intangible cultural heritage, it realizes intergenerational inheritance through inheritance bases and campus teaching; meanwhile, it serves as a bridge for cultural exchange between China and foreign countries through domestic and international performances. (China Intangible Cultural Heritage Network · China Intangible Cultural Heritage Digital Museum, Korean Janggu Dance)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ====Inheritance and Protection====&lt;br /&gt;
Inheritors: A number of outstanding representatives of the Janggu Dance have emerged, such as Jin Douchang, the first-generation inheritor of Janggu Dance skills in China, Park Sung-sup, the fifth-generation inheritor, and Cui Meishan, a first-class dancer. They have made important contributions to the inheritance and development of the Janggu Dance.&lt;br /&gt;
Protection Measures: Relevant departments in Jilin Province have increased financial support, established Korean Janggu Dance inheritance bases in Tumen City, Yanji City, Wangqing County, and Qianguoerluosi Mongolian Autonomous County respectively, and organized seminars on the theory and techniques of the Korean Janggu Dance. Yanji City Cultural Center has held training courses on Janggu playing techniques, building a learning and exchange platform for the inheritance and development of the Janggu Dance and cultivating professional talents. (Yanbian Border Villages · Historical and Cultural Digital Exhibition Platform, Intangible Cultural Heritage: Korean Janggu Dance)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
===References===&lt;br /&gt;
▪ Yanbian Border Villages · Historical and Cultural Digital Exhibition Platform, Intangible Cultural Heritage: Korean Janggu Dance.&lt;br /&gt;
▪ China Intangible Cultural Heritage Network · China Intangible Cultural Heritage Digital Museum, Korean Janggu Dance.&lt;br /&gt;
▪ China National Cultural Resource Network, Janggu Dance.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
===Words and Expressions===&lt;br /&gt;
朝鲜族长鼓Korean Janggu / Korean Hourglass Drum&lt;br /&gt;
独舞 solo dance&lt;br /&gt;
双人舞  duet dance&lt;br /&gt;
群舞 group dance&lt;br /&gt;
对打起舞 dual-play dance with drum beats&lt;br /&gt;
扭、弹、矮、稳 twisting, springing, squatting, steadying&lt;br /&gt;
闪转旋跃 dodging, turning, spinning and leaping&lt;br /&gt;
鹊雀步 magpie step&lt;br /&gt;
垫步 shuffle step&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
===Questions===&lt;br /&gt;
1.What is the prototype of the Janggu, the core prop of the Korean Janggu Dance?&lt;br /&gt;
2.When was the Korean Janggu Dance included in the National Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of China?&lt;br /&gt;
3.What are the two categories of performance styles of the Korean Janggu Dance?&lt;br /&gt;
4.Who was the first-generation inheritor of the Korean Janggu Dance skills?&lt;br /&gt;
5.What institutions have been established in multiple places of Jilin Province for the inheritance of the Korean Janggu Dance?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
===Answers===&lt;br /&gt;
1.Originated from the narrow-waisted drum of India.&lt;br /&gt;
2.In 2008, the Korean Janggu Dance from Tumen City, Jilin Province was included in the second batch of the National Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of China.&lt;br /&gt;
3.It is divided into two categories: the soft-style Janggu Dance and the vigorous-style Janggu Dance. The soft-style Janggu Dance features gentle and stretching movements, while the vigorous-style Janggu Dance has bold and powerful movements.&lt;br /&gt;
4.Jin Douchang.&lt;br /&gt;
5.Korean Janggu Dance inheritance bases have been established respectively in Tumen City, Yanji City, Wangqing County and Qianguoerluosi Mongolian Autonomous County.&lt;br /&gt;
===朝鲜族长鼓舞===&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ====朝鲜族长鼓舞的起源发展====&lt;br /&gt;
长鼓舞起源可追溯到印度的细腰鼓，大约在公元 4 世纪时，通过丝绸之路传入中国中原地区，隋唐时期在九、十部鼓舞中使用，朝鲜族的《高丽乐》就被列为著名的《十部乐》之一。宋代以后，杖鼓逐渐在中国中原地区消失，只在朝鲜族人民中流传，也改名为长鼓。明清时期，部分朝鲜族人从朝鲜半岛迁到中国，长鼓舞也随之传入，经过长期发展，逐渐形成了具有中国特色的朝鲜族长鼓舞。20 世纪初期，长鼓舞以独立的表演形式从农乐舞里脱离出来，每逢节日庆典，朝鲜族人民都会跳长鼓舞。20 世纪 50 年代，长鼓舞经朝鲜族舞蹈家们的精心改编，第一次登上舞台进行表演，从而扩大了它的影响。（延边边境村落・历史文化数字展示平台《朝鲜族非遗长鼓舞》）&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ====介绍====&lt;br /&gt;
朝鲜族长鼓舞是朝鲜族极具代表性的传统舞蹈，主要流传于吉林延边朝鲜族自治州及其他朝鲜族聚居区，2008 年吉林省图们市的朝鲜族长鼓舞被列入第二批国家级非物质文化遗产代表性项目名录。（中国非物质文化遗产网・中国非物质文化遗产数字博物馆《朝鲜族长鼓舞》）&lt;br /&gt;
它有着上千年的发展历史，其核心道具长鼓的原型为起源于印度的细腰鼓，公元 4 世纪该乐器经丝绸之路传入中国中原地区，隋唐时期被纳入宫廷乐舞体系，在朝鲜族《高丽乐》中被称作“都昙鼓”“毛员鼓”等；（延边边境村落・历史文化数字展示平台《朝鲜族非遗长鼓舞》）&lt;br /&gt;
宋元时期，这类细腰鼓东传朝鲜半岛，逐渐演变为契合朝鲜族审美与演奏需求的长鼓，成为朝鲜族农乐舞的伴奏乐器。（中国民族文化资源网《长鼓舞》）&lt;br /&gt;
明清时期，随着部分朝鲜族民众迁入中国，长鼓舞也随之传入，逐步与中国朝鲜族的生产生活、民俗文化融合，形成了具有中国本土特色的舞蹈形式；这一舞蹈集演奏、演唱与舞蹈于一体。核心道具长鼓造型两头粗、中间细，两面鼓音高不同，舞者肩挎长鼓，右手持鼓鞭，左手配合拍打鼓面，能敲击出丰富节奏。（中国非物质文化遗产网・中国非物质文化遗产数字博物馆《朝鲜族长鼓舞》）&lt;br /&gt;
它能发出高低错落的音色。舞者肩挎长鼓，右手持鼓鞭敲击，左手以手指拍击鼓面，可敲击出丰富多变的节奏。表演风格分文、武两类，文长鼓动作柔和舒展，多展现抒情意境；武长鼓动作粗犷刚劲，常融入插秧、收割等劳动场景元素。表演形式涵盖独舞、双人舞、群舞等，舞蹈节奏多由慢渐快，高潮时舞者会展现连续旋转等技巧性动作，结尾戛然而止，极具艺术感染力。其伴奏乐器包括唢呐、笛子、伽倻琴等，常搭配《阿里郎》等朝鲜族经典曲目，舞蹈动作以扛手、伸肩、鹊雀步为特色，舞步包含鹤步、垫步等多种类型，尽显朝鲜族舞蹈的独特韵味。如今，长鼓舞通过非遗传承基地建设、校园教学普及、国内外文化交流展演等方式，不断焕发新的生机，成为展现朝鲜族文化魅力的重要艺术符号。（延边边境村落・历史文化数字展示平台《朝鲜族非遗长鼓舞》）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ==== 舞蹈特色====&lt;br /&gt;
表演形式：长鼓舞表演形式丰富多样，有独舞、双人舞、群舞等多种形式。女性长鼓舞风格优雅，男性长鼓舞活泼潇洒。大长鼓通常为一人领舞，众人随舞；小长鼓通常是在逢年过节时 2-4人对打起舞。&lt;br /&gt;
动作特点：主要以手部动作为主，形式变化多样，概括为扭、弹、矮、稳四个方面的特征。舞者按照固定的鼓点节奏边击边舞，讲究动作与动作之间的配合以及节奏的统一，用鼓形成各式各样的造型。舞步以“闪转旋跃”和“蹲腾立跳”为主要特征，“弓腰”与“屈膝” 等舞蹈动作换位时必须“拧身”而过，每个舞姿都保持“曲体拧身”的特点，刚柔并济、步伐灵巧。&lt;br /&gt;
音乐伴奏：朝鲜族的民歌节拍形式属于三拍系统，三拍子以及有三拍复合组成的 6/8、9/8、12/8、18/8 等复拍子在歌曲中占据着重要位置。长鼓舞以唢呐、笛子、锣鼓、笙箫等多种管弦乐器作为伴奏，基本鼓点是 “咚咚、咚、咚咚、咚”，长鼓击打的急缓轻重与舞姿相互配合，使鼓与舞完美融合，舞蹈的曲调丰富多彩，有《阿里郎》《道拉基》《阳山道》等曲目。（延边边境村落・历史文化数字展示平台《朝鲜族非遗长鼓舞》）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ====舞蹈特色====&lt;br /&gt;
从艺术审美价值来看，集演奏、舞蹈、音乐于一体，人鼓乐高度协调，刚柔并济的舞姿与多变鼓点结合，是朝鲜族舞蹈艺术的代表，丰富了中国民族民间舞蹈生态。从民族凝聚价值来看，作为朝鲜族节庆、礼俗的核心表演形式，其明快节奏与舒展动作映射民族勤劳豁达的精神内核，是维系族群认同感与归属感的重要纽带。最后从文化传承与交流价值来看，其发展历程见证了跨地域文化交融，作为国家级非遗，通过传承基地、校园教学等实现代际传递；同时借助国内外展演，成为中外文化交流的桥梁。（中国非物质文化遗产网・中国非物质文化遗产数字博物馆。朝鲜族长鼓舞）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
◦ ====传承与保护====&lt;br /&gt;
传承人：出现了一批优秀的长鼓舞代表人物，如中国第一代长鼓舞技艺传承人金斗昌，第五代传承人朴圣燮以及一级舞蹈演员崔美善等，他们为长鼓舞的传承与发展做出了重要贡献。&lt;br /&gt;
保护措施：吉林省相关部门加大资金扶持力度，在图们市、延吉市、汪清县、前郭尔罗斯蒙古族自治县分别建立了朝鲜族长鼓舞基地，并举办朝鲜族长鼓舞理论与技艺研讨会；延吉市文化馆举办了朝鲜族长鼓技法培训班，为长鼓舞的传承与发展搭建学习交流平台，培养专业人才。（延边边境村落・历史文化数字展示平台《朝鲜族非遗长鼓舞》）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
===术语===&lt;br /&gt;
朝鲜族长鼓Korean Janggu / Korean Hourglass Drum&lt;br /&gt;
独舞 solo dance&lt;br /&gt;
双人舞  duet dance&lt;br /&gt;
群舞 group dance&lt;br /&gt;
对打起舞 dual-play dance with drum beats&lt;br /&gt;
扭、弹、矮、稳 twisting, springing, squatting, steadying&lt;br /&gt;
闪转旋跃 dodging, turning, spinning and leaping&lt;br /&gt;
鹊雀步 magpie step&lt;br /&gt;
垫步 shuffle step&lt;br /&gt;
三拍系统 triple-beat system&lt;br /&gt;
《阿里郎》 Arirang（朝鲜族经典民谣，音译）&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
===问题===&lt;br /&gt;
1.朝鲜族长鼓舞的核心道具长鼓原型是什么？&lt;br /&gt;
2.朝鲜族长鼓舞何时被列入国家级非遗名录？&lt;br /&gt;
3.朝鲜族长鼓舞的表演风格分为哪两类？&lt;br /&gt;
4.朝鲜族长鼓舞的第一代技艺传承人是谁？&lt;br /&gt;
5.为传承朝鲜族长鼓舞，吉林省在多地建立了什么机构？&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
===答案===&lt;br /&gt;
1.起源于印度的细腰鼓。&lt;br /&gt;
2.2008年，吉林省图们市的朝鲜族长鼓舞被列入第二批国家级非物质文化遗产代表性项目名录。&lt;br /&gt;
3.分为文长鼓和武长鼓两类，文长鼓动作柔和舒展，武长鼓动作粗犷刚劲。&lt;br /&gt;
4.金斗昌。&lt;br /&gt;
5.在图们市、延吉市、汪清县、前郭尔罗斯蒙古族自治县分别建立了朝鲜族长鼓舞基地。&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Chen Shuanglin</name></author>
	</entry>
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