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 |-
 | style="background:#eef;" | '''<references />'''
-| ''(<参考文献 />)''
+| ''''
 |}
 [[Category:Rethinking Higher Education]]

@@ Line 26: / Line 26: @@
 |-
 | style="background:#eef;" | '''Martin Woesler'''
-| ''(zu übersetzen)''
+| ''(吴漠汀)''
-|-吴漠汀
+|-
 | style="background:#eef;" | ''''''Abstract''''''
-| ''(zu übersetzen)''
+| ''(摘要)''
-|-摘要
+|-
 | style="background:#eef;" | '''The concept of the „digital native“ — introduced by Marc Prensky in 2001 to describe a generation supposedly transformed by immersion in digital technology — has profoundly influenced educational policy on both sides of the Eurasian continent. Yet two decades of empirical research have consistently failed to validate its central claim: that growing up with technology produces uniformly high digital competence. This article examines digital literacy, AI attitudes, and educational implications through a systematic comparison of the European Union and China, drawing on the EU’s DigComp 2.2 framework (250+ competence examples across 21 areas), China’s centralized digital literacy campaigns, and recent empirical studies of student and teacher digital competence. We document significant gaps: only 55.6 percent of the EU population possesses at least basic digital skills, despite the Digital Decade target of 80 percent by 2030; China has achieved 99.9 percent broadband connectivity in schools while rural internet penetration remains at 69.5 percent. A multinational assessment of 1,465 university students across Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States reveals substantial cross-national variation in AI literacy, while a latent profile analysis of 782 Chinese EFL teachers identifies four distinct AI literacy profiles ranging from „poor“ (12.1 percent) to „excellent“ (14.1 percent). We argue that the digital native myth has created dangerous policy assumptions — that young people need less, rather than more, structured digital education — and that both European and Chinese approaches must shift from measuring access to cultivating critical digital competence, AI literacy, and the capacity for responsible digital citizenship.'''
-| ''(zu übersetzen)''
+| ''(“数字原住民”这一概念由马克·普伦斯基（Marc Prensky）于2001年提出，旨在描述一代据称因沉浸于数字技术而发生质变的人群，该概念对欧亚大陆两侧的教育政策均产生了深远影响。然而，过去二十年的实证研究始终未能证实其核心主张：伴随着科技成长就能自然产生普遍且高水平的数字能力。本文基于欧盟与中国的系统性比较，对数字素养、对人工智能（AI）的态度以及教育启示进行了探讨。研究依据包括：欧盟的 DigComp 2.2 框架（涵盖21个领域的250多个能力示例）、中国集中的数字素养推广行动，以及近期关于师生数字能力的实证研究。
-|-“数字原住民”这一概念由马克·普伦斯基（Marc Prensky）于2001年提出，旨在描述一代据称因沉浸于数字技术而发生质变的人群，该概念对欧亚大陆两侧的教育政策均产生了深远影响。然而，过去二十年的实证研究始终未能证实其核心主张：伴随着科技成长就能自然产生普遍且高水平的数字能力。本文基于欧盟与中国的系统性比较，对数字素养、对人工智能（AI）的态度以及教育启示进行了探讨。研究依据包括：欧盟的 DigComp 2.2 框架（涵盖21个领域的250多个能力示例）、中国集中的数字素养推广行动，以及近期关于师生数字能力的实证研究。
+我们发现了显著的差距：尽管欧盟设定了到2030年达到80%的“数字十年”目标，但目前仅有55.6%的欧盟人口具备至少基本的数字技能；中国虽然实现了学校99.9%的宽带接入，但农村地区的互联网普及率仍为69.5%。一项针对德国、英国和美国1465名大学生的跨国评估显示，各国在人工智能素养方面存在显著的跨国差异；而一项针对782名中国英语作为外语（EFL）教师的潜在剖面分析，则识别出四种截然不同的人工智能素养特征，涵盖从“较差”（占12.1%）到“优秀”（占14.1%）的区间。我们认为，“数字原住民”的神话制造了危险的政策预设——即年轻人需要的是更少而非更多的结构化数字教育。因此，欧洲和中国的相关策略都必须从单纯衡量“接入程度”，转向培养批判性数字能力、人工智能素养以及成为负责任的数字公民的能力。)''
-我们发现了显著的差距：尽管欧盟设定了到2030年达到80%的“数字十年”目标，但目前仅有55.6%的欧盟人口具备至少基本的数字技能；中国虽然实现了学校99.9%的宽带接入，但农村地区的互联网普及率仍为69.5%。一项针对德国、英国和美国1465名大学生的跨国评估显示，各国在人工智能素养方面存在显著的跨国差异；而一项针对782名中国英语作为外语（EFL）教师的潜在剖面分析，则识别出四种截然不同的人工智能素养特征，涵盖从“较差”（占12.1%）到“优秀”（占14.1%）的区间。我们认为，“数字原住民”的神话制造了危险的政策预设——即年轻人需要的是更少而非更多的结构化数字教育。因此，欧洲和中国的相关策略都必须从单纯衡量“接入程度”，转向培养批判性数字能力、人工智能素养以及成为负责任的数字公民的能力。
+|-
 | style="background:#eef;" | '''''Keywords: digital natives'', digital literacy'', AI literacy'', ''DigComp'' 2.2'', China'' digital education'', European digital skills'', digital divide'', Gen Z'', digital competence'', comparative education'''''
-| ''(zu übersetzen)''
+| ''(关键词：数字原住民，数字素养，人工智能素养，DigComp 2.2，中国数字教育，欧洲数字技能，数字鸿沟，Z世代，数字能力，比较教育)''
-|-关键词：数字原住民，数字素养，人工智能素养，DigComp 2.2，中国数字教育，欧洲数字技能，数字鸿沟，Z世代，数字能力，比较教育
+|-
 | style="background:#eef;" | ''''''1. Introduction''''''
-| ''(zu übersetzen)''
+| ''(1. 引言)''
-|-1. 引言
+|-
 | style="background:#eef;" | '''In 2001, Marc Prensky published a short essay in On the Horizon that would reshape educational discourse for a generation. „Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants“ argued that students entering the education system had been fundamentally transformed by their immersion in digital technology: they „think and process information fundamentally differently from their predecessors,“ and educators — digital immigrants who had adopted technology later in life — must adapt or become irrelevant (Prensky 2001). The metaphor was powerful, intuitive, and immediately influential. Within a decade, it had become a foundational assumption of educational technology policy worldwide.'''
-| ''(zu übersetzen)''
+| ''(2001年，马克·普伦斯基（Marc Prensky）在《地平线》（On the Horizon）杂志上发表了一篇短文，这篇文章彻底重塑了随后一代人的教育话语体系。他在《数字原住民，数字移民》一文中提出，步入教育体系的学生们已经因其沉浸于数字技术而发生了根本性的转变：他们“思考和加工信息的方式与前人有着本质的区别”。因此，作为教育者的“数字移民”（那些在生命后期才接触科技的人）必须主动适应，否则将面临被淘汰的命运（Prensky 2001）。这个比喻既有力又直观，并迅速产生了广泛的影响。不到十年，它便成为了全球教育技术政策的一项基础性预设。)''
-|-2001年，马克·普伦斯基（Marc Prensky）在《地平线》（On the Horizon）杂志上发表了一篇短文，这篇文章彻底重塑了随后一代人的教育话语体系。他在《数字原住民，数字移民》一文中提出，步入教育体系的学生们已经因其沉浸于数字技术而发生了根本性的转变：他们“思考和加工信息的方式与前人有着本质的区别”。因此，作为教育者的“数字移民”（那些在生命后期才接触科技的人）必须主动适应，否则将面临被淘汰的命运（Prensky 2001）。这个比喻既有力又直观，并迅速产生了广泛的影响。不到十年，它便成为了全球教育技术政策的一项基础性预设。
+|-
 | style="background:#eef;" | '''It was also, as subsequent research would demonstrate, largely wrong. Bennett, Maton, and Kervin (2008), in what remains the most widely cited critical assessment, showed that the empirical evidence did not support claims of a generation with uniformly high technological skills or radically different learning styles. The variation within age cohorts far exceeded the variation between them. Socioeconomic status, educational background, and individual motivation were far stronger predictors of digital competence than generational membership. The „digital natives„ debate, they concluded, resembled an academic „moral panic“ more than an evidence-based policy framework. Reid, Button, and Brommeyer (2023) confirmed these findings in a narrative review spanning two further decades of evidence: exposure to digital technologies does not equate to digital literacy, and the myth has created deficits in educational programs by assuming students already possess adequate digital skills.'''
 | style="background:#fee;" | '''然而，正如后续研究所证明的，它在很大程度上是错误的。Bennett、Maton和Kervin（2008）在迄今被引用最多的批判性评估中表明，实证证据不支持关于一代人具有普遍高技术技能或根本不同学习方式的主张。同一年龄群体内部的差异远大于群体之间的差异。社会经济地位、教育背景和个人动机是数字能力的预测因素，其效力远强于代际成员身份。他们得出结论，"数字原住民"之争更像是一场学术"道德恐慌"，而非基于证据的政策框架。Reid、Button和Brommeyer（2023）在涵盖此后二十年证据的叙述性综述中确认了这些发现：接触数字技术并不等同于数字素养，这一神话因假设学生已具备足够的数字技能而在教育项目中制造了缺陷。'''

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 |-
 | style="background:#eef;" | '''Digital Natives in China and Europe: Comparative Digital Literacy, AI Attitudes, and Educational Implications'''
-| ''(zu übersetzen)''
+| ''(中国与欧洲的数字原住民：数字素养、人工智能态度及教育启示的比较研究)''
-|-中国与欧洲的数字原住民：数字素养、人工智能态度及教育启示的比较研究
+|-
 | style="background:#eef;" | '''Martin Woesler'''
 | ''(zu übersetzen)''

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-<div style="background-color: #e3f2fd; border: 1px solid #2196F3; padding: 10px; margin: 10px 0; border-radius: 4px;">
+<div style="background-color: #003399; color: white; padding: 12px 15px; margin: 0 0 20px 0; border-radius: 4px; font-size: 1.1em;">
-'''Chapter 9 — Bilingual View (EN | ZH)''' — [[Rethinking_Higher_Education/Chapter_9|EN only]] · [[Rethinking_Higher_Education/Chapter_9/zh|ZH only]] · [[Rethinking_Higher_Education|Book Overview]]
+<span style="font-weight: bold;">Language:</span> [[Rethinking_Higher_Education/Chapter_9|<span style="color: #FFD700;">EN</span>]] · [[Rethinking_Higher_Education/Chapter_9/zh|<span style="color: #FFD700;">ZH</span>]] · <span style="color: #FFD700; font-weight: bold;">EN-ZH</span> · [[Rethinking_Higher_Education/en-zh|<span style="color: #FFD700;">← Book</span>]]
 </div>

Rethinking Higher Education/Chapter 9/en-zh - Revision history

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Admin: Realign EN-ZH Chapter 9: one row per paragraph

Maintenance script at 06:06, 8 April 2026

Maintenance script at 03:52, 8 April 2026