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| − | + | =Chapter 15Mahzad Heydarian: Where Persian Language Meets Translation= | |
| + | [[Hist_Trans_EN_15]] | ||
| + | Mahzad Sadat Heydarian,Hunan Normal University,China | ||
| − | + | This paper is a journey to the history of Persian language and the presence of translation into/from Persian in different historical eras. Translation has been influenced by many social and intercultural factors throughout history; in this paper, its functions from ancient Persia to the contemporary era will be surveyed. | |
| − | + | Key Words: Translation history, Persian language, Arabic influence, Medieval era | |
| − | + | Persian Language, known as the language of great literary works by Hafez, Khayyam, Rumi and many other classical and modern poets and writers, has always been an interesting subject to study. Looking for its roots and origins and how it is changing and developing has been the interest of many linguists around the world. Like other important languages, Persian has developed and gradually changed in different eras in history. It seems that writings on translation history suffer from severe shortcomings. What is overlooked by the researchers of Persian translation history is to clarify the distinction between oral and written translation. These two have proved to be completely different subjects while they have been mixed when the writers judge its ups and downs in a specific period of time. Moreover, in the relatively limited knowledge of Persian translation history, the thematic classification of translations (e.g. literary, scientific, etc.) have not been considered. | |
| − | + | Another common but important deficiency of such historiography is the lack of scientific consideration of the source and target texts, based on advances in the study of translation during the past three decades. The socio-cultural aspects of translation have rarely been surveyed, nor has the linguistic process of evolution of Persian historically been studied. Despite the importance of such inquiries, in most studies done by the Persian writers we could rarely find traces of identifying the direction of source and target texts, let alone contemplating the process and product as two imperative factors in any study of translation. Abdolhossein Azarang, whose history of translation comes with these problems admits that none of available historical books, including his, could be mentioned as a survey without offering at least a set of simple comparisons between the source and target texts in each era (Azarang, “Tarikhe” 9). | |
| − | + | To our knowledge Persian has gone through three main changes over the years: starting from Old Persian, in transformed into Middle Persian, also known as Pahlavi, and was finally modernized into contemporary Persian—which is in use today in Iran, Afghanistan and parts of Central Asia. Persian is a branch of the Indo-European languages. As Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak (493) mentions “Over a millennium this language has been the primary means of daily discourse as well as the language of science, art and literature on the Iranian plateau.” He indicates that “Old Persian was brought into Iranian plateau in the second millennium BC by Eurasian steppes. In time, it became the language of the Achamenians (559-339 BC), a dynasty of kings who established the largest, most powerful empire in the ancient world” (493). | |
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| − | + | Among the encyclopedic references, Britannica has put forward a good remark for the root and divisions of Middle Persian with more detailed information. It mentions that: | |
| − | + | Middle Persian is known in three forms, not entirely homogeneous—inscriptional Middle Persian, Pahlavi (often more precisely called Book Pahlavi), and Manichaean Middle Persian. The Middle Persian form belongs to the period 300 BCE to 950 CE and was, like Old Persian, the language of southwestern Iran. In the northeast and northwest the language spoken was Parthian, which is known from inscriptions and from Manichaean texts. There are no significant linguistic differences in the Parthian of these two sources. Most Parthian belongs to the first three centuries CE. | |
| − | + | Nonetheless, the Middle Persian script was abandoned in favor of the Arabic script and led to many new linguistic alterations in Persian. According to Karimi-Hakkak “The new script was far simpler and more advanced. In addition, where the Arabic script lacked essentially Persian consonants these were added to it. In short, the adoption of the Arabic script for Persian did not give rise to ruptures as significant as certain modernist reformers have assumed it did” (494). Therefore, the start of the most significant change in the Persian language dates back to the seventh century when Islam started to take over the Iranian plateau. This led Persian to find many new scopes. By adopting the Arabic alphabet, Persian became even stronger and further blossomed into many classical literary works in the following centuries. | |
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| − | + | Among the encyclopedic references, Britannica has put forward a good remark for the root and divisions of Middle Persian with more detailed information. It mentions that: Middle Persian is known in three forms, not entirely homogeneous—inscriptional Middle Persian, Pahlavi (often more precisely called Book Pahlavi), and Manichaean Middle Persian. The Middle Persian form belongs to the period 300 BCE to 950 CE and was, like Old Persian, the language of southwestern Iran. In the northeast and northwest the language spoken was Parthian, which is known from inscriptions and from Manichaean texts. There are no significant linguistic differences in the Parthian of these two sources. Most Parthian belongs to the first three centuries CE. | |
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| − | + | Nonetheless, the Middle Persian script was abandoned in favor of the Arabic script and led to many new linguistic alterations in Persian. According to Karimi-Hakkak “The new script was far simpler and more advanced. In addition, where the Arabic script lacked essentially Persian consonants these were added to it. In short, the adoption of the Arabic script for Persian did not give rise to ruptures as significant as certain modernist reformers have assumed it did” (494). Therefore, the start of the most significant change in the Persian language dates back to the seventh century when Islam started to take over the Iranian plateau. This led Persian to find many new scopes. By adopting the Arabic alphabet, Persian became even stronger and further blossomed into many classical literary works in the following centuries. | |
| − | + | The need for translation soon of course rose in a language like Persian spoken by large populations and used by different dynasties. Persian language had remained consistent and independent by asking the translation firstly and more importantly from Arabic. The language itself has neither been replaced by any other languages nor substantially changed during the centuries. That is why a Persian speaker today can effortlessly understand and enjoy the language of Hafez or Rudaki, the famous poets who lived in the 14th and 9th centuries, respectively. | |
| − | + | The need for translation soon of course rose in a language like Persian spoken by large populations and used by different dynasties. Persian language had remained consistent and independent by asking the translation firstly and more importantly from Arabic. The language itself has neither been replaced by any other languages nor substantially changed during the centuries. That is why a Persian speaker today can effortlessly understand and enjoy the language of Hafez or Rudaki, the famous poets who lived in the 14th and 9th centuries, respectively. | |
| − | + | The traces of written translation in different periods of the history of Persian language have mostly been based on the king’s demands or special order by one of the influential people in the royal court, mostly for their immediate political needs. This history, before the last century, has was interwoven with political, sometimes military and less commonly scientific texts. Therefore, individual or freelance translators who had been engaged in translation of literary works, or the Persian scientists who were keen to translate texts into Persian are absent in many historical periods. Azarang (15), studying the history of Safavid dynasty (1501–1736), in which Iran had lot of communications with Europe, has associated this strange phenomenon to the lack of concern and interest for learning and evolving in Persian travelers or dispatched students who commute to western countries. He believes that Iran missed a unique opportunity to use the scientific benefits for fundamental changes during Safavid dynasty, which was concurrent with the scientific and industrial transformations of Europe. As we will see, the attempts for translating texts for Iranian users were mostly confined to translation into Arabic instead of Persian as the main language of the whole plateau in post-Islamic era. The new movement of translating texts from different subjects into Persian was seen some 100 years after Safavid kings, during mid-Qajar era (1795–1925). | |
| − | In | + | In this article a historical investigation of Persian translation is presented based on what is available in collecting books and articles, mostly based on four important references: Karimi-Hakkak’s article in Encyclopedia of Translation Studies (1998), Daeratol’ma’aref-e Bozorg-e Eslami (2008), Behrouz Karoubi’s important article (2017), and Azarang’s detailed chronological event book (2015). The study has been divided into five sections based on the five historical periods: Ancient Persia, Medieval Persian, The Mongol Era, Post-Mongol Era, and the Modern Period. This is more or less the same division done by Karimi-Hakkak, as the main resource of this article, but with a specific extension. This investigation refers primarily to translation into Persian and some comparatively rare cases of translation from Persian into the other languages, will exclusively be dealt with. |
| − | + | Ancient Persia (Before 651) | |
| + | Karimi-Hakkak (493) mentions that “Translation into Persian has a long and eventful history; it has played an important part in the evolution of Iranian and Iranate civilizations throughout Western Asia and beyond.” We see the first traces of translation in medieval Persia, in which close contact and interface between Arabic and Persian occurred. He claims that “The Achamenian empire was multilingual, and many of its documents were written not only in various language of the empire, but in Babylonian and Elamite as well. Still our information about specific translation activities among these languages is too sketchy to allow any in-depth discussion of trends and patterns.” Later on, only with the formation of the Sasanian dynasty in Persia (AD 224–652) and the rise of Middle Persian the first authentic historical information about intercultural exchange could be found. | ||
| − | + | Behistun Inscription as the unique masterpiece in Achamenian’s era is an exclusive phenomenon in the history of translation of the world; Azarang argues that it is one of the most important translated texts in that era as well as one of the examples of precise translation. Translation of Behistun inscribed stone seems to be done by a number of trusted linguists who probably checked the texts’ conformity more than once. This translation shows that a precise translation accompanied by artistic delicacies on the stones had reached a very good level in that time (35). | |
| − | + | Scholarship suggests that Old Persian was transmitted orally, as we have no written records from that time. There is Avesta, a religious book in what scholars have termed Avestan, a language closely related to Old Persian. Even though it was committed to writing in the fourth century AD, Avesta contains some Zoroastrian hymns thought to be in older Iranian languages” (qtd. in Karimi-Hakkak 493). | |
| − | + | Medieval Persian (651-1206) | |
| + | In the post Islamic era, the most significant translation works included nearly all of extant translations are from middle Persian into Arabic. This took place, as Karimi-Hakkak mentions, in the hope to save religious or literary works from destruction by transferring them into the newly spread and mostly accepted language which was Arabic at the time. | ||
| − | + | We do not still have access to any written works that reveals the exact historical events in Iran during 100 years after the Arab conquest in the middle of seventh century. We could not find an example of written translated practice in that century either. We know that written Persian had not yet developed much in that time and was not yet common around the country. Furthermore, according to Azarang, knowing the relation between some Iranians and Arab people seems not to be possible at the end of the century to understand the related linguistic relations. In the second century after Islam, however, we have evidence to show that some Iranian scientists who learned Arabic started to translate medieval works from Persian to Arabic in the fields of philosophy, logic, astronomy, medicine, pharmacology, ethics, and culture (Azarang, 95). | |
| − | + | In Medieval era almost all Persian writers and scholars were bilingual, as the dominant language especially for writing was Arabic; by most of experts and philosophers. Karimi-Hakkak puts forward a list of famous internationally recognized Persian celebrities when he states that “in addition to the historian Tabari and physician and philosopher Avicenna, three of the greatest Islamic theologians – the Shi’ite Mohammad Tusi (d. 1076), the Sunni reformist Mohammad al-Ghazāli (d. 1111), and the Mo‘tazelite Zamakhshari (d. 1144) – who was also a great grammarian and lexicographer – can be counted among these, as can the jurist and philosopher Fakhr al-Din Rāzi (d. 1209)”. These men sometimes prepared Persian versions of the works they had written originally in Arabic, or supervised their students in such tasks. This is one reason why the border between translation and original work, as envisaged in that culture, appears blurred to us (496). | |
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| − | + | This fluidity enabled medieval Persian scientists and philosophers to be original authors and translators at the same time. The absence of proprietary concerns in medieval times further undermines modern-day efforts to distinguish writing from translation. Acts of borrowing, adaptation and appropriation were undertaken in ways that transcend modern classifications. The corpus of philosophical and scientific works in Persian is replete with bilingual texts or hybrids, as well as those in which text and commentary are in two different languages. There are also numerous texts of an indeterminate character; these may or may not be considered original works with later commentaries or annotated translations. Within the terms of medieval Persia, such works must be assumed to have originated in Arabic unless proven otherwise (496). | |
| − | + | According to Mary Boyce, there was an unfortunate fact that none of the literature of the Parthian period has survived in its original because of their oral form. She explains that our knowledge about Parthian literature is thus mainly through recensions, redactions, or partial translations in Middle Persian (1157–1158). Karimi-Hakkak mentions: “We also know that the Sasanian kings encouraged translations from Greek and Latin. Much historical knowledge, lost to the Persians as a result of the chaos that followed Alexander’s conquest in 330 BC, was regained in this way. The Sasanian monarch Shapur I commissioned many translations from Greek and Indian works to be incorporated into collections of religious texts” (494). | |
| − | + | Even for the extensive Sassanian literature which we know for certain that many works of other languages were translated into Middle Persian [must be rephrased], we have regrettably no knowledge about the linguistic features of translation that were used by the translators at that time or strategies which have been prevalent (qtd. in Karoubi 596). | |
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| − | + | Many translated works have been reported by Younes Keramati in the 14th century, which were from Persian and Iranian Arabic into Greek. The territories under the rule of the Trabzon Empire, from the early 14th century, witnessed a short resurrection of the translation of Persian works into Greek. The importance of translation between the two languages could be shown when we see that the translation of an astronomical work attributed to Shamsuddin Bukharaei, an Iranian scientist, led to the creation of the new Persian astronomical era in the Trabzon Empire. Among many important translated works, another Byzantine physician named Georgios Choniates translated an important Persian toxicology into Greek. Keramati believes that the superiority of Iranian education in Greece through translation (whether from Arabic or Persian) is proved by the fact that in that age, compared to the translation of many Persian works, not a single work has been translated from Greek into Persian (35). In an encyclopedic research, Ahmad Pakatchi argues that in translation from Persian to Turkish of Kharazmi, examples of literary works abound. Among them, instead of a precise translation, a kind of literary re-creation has taken place. A good example of this kinds is Khosrow and Shirin from Qutb Kharazmi (in 1341) which is the recreation of the famous poetry of Masnavi of Khosrow and Shirin by Nezami Ganjavi. In addition, the translation of Attar Neyshabouri’s Tazkerat al-Awliya is less changed because of its nature as simple prose but its translation has been done with some variations. | |
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| − | + | As argued by Karimi-Hakkak (494), “in the second half of the seventh century, Islam began to spread over the Iranian plateau gradually but steadily. This marks a unique turning point in the life of Iranians, not only religiously, but culturally and linguistically as well. The Persian language constitutes the most tangible link between Islamic and pre-Islamic Iranian cultures.” | |
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| − | + | Rozveh or Ruzbeh, better known by his Muslim name ‘Abdollāh Ebn-Al-Moqaffa’ (executed about 759), translated the Panchatantra and Khotay-namak (a collection of mythical legends of Persian kings and heroes) into Arabic. In all likelihood, he is also responsible for the translation into Arabic of accounts of the sixth century reformist prophet Mazdak, and that of his followers. Such texts, later translated from Arabic back into New Persian (Karoubi, 494). | |
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| − | + | Hediscovered two parallel tendencies in the eighth and ninth centuries. “The first, consisted of a series of translations made from extant texts into Arabic, later translated back into Persian. The second activity, undertaken by Persian converts to Islam, took the shape primarily of commentaries on the holy Qur’ān’ which could not be translated. Translation strategies were especial in that time in which ‘texts were subjected. to a variety of changes; they were simplified, annotated, abridged, illustrated with pictures and diagrams, mended through sequels, or otherwise altered to suit the specific needs of the patron and the new readership” (Karoubi, 495). | |
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| − | + | The Mongol Era (1206–1368) | |
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| − | In | + | In line with this classification Karimi-Hakkak states that “following the Mongol and Tartar invasions of the thirteenth through fifteenth centuries, new patterns of interaction emerged between Persian on the one hand and a number of Indian and Turkic languages on the other, making this history even more complex and multifarious.” |
| + | The Mongol conquest of Iran in the thirteenth century gradually put an end to the influence of the Arabic-speaking neighbors of the country and, as a result, led to the reduction of works composed in the Arabic language and the increase in works originally written in Persian. Karoubi refers to Mo’jam as one good example of this tendency. The book is written by Shams-e Qays-e Rāzi’s, as an effort of literary criticism that was originally composed in Arabic and, following the Mongol invasion, rewritten in Persian. In the preface to his book, Qays-e Rāzi claims that he had rewritten it in Persian on the request of many Persian poets and literati who did not possess sufficient knowledge of Arabic and were questioning the rationale behind composing a work on Persian poetic prosody in Arabic, because in their view such a work would be useful neither for the Arab audience, who had no familiarity with Persian language, nor for the Persian readers (see Shams-e Qays-e Rāzi, 1232/ 1935, pp. 17–18) (qtd. in Karoubi 598). | ||
| + | Nasir al-Din Tusi (d. 1274) translated the Greek basic manuals of mathematics and geometry, including Euclid’s Elements and Theodosius’s Spherica into Arabic, and the astrological judgements of Ptolemy from Arabic into Persian. In each case, he added his own comments to his translations (Karimi-Hakkak 496). | ||
| − | + | The Post-Mongol Era (1368-1789) | |
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| − | + | According to Karimi-Hakkak (497), “by the thirteenth century, Persian was becoming well established in India as the language of religious, literary and legal learning and communication. A number of important translations began to be made from Sanskrit and other Indian languages into Persian.” | |
| − | + | The variations of translation and using different languages in India have been mentioned by him as a result of creation of more multilingual society in the region. He indicates that ‘[w]ords trafficked more freely between Persian and other languages, and a degree of tolerance emerged towards mixed usages. This in turn gave rise to a divergence between the Persian of Iran proper and that of India and Central Asia. Furthermore, translations were now made into Persian not so much from Arabic but from Indian and Turkic languages, as well as English and Russian’. | |
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| − | + | 1. The Modern Period in Iran (after 1789) | |
| − | + | Karimi-Hakkak (497-498) mentions that with the dominance Russia over Central Asia in the latter part of the nineteenth century, ‘almost all translation activity in Persian-speaking Central Asia was realigned with Chaghatay (later Uzbek) and Russian languages. The latter part of the nineteenth century was very important for the translation movement in Iran and for Persian language’. He adds ‘after a century and a half of political instability, the Qajar dynasty (ruled 1795–1925) had returned a semblance of stability to Iranian society early in the century. More or less regular cultural contact with Europe had begun with the dispatch of Iranian students to Europe, adding to the pressing need for inter-governmental contact”. (497) | |
| − | + | Azarang (2015) and Karoubi (2017) see the measures done by the famous Qajar Prince, Abbas Mirza, (1789–1833) in the said era as the turning point in the history of translation in Iran. Karoubi mentions that: | |
| − | + | Following their humiliating defeat by the numerically inferior but technologically superior Russian forces in the Russo-Persian wars (1804–1828), the Iranians started to realize that over 1000 years of having limited political exchange had kept them technologically inferior. Therefore, the defeat in the Russo-Persian war served as a wake-up call for the Iranians to resort to translation as the main means to compensate for their weaknesses. Abbās Mirzā, the Qajar crown prince of Persia, played a very influential role in the initiation of the new translation movement by commissioning the first translations from modern European languages into Persian and dispatching a number of Iranian students to western Europe for education, some of whom later became involved in translation activities. It was also during his reign that lithographic printing was for the first time introduced into Iran. (P. 598) | |
| − | + | According to a travelogue written by Pierre Amédée Jaubert, the French diplomat and orientalist, who met Fat’h Ali Shah the king of Iran at the time, the king himself was very interested in acquiring the western knowledge, industry and culture, and therefore sought the ways in his mind for transmission of those aspects. Through the relation stablished between French and Iran, Napoleon Bonaparte sent a number of French officers and military experts to Iran. It was when the information about the French army and military regulations was begun to be translated into Persian (Azarang 221) seemingly with supervision of Abbas Mirza. | |
| − | + | Azarang designates the names of some pioneer translators which were ordered by Abbas Mirza as well as the Western educated individuals who had involved in the new historical movement of translation in the same era. Mirza Saleh Shirazi who was sent to England, for acquiring the printing technology was one of these names. Karimi-Hakkak referred to this phenomenon in era of Qajar Dynasty as “renaissance of translation activity in Iran”. (498) | |
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| − | + | The Next part of this article is the main extract from Karimi-Hakkak article in Encyclopedia of Translation Studies which is the best expression of the history of translation in Iran, since Qajar dynasty. | |
| − | + | The new translation movement was propelled primarily by the perceived need to gain access to European sciences and technology. Anxious to modernize the Iranian army and bureaucracy, the Qajar state followed the dispatching of groups of students to Europe by the establishment of a polytechnic College, modelled after European institutions of higher education. Established in Tehran in 1852 and known as Dār al-Fonūn (House of Techniques), this institution played a crucial part in modernizing Iran. European teachers were hired to teach a variety of subjects, often with Iranians as their assistants and interpreters. They also prepared a number of textbooks in various sciences which were based largely on European scientific works. Thus, translation and interpreting began to play a crucial part in the evolution of pedagogical processes in modern Iran. (498) | |
| − | + | Many early Iranian translators of European works were graduates of Dār al-Fonūn. Chief among them was Mohammad-Hasan Khān, better known as E‘temād al-Saltaneh, the last title the court bestowed on him. From 1871 to 1896 E‘temad al-Saltaneh headed a new government office called Dār al-Tarjomeh (House of Translation), designed to coordinate government-sponsored translation and interpreting activities. The office was charged with supervising all state-sponsored translation activities. Under E‘temād al-Saltaneh’s tutelage, many significant European works were made available to Iranians, often from French and frequently in more or less free versions which approached adaptation. (498) | |
| − | + | Soon, translation activity was directed towards disciplines such as history, politics and literature and became an integral part of various modernization projects. It was almost always undertaken to make Iranians conscious of their own backwardness, in spite of a glorious past. European orientalists had been studying Persian literature and Iranian history with interest and enthusiasm for over a century, and the Romantics had glorified Persian culture and civilization, particularly of pre-Islamic times. Iranians had to be made aware of these works if they were to strive to regain the glory of their ancient culture. (498) | |
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| − | + | In broader terms, translation has been at the base of a great many philosophical and scientific enquiries, cultural speculations, social activities and political agendas in Iran throughout the modern period. It has been the chief means of introducing Iranians to new ideas, schools of thought and literary trends. It has been considered a necessary component of the drive towards modernity, no less so in the Islamic republic than in the monarchial state which preceded it. As a result, it has been pursued with an enthusiasm and determination unparalleled in the history of the Persian language. Today, almost all important works of Western civilization, from Aristotle and Plato to examples of the latest trends in American or French fiction, are available in Persian translation. (499) | |
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| − | + | At the same time, translation has at times been viewed as an easy road to fame, if not to fortune, particularly in the social sciences and literature. While it has attracted much talent, it has at times had a negative impact on the evolution of the culture. It has certainly thwarted efforts to explore possibilities of political, social or cultural development which do not fit into Western patterns. Be that as it may, the importance of translation as a cultural activity has encouraged almost all notable intellectuals of contemporary Iran to try their hand at it. Rarely have these intellectuals specialized in fields such as literature or the social sciences. Instead, the impulse to translate seems to follow the search for relevance or the perceived need to buttress or justify one’s own position, politically, philosophically or aesthetically. (499) | |
| − | + | Meanwhile, translation had remained a central component of the language learning process, particularly at university level. However, the activity was pursued in fairly traditional ways which were not always conducive to training competent, professional translators and interpreters. The main activity consisted of actual translations, with little discussion of the theoretical underpinnings or the principles governing the actual process of text production. Typically, students would offer their own translations, discussions would ensue, and a text would be suggested as the best possible rendition of a given original. (500) | |
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| − | + | Through the 1970s, efforts were undertaken at Tehran University, the College of Translation and elsewhere, to introduce a new approach to teaching literary translation from English into Persian and vice versa. Teaching was based essentially on examining existing translations and discussing their relative merits and shortcomings. It also aimed to instil a sense of the comparative grammars of the languages and texts involved. Extensive discussions of the style, diction and context of each text replaced the requirement of text production. Important as it is, translation pedagogy has never been studied in Iran as a crucial component of translation activity. (500) | |
| − | + | Azarang, refers to the absolute superiority of French as the source language in Persian translation in the early decades of 20th century. As an example, in one Iranian year around 1921-1922, only four literary titles were translated into Persian, among which not a single book was selected from English. He adds by quoting Ramezani’s comment that: ‘The number of selected stories and plays between 1921 and 1932 was a total of 180 titles. At that time, names of books translated from English to Persian were rarely seen. In addition, even those English-language works may have been re-translated from French into Persian, such as the stories of Jack London, an American author whose translations were translated from French into Persian some decades later. Quoting the available evidence, he states that it was only in later years that works by English-language authors such as Shakespeare, Dickens, Alan Poe, O’Henry and others were translated into Persian, while it is not possible to say precisely which of the works has been directly translated from English. (Azarang, “Translation from English”, 60). | |
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| − | + | References: | |
| − | + | Azarang, Abdolhossein. Tärikhe Tarjome dar Iran [The History of Translation in Iran]. Ghoghnous, 2015. | |
| − | + | --- “Translation from English to Persian.” Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. XV, 2008, pp. 59-68. | |
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| − | + | Boyce, Mary. “Parthian writings and literature.” Cambridge history of Iran, edited by E. Yarshater, Cambridge University Press, vol. 3.2, 1983, pp. 1151–1165. | |
| − | [ | + | Britannica [Online Encyclopedia), https://www.britannica.com/topic/Iranian-languages#ref603427.Accessed 8 Sep 2020. |
| − | [ | + | Daeratol’ma’aref-e Bozorg-e Eslami [Great Islamic Encyclopedia]. vol. XV, The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, 2008. |
| − | + | Karoubi, Behrouz. “A concise history of translation in Iran from antiquity to the present time.” Perspectives, vol. 25, no.4, 2017, pp. 594-608. doi:10.1080/0907676X.2016.1277248 | |
| + | Keramati, Younes. “Translation from Arabic and Persian to Greec”. Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. 15, 2008, pp. 34-36. | ||
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| + | Karimi-Hakkak, Ahmad. “Persian tradition”, Routledge encyclopedia of translation studies, edited by Mona Baker and Gabriela Saldanha, Routledge, 1998, pp. 493–501. | ||
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| + | Pakatchi, Ahmad. “Translation from Arabic and Persian to oriental Turkic”. Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. XV, 2008, pp. 45-47. | ||
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| + | Parsi Nejad, Iraj. “Translation from European languages to Persian”. Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. XV, 2008, pp. 56-59. | ||
| + | |||
| + | Rezaee Baghbidi. Hassan. “Translation from Sanskrit and Pahlavi to Arabic”. Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. XV, 2008, pp. 24-33. | ||
Latest revision as of 06:41, 15 December 2021
Chapter 15Mahzad Heydarian: Where Persian Language Meets Translation
Hist_Trans_EN_15 Mahzad Sadat Heydarian,Hunan Normal University,China
This paper is a journey to the history of Persian language and the presence of translation into/from Persian in different historical eras. Translation has been influenced by many social and intercultural factors throughout history; in this paper, its functions from ancient Persia to the contemporary era will be surveyed.
Key Words: Translation history, Persian language, Arabic influence, Medieval era
Persian Language, known as the language of great literary works by Hafez, Khayyam, Rumi and many other classical and modern poets and writers, has always been an interesting subject to study. Looking for its roots and origins and how it is changing and developing has been the interest of many linguists around the world. Like other important languages, Persian has developed and gradually changed in different eras in history. It seems that writings on translation history suffer from severe shortcomings. What is overlooked by the researchers of Persian translation history is to clarify the distinction between oral and written translation. These two have proved to be completely different subjects while they have been mixed when the writers judge its ups and downs in a specific period of time. Moreover, in the relatively limited knowledge of Persian translation history, the thematic classification of translations (e.g. literary, scientific, etc.) have not been considered.
Another common but important deficiency of such historiography is the lack of scientific consideration of the source and target texts, based on advances in the study of translation during the past three decades. The socio-cultural aspects of translation have rarely been surveyed, nor has the linguistic process of evolution of Persian historically been studied. Despite the importance of such inquiries, in most studies done by the Persian writers we could rarely find traces of identifying the direction of source and target texts, let alone contemplating the process and product as two imperative factors in any study of translation. Abdolhossein Azarang, whose history of translation comes with these problems admits that none of available historical books, including his, could be mentioned as a survey without offering at least a set of simple comparisons between the source and target texts in each era (Azarang, “Tarikhe” 9).
To our knowledge Persian has gone through three main changes over the years: starting from Old Persian, in transformed into Middle Persian, also known as Pahlavi, and was finally modernized into contemporary Persian—which is in use today in Iran, Afghanistan and parts of Central Asia. Persian is a branch of the Indo-European languages. As Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak (493) mentions “Over a millennium this language has been the primary means of daily discourse as well as the language of science, art and literature on the Iranian plateau.” He indicates that “Old Persian was brought into Iranian plateau in the second millennium BC by Eurasian steppes. In time, it became the language of the Achamenians (559-339 BC), a dynasty of kings who established the largest, most powerful empire in the ancient world” (493).
Among the encyclopedic references, Britannica has put forward a good remark for the root and divisions of Middle Persian with more detailed information. It mentions that: Middle Persian is known in three forms, not entirely homogeneous—inscriptional Middle Persian, Pahlavi (often more precisely called Book Pahlavi), and Manichaean Middle Persian. The Middle Persian form belongs to the period 300 BCE to 950 CE and was, like Old Persian, the language of southwestern Iran. In the northeast and northwest the language spoken was Parthian, which is known from inscriptions and from Manichaean texts. There are no significant linguistic differences in the Parthian of these two sources. Most Parthian belongs to the first three centuries CE.
Nonetheless, the Middle Persian script was abandoned in favor of the Arabic script and led to many new linguistic alterations in Persian. According to Karimi-Hakkak “The new script was far simpler and more advanced. In addition, where the Arabic script lacked essentially Persian consonants these were added to it. In short, the adoption of the Arabic script for Persian did not give rise to ruptures as significant as certain modernist reformers have assumed it did” (494). Therefore, the start of the most significant change in the Persian language dates back to the seventh century when Islam started to take over the Iranian plateau. This led Persian to find many new scopes. By adopting the Arabic alphabet, Persian became even stronger and further blossomed into many classical literary works in the following centuries.
Among the encyclopedic references, Britannica has put forward a good remark for the root and divisions of Middle Persian with more detailed information. It mentions that: Middle Persian is known in three forms, not entirely homogeneous—inscriptional Middle Persian, Pahlavi (often more precisely called Book Pahlavi), and Manichaean Middle Persian. The Middle Persian form belongs to the period 300 BCE to 950 CE and was, like Old Persian, the language of southwestern Iran. In the northeast and northwest the language spoken was Parthian, which is known from inscriptions and from Manichaean texts. There are no significant linguistic differences in the Parthian of these two sources. Most Parthian belongs to the first three centuries CE.
Nonetheless, the Middle Persian script was abandoned in favor of the Arabic script and led to many new linguistic alterations in Persian. According to Karimi-Hakkak “The new script was far simpler and more advanced. In addition, where the Arabic script lacked essentially Persian consonants these were added to it. In short, the adoption of the Arabic script for Persian did not give rise to ruptures as significant as certain modernist reformers have assumed it did” (494). Therefore, the start of the most significant change in the Persian language dates back to the seventh century when Islam started to take over the Iranian plateau. This led Persian to find many new scopes. By adopting the Arabic alphabet, Persian became even stronger and further blossomed into many classical literary works in the following centuries.
The need for translation soon of course rose in a language like Persian spoken by large populations and used by different dynasties. Persian language had remained consistent and independent by asking the translation firstly and more importantly from Arabic. The language itself has neither been replaced by any other languages nor substantially changed during the centuries. That is why a Persian speaker today can effortlessly understand and enjoy the language of Hafez or Rudaki, the famous poets who lived in the 14th and 9th centuries, respectively.
The need for translation soon of course rose in a language like Persian spoken by large populations and used by different dynasties. Persian language had remained consistent and independent by asking the translation firstly and more importantly from Arabic. The language itself has neither been replaced by any other languages nor substantially changed during the centuries. That is why a Persian speaker today can effortlessly understand and enjoy the language of Hafez or Rudaki, the famous poets who lived in the 14th and 9th centuries, respectively.
The traces of written translation in different periods of the history of Persian language have mostly been based on the king’s demands or special order by one of the influential people in the royal court, mostly for their immediate political needs. This history, before the last century, has was interwoven with political, sometimes military and less commonly scientific texts. Therefore, individual or freelance translators who had been engaged in translation of literary works, or the Persian scientists who were keen to translate texts into Persian are absent in many historical periods. Azarang (15), studying the history of Safavid dynasty (1501–1736), in which Iran had lot of communications with Europe, has associated this strange phenomenon to the lack of concern and interest for learning and evolving in Persian travelers or dispatched students who commute to western countries. He believes that Iran missed a unique opportunity to use the scientific benefits for fundamental changes during Safavid dynasty, which was concurrent with the scientific and industrial transformations of Europe. As we will see, the attempts for translating texts for Iranian users were mostly confined to translation into Arabic instead of Persian as the main language of the whole plateau in post-Islamic era. The new movement of translating texts from different subjects into Persian was seen some 100 years after Safavid kings, during mid-Qajar era (1795–1925).
In this article a historical investigation of Persian translation is presented based on what is available in collecting books and articles, mostly based on four important references: Karimi-Hakkak’s article in Encyclopedia of Translation Studies (1998), Daeratol’ma’aref-e Bozorg-e Eslami (2008), Behrouz Karoubi’s important article (2017), and Azarang’s detailed chronological event book (2015). The study has been divided into five sections based on the five historical periods: Ancient Persia, Medieval Persian, The Mongol Era, Post-Mongol Era, and the Modern Period. This is more or less the same division done by Karimi-Hakkak, as the main resource of this article, but with a specific extension. This investigation refers primarily to translation into Persian and some comparatively rare cases of translation from Persian into the other languages, will exclusively be dealt with.
Ancient Persia (Before 651) Karimi-Hakkak (493) mentions that “Translation into Persian has a long and eventful history; it has played an important part in the evolution of Iranian and Iranate civilizations throughout Western Asia and beyond.” We see the first traces of translation in medieval Persia, in which close contact and interface between Arabic and Persian occurred. He claims that “The Achamenian empire was multilingual, and many of its documents were written not only in various language of the empire, but in Babylonian and Elamite as well. Still our information about specific translation activities among these languages is too sketchy to allow any in-depth discussion of trends and patterns.” Later on, only with the formation of the Sasanian dynasty in Persia (AD 224–652) and the rise of Middle Persian the first authentic historical information about intercultural exchange could be found.
Behistun Inscription as the unique masterpiece in Achamenian’s era is an exclusive phenomenon in the history of translation of the world; Azarang argues that it is one of the most important translated texts in that era as well as one of the examples of precise translation. Translation of Behistun inscribed stone seems to be done by a number of trusted linguists who probably checked the texts’ conformity more than once. This translation shows that a precise translation accompanied by artistic delicacies on the stones had reached a very good level in that time (35).
Scholarship suggests that Old Persian was transmitted orally, as we have no written records from that time. There is Avesta, a religious book in what scholars have termed Avestan, a language closely related to Old Persian. Even though it was committed to writing in the fourth century AD, Avesta contains some Zoroastrian hymns thought to be in older Iranian languages” (qtd. in Karimi-Hakkak 493).
Medieval Persian (651-1206) In the post Islamic era, the most significant translation works included nearly all of extant translations are from middle Persian into Arabic. This took place, as Karimi-Hakkak mentions, in the hope to save religious or literary works from destruction by transferring them into the newly spread and mostly accepted language which was Arabic at the time.
We do not still have access to any written works that reveals the exact historical events in Iran during 100 years after the Arab conquest in the middle of seventh century. We could not find an example of written translated practice in that century either. We know that written Persian had not yet developed much in that time and was not yet common around the country. Furthermore, according to Azarang, knowing the relation between some Iranians and Arab people seems not to be possible at the end of the century to understand the related linguistic relations. In the second century after Islam, however, we have evidence to show that some Iranian scientists who learned Arabic started to translate medieval works from Persian to Arabic in the fields of philosophy, logic, astronomy, medicine, pharmacology, ethics, and culture (Azarang, 95).
In Medieval era almost all Persian writers and scholars were bilingual, as the dominant language especially for writing was Arabic; by most of experts and philosophers. Karimi-Hakkak puts forward a list of famous internationally recognized Persian celebrities when he states that “in addition to the historian Tabari and physician and philosopher Avicenna, three of the greatest Islamic theologians – the Shi’ite Mohammad Tusi (d. 1076), the Sunni reformist Mohammad al-Ghazāli (d. 1111), and the Mo‘tazelite Zamakhshari (d. 1144) – who was also a great grammarian and lexicographer – can be counted among these, as can the jurist and philosopher Fakhr al-Din Rāzi (d. 1209)”. These men sometimes prepared Persian versions of the works they had written originally in Arabic, or supervised their students in such tasks. This is one reason why the border between translation and original work, as envisaged in that culture, appears blurred to us (496).
This fluidity enabled medieval Persian scientists and philosophers to be original authors and translators at the same time. The absence of proprietary concerns in medieval times further undermines modern-day efforts to distinguish writing from translation. Acts of borrowing, adaptation and appropriation were undertaken in ways that transcend modern classifications. The corpus of philosophical and scientific works in Persian is replete with bilingual texts or hybrids, as well as those in which text and commentary are in two different languages. There are also numerous texts of an indeterminate character; these may or may not be considered original works with later commentaries or annotated translations. Within the terms of medieval Persia, such works must be assumed to have originated in Arabic unless proven otherwise (496).
According to Mary Boyce, there was an unfortunate fact that none of the literature of the Parthian period has survived in its original because of their oral form. She explains that our knowledge about Parthian literature is thus mainly through recensions, redactions, or partial translations in Middle Persian (1157–1158). Karimi-Hakkak mentions: “We also know that the Sasanian kings encouraged translations from Greek and Latin. Much historical knowledge, lost to the Persians as a result of the chaos that followed Alexander’s conquest in 330 BC, was regained in this way. The Sasanian monarch Shapur I commissioned many translations from Greek and Indian works to be incorporated into collections of religious texts” (494).
Even for the extensive Sassanian literature which we know for certain that many works of other languages were translated into Middle Persian [must be rephrased], we have regrettably no knowledge about the linguistic features of translation that were used by the translators at that time or strategies which have been prevalent (qtd. in Karoubi 596).
Many translated works have been reported by Younes Keramati in the 14th century, which were from Persian and Iranian Arabic into Greek. The territories under the rule of the Trabzon Empire, from the early 14th century, witnessed a short resurrection of the translation of Persian works into Greek. The importance of translation between the two languages could be shown when we see that the translation of an astronomical work attributed to Shamsuddin Bukharaei, an Iranian scientist, led to the creation of the new Persian astronomical era in the Trabzon Empire. Among many important translated works, another Byzantine physician named Georgios Choniates translated an important Persian toxicology into Greek. Keramati believes that the superiority of Iranian education in Greece through translation (whether from Arabic or Persian) is proved by the fact that in that age, compared to the translation of many Persian works, not a single work has been translated from Greek into Persian (35). In an encyclopedic research, Ahmad Pakatchi argues that in translation from Persian to Turkish of Kharazmi, examples of literary works abound. Among them, instead of a precise translation, a kind of literary re-creation has taken place. A good example of this kinds is Khosrow and Shirin from Qutb Kharazmi (in 1341) which is the recreation of the famous poetry of Masnavi of Khosrow and Shirin by Nezami Ganjavi. In addition, the translation of Attar Neyshabouri’s Tazkerat al-Awliya is less changed because of its nature as simple prose but its translation has been done with some variations.
As argued by Karimi-Hakkak (494), “in the second half of the seventh century, Islam began to spread over the Iranian plateau gradually but steadily. This marks a unique turning point in the life of Iranians, not only religiously, but culturally and linguistically as well. The Persian language constitutes the most tangible link between Islamic and pre-Islamic Iranian cultures.”
Rozveh or Ruzbeh, better known by his Muslim name ‘Abdollāh Ebn-Al-Moqaffa’ (executed about 759), translated the Panchatantra and Khotay-namak (a collection of mythical legends of Persian kings and heroes) into Arabic. In all likelihood, he is also responsible for the translation into Arabic of accounts of the sixth century reformist prophet Mazdak, and that of his followers. Such texts, later translated from Arabic back into New Persian (Karoubi, 494).
Hediscovered two parallel tendencies in the eighth and ninth centuries. “The first, consisted of a series of translations made from extant texts into Arabic, later translated back into Persian. The second activity, undertaken by Persian converts to Islam, took the shape primarily of commentaries on the holy Qur’ān’ which could not be translated. Translation strategies were especial in that time in which ‘texts were subjected. to a variety of changes; they were simplified, annotated, abridged, illustrated with pictures and diagrams, mended through sequels, or otherwise altered to suit the specific needs of the patron and the new readership” (Karoubi, 495).
The Mongol Era (1206–1368)
In line with this classification Karimi-Hakkak states that “following the Mongol and Tartar invasions of the thirteenth through fifteenth centuries, new patterns of interaction emerged between Persian on the one hand and a number of Indian and Turkic languages on the other, making this history even more complex and multifarious.” The Mongol conquest of Iran in the thirteenth century gradually put an end to the influence of the Arabic-speaking neighbors of the country and, as a result, led to the reduction of works composed in the Arabic language and the increase in works originally written in Persian. Karoubi refers to Mo’jam as one good example of this tendency. The book is written by Shams-e Qays-e Rāzi’s, as an effort of literary criticism that was originally composed in Arabic and, following the Mongol invasion, rewritten in Persian. In the preface to his book, Qays-e Rāzi claims that he had rewritten it in Persian on the request of many Persian poets and literati who did not possess sufficient knowledge of Arabic and were questioning the rationale behind composing a work on Persian poetic prosody in Arabic, because in their view such a work would be useful neither for the Arab audience, who had no familiarity with Persian language, nor for the Persian readers (see Shams-e Qays-e Rāzi, 1232/ 1935, pp. 17–18) (qtd. in Karoubi 598). Nasir al-Din Tusi (d. 1274) translated the Greek basic manuals of mathematics and geometry, including Euclid’s Elements and Theodosius’s Spherica into Arabic, and the astrological judgements of Ptolemy from Arabic into Persian. In each case, he added his own comments to his translations (Karimi-Hakkak 496).
The Post-Mongol Era (1368-1789)
According to Karimi-Hakkak (497), “by the thirteenth century, Persian was becoming well established in India as the language of religious, literary and legal learning and communication. A number of important translations began to be made from Sanskrit and other Indian languages into Persian.” The variations of translation and using different languages in India have been mentioned by him as a result of creation of more multilingual society in the region. He indicates that ‘[w]ords trafficked more freely between Persian and other languages, and a degree of tolerance emerged towards mixed usages. This in turn gave rise to a divergence between the Persian of Iran proper and that of India and Central Asia. Furthermore, translations were now made into Persian not so much from Arabic but from Indian and Turkic languages, as well as English and Russian’.
1. The Modern Period in Iran (after 1789)
Karimi-Hakkak (497-498) mentions that with the dominance Russia over Central Asia in the latter part of the nineteenth century, ‘almost all translation activity in Persian-speaking Central Asia was realigned with Chaghatay (later Uzbek) and Russian languages. The latter part of the nineteenth century was very important for the translation movement in Iran and for Persian language’. He adds ‘after a century and a half of political instability, the Qajar dynasty (ruled 1795–1925) had returned a semblance of stability to Iranian society early in the century. More or less regular cultural contact with Europe had begun with the dispatch of Iranian students to Europe, adding to the pressing need for inter-governmental contact”. (497)
Azarang (2015) and Karoubi (2017) see the measures done by the famous Qajar Prince, Abbas Mirza, (1789–1833) in the said era as the turning point in the history of translation in Iran. Karoubi mentions that:
Following their humiliating defeat by the numerically inferior but technologically superior Russian forces in the Russo-Persian wars (1804–1828), the Iranians started to realize that over 1000 years of having limited political exchange had kept them technologically inferior. Therefore, the defeat in the Russo-Persian war served as a wake-up call for the Iranians to resort to translation as the main means to compensate for their weaknesses. Abbās Mirzā, the Qajar crown prince of Persia, played a very influential role in the initiation of the new translation movement by commissioning the first translations from modern European languages into Persian and dispatching a number of Iranian students to western Europe for education, some of whom later became involved in translation activities. It was also during his reign that lithographic printing was for the first time introduced into Iran. (P. 598)
According to a travelogue written by Pierre Amédée Jaubert, the French diplomat and orientalist, who met Fat’h Ali Shah the king of Iran at the time, the king himself was very interested in acquiring the western knowledge, industry and culture, and therefore sought the ways in his mind for transmission of those aspects. Through the relation stablished between French and Iran, Napoleon Bonaparte sent a number of French officers and military experts to Iran. It was when the information about the French army and military regulations was begun to be translated into Persian (Azarang 221) seemingly with supervision of Abbas Mirza.
Azarang designates the names of some pioneer translators which were ordered by Abbas Mirza as well as the Western educated individuals who had involved in the new historical movement of translation in the same era. Mirza Saleh Shirazi who was sent to England, for acquiring the printing technology was one of these names. Karimi-Hakkak referred to this phenomenon in era of Qajar Dynasty as “renaissance of translation activity in Iran”. (498)
The Next part of this article is the main extract from Karimi-Hakkak article in Encyclopedia of Translation Studies which is the best expression of the history of translation in Iran, since Qajar dynasty.
The new translation movement was propelled primarily by the perceived need to gain access to European sciences and technology. Anxious to modernize the Iranian army and bureaucracy, the Qajar state followed the dispatching of groups of students to Europe by the establishment of a polytechnic College, modelled after European institutions of higher education. Established in Tehran in 1852 and known as Dār al-Fonūn (House of Techniques), this institution played a crucial part in modernizing Iran. European teachers were hired to teach a variety of subjects, often with Iranians as their assistants and interpreters. They also prepared a number of textbooks in various sciences which were based largely on European scientific works. Thus, translation and interpreting began to play a crucial part in the evolution of pedagogical processes in modern Iran. (498)
Many early Iranian translators of European works were graduates of Dār al-Fonūn. Chief among them was Mohammad-Hasan Khān, better known as E‘temād al-Saltaneh, the last title the court bestowed on him. From 1871 to 1896 E‘temad al-Saltaneh headed a new government office called Dār al-Tarjomeh (House of Translation), designed to coordinate government-sponsored translation and interpreting activities. The office was charged with supervising all state-sponsored translation activities. Under E‘temād al-Saltaneh’s tutelage, many significant European works were made available to Iranians, often from French and frequently in more or less free versions which approached adaptation. (498)
Soon, translation activity was directed towards disciplines such as history, politics and literature and became an integral part of various modernization projects. It was almost always undertaken to make Iranians conscious of their own backwardness, in spite of a glorious past. European orientalists had been studying Persian literature and Iranian history with interest and enthusiasm for over a century, and the Romantics had glorified Persian culture and civilization, particularly of pre-Islamic times. Iranians had to be made aware of these works if they were to strive to regain the glory of their ancient culture. (498)
In broader terms, translation has been at the base of a great many philosophical and scientific enquiries, cultural speculations, social activities and political agendas in Iran throughout the modern period. It has been the chief means of introducing Iranians to new ideas, schools of thought and literary trends. It has been considered a necessary component of the drive towards modernity, no less so in the Islamic republic than in the monarchial state which preceded it. As a result, it has been pursued with an enthusiasm and determination unparalleled in the history of the Persian language. Today, almost all important works of Western civilization, from Aristotle and Plato to examples of the latest trends in American or French fiction, are available in Persian translation. (499)
At the same time, translation has at times been viewed as an easy road to fame, if not to fortune, particularly in the social sciences and literature. While it has attracted much talent, it has at times had a negative impact on the evolution of the culture. It has certainly thwarted efforts to explore possibilities of political, social or cultural development which do not fit into Western patterns. Be that as it may, the importance of translation as a cultural activity has encouraged almost all notable intellectuals of contemporary Iran to try their hand at it. Rarely have these intellectuals specialized in fields such as literature or the social sciences. Instead, the impulse to translate seems to follow the search for relevance or the perceived need to buttress or justify one’s own position, politically, philosophically or aesthetically. (499)
Meanwhile, translation had remained a central component of the language learning process, particularly at university level. However, the activity was pursued in fairly traditional ways which were not always conducive to training competent, professional translators and interpreters. The main activity consisted of actual translations, with little discussion of the theoretical underpinnings or the principles governing the actual process of text production. Typically, students would offer their own translations, discussions would ensue, and a text would be suggested as the best possible rendition of a given original. (500)
Through the 1970s, efforts were undertaken at Tehran University, the College of Translation and elsewhere, to introduce a new approach to teaching literary translation from English into Persian and vice versa. Teaching was based essentially on examining existing translations and discussing their relative merits and shortcomings. It also aimed to instil a sense of the comparative grammars of the languages and texts involved. Extensive discussions of the style, diction and context of each text replaced the requirement of text production. Important as it is, translation pedagogy has never been studied in Iran as a crucial component of translation activity. (500)
Azarang, refers to the absolute superiority of French as the source language in Persian translation in the early decades of 20th century. As an example, in one Iranian year around 1921-1922, only four literary titles were translated into Persian, among which not a single book was selected from English. He adds by quoting Ramezani’s comment that: ‘The number of selected stories and plays between 1921 and 1932 was a total of 180 titles. At that time, names of books translated from English to Persian were rarely seen. In addition, even those English-language works may have been re-translated from French into Persian, such as the stories of Jack London, an American author whose translations were translated from French into Persian some decades later. Quoting the available evidence, he states that it was only in later years that works by English-language authors such as Shakespeare, Dickens, Alan Poe, O’Henry and others were translated into Persian, while it is not possible to say precisely which of the works has been directly translated from English. (Azarang, “Translation from English”, 60).
References:
Azarang, Abdolhossein. Tärikhe Tarjome dar Iran [The History of Translation in Iran]. Ghoghnous, 2015.
--- “Translation from English to Persian.” Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. XV, 2008, pp. 59-68.
Boyce, Mary. “Parthian writings and literature.” Cambridge history of Iran, edited by E. Yarshater, Cambridge University Press, vol. 3.2, 1983, pp. 1151–1165.
Britannica [Online Encyclopedia), https://www.britannica.com/topic/Iranian-languages#ref603427.Accessed 8 Sep 2020.
Daeratol’ma’aref-e Bozorg-e Eslami [Great Islamic Encyclopedia]. vol. XV, The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, 2008.
Karoubi, Behrouz. “A concise history of translation in Iran from antiquity to the present time.” Perspectives, vol. 25, no.4, 2017, pp. 594-608. doi:10.1080/0907676X.2016.1277248 Keramati, Younes. “Translation from Arabic and Persian to Greec”. Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. 15, 2008, pp. 34-36.
Karimi-Hakkak, Ahmad. “Persian tradition”, Routledge encyclopedia of translation studies, edited by Mona Baker and Gabriela Saldanha, Routledge, 1998, pp. 493–501.
Pakatchi, Ahmad. “Translation from Arabic and Persian to oriental Turkic”. Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. XV, 2008, pp. 45-47.
Parsi Nejad, Iraj. “Translation from European languages to Persian”. Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. XV, 2008, pp. 56-59.
Rezaee Baghbidi. Hassan. “Translation from Sanskrit and Pahlavi to Arabic”. Great Islamic Encyclopedia. The Center for the Great Islamic Encyclopedia, vol. XV, 2008, pp. 24-33.