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• 20220630_Culture_1 papers 1-10: 1: 英语笔译 卞王倩 Bian Wangqian 202170081563 Europeanized Chinese and Cultural Factors Behind it, 2: 英语笔译 曹姣 Cao Jiao 202170081564 Research on court culture in the Tang Dynasty from the perspective of poem -- take Changhenge for example, 3 英语笔译 陈路瑶 Chen Luyao 202170081565, 4 英语笔译 崔晓凡 Cui Xiaofan 202170081566, 5 英语笔译 邓阳林 Deng Yanglin 202170081567, 6 英语笔译 高智慧 Gao Zhihui 202170081568, 7 英语笔译 何丽娜 He Lina 202170081569, 8 英语笔译 胡良明 Hu Liangming 202170081570, 9 英语笔译 黄琼 Huang Qiong 202170081571, 10 英语笔译 邝雨琪 Kuang Yuqi 202170081572
• 20220630_Culture_2 papers 11-20: 11 英语笔译 黎溢佳 Li Yijia 202170081573, 12 英语笔译 李思敏 Li Simin 202170081574, 13 英语笔译 李思源 Li Siyuan 202170081575, 14 英语笔译 李婷 Li Ting 202170081576, 15 英语笔译 李欣 Li Xin 202170081577, 16 英语笔译 李颖 Li Ying 202170081578, 17 英语笔译 李媛 Li Yuan 202170081579, 18 英语笔译 李梓婕 Li Zijie 202170081580, 19 英语笔译 梁思婷 Liang Siting 202170081581, 20 英语笔译 廖诗韵 Liao Shiyun 202170081582
• 20220630_Culture_3 papers 21-30: 21 英语笔译 刘唱 Liu Chang 202170081583, 22 英语笔译 刘乐乐 Liu Lele 202170081584, 23 英语笔译 刘双英 Liu Shuangying 202170081585, 24 英语笔译 刘婷 Liu Ting 202170081586, 25 英语笔译 刘瑶 Liu Yao 202170081587, 26 英语笔译 刘珍 Liu Zhen 202170081588, 27 英语笔译 龙翰良 Long Hanliang 202170081589, 28 英语笔译 罗姚林 Luo Yaolin 202170081590, 29 英语笔译 马艳焕 Ma Yanhuan 202170081591, 30 英语笔译 聂薇 Nie Wei 202170081592
• 20220630_Culture_4 papers 31-40: 31 英语笔译 孙丽君 Sun Lijun 202170081593, 32 英语笔译 仝雨梦 Tong Yumeng 202170081594, 33 英语笔译 童略雅 Tong Lueya 202170081595, 34 英语笔译 庹树梅 Tuo Shumei 202170081596, 35 英语笔译 王思琪 Wang Siqi 202170081597, 36 英语笔译 王亚娟 Wang Yajuan 202170081598, 37 英语笔译 肖冬晴 Xiao Dongqing 202170081599, 38 英语笔译 肖佳莉 Xiao Jiali 202170081600, 39 英语笔译 谢晓莹 Xie Xiaoying 202170081601, 40 英语笔译 熊嘉玲 Xiong Jialing 202170081602
• 20220630_Culture_5 papers 41-50: 41 英语笔译 颜媛 Yan Yuan 202170081603, 42 英语笔译 杨心怡 Yang Xinyi 202170081604, 43 英语笔译 杨紫微 Yang Ziwei 202170081605, 44 英语笔译 张国浩 Zhang Guohao 202170081606, 45 英语笔译 张姣玲 Zhang Jiaoling 202170081607, 46 英语笔译 张瑞 Zhang Rui 202170081608, 47 英语笔译 赵宇翔 Zhao Yuxiang 202170081609, 48 英语笔译 郑冬琴 Zheng Dongqin 202170081610, 49 英语笔译 钟青 Zhong Qing 202170081611, 50 英语笔译 周皓熙 Zhou Haoxi 202170081612
• 20220630_Culture_6 papers 51-60: 51 英语笔译 周哲 Zhou Zhe 202170081613, 52 英语笔译 朱丽娟 Zhu Lijuan 202170081614, 53 英语口译 段小蝶 Duan Xiaodie 202170081615, 54 英语口译 方楚晗 Fang Chuhan 202170081616, 55 英语口译 胡雯雯 Hu Wenwen 202170081617, 56 英语口译 黄天琪 Huang Tianqi 202170081618, 57 英语口译 兰绮 Lan Qi 202170081619, 58 英语口译 李丹 Li Dan 202170081620, 59 英语口译 李立飞 Li Lifei 202170081621, 60 英语口译 莫雨婷 Mo Yuting 202170081622
• 20220630_Culture_7 papers 61-70: 61 英语口译 彭慧璇 Peng Huixuan 202170081623, 62 英语口译 时友洁 Shi Youjie 202170081624, 63 英语口译 伍佳惠 Wu Jiahui 202170081625, 64 英语口译 夏晶 Xia Jing 202170081626, 65 英语口译 向师琦 Xiang Shiqi 202170081627, 66 英语口译 向望 Xiang Wang 202170081628, 67 英语口译 徐舞 Xu Wu 202170081629, 68 英语口译 张静芝 Zhang Jingzhi 202170081630, 69 英语口译 张旻丰 Zhang Minfeng 202170081631, 70 日语笔译 曹梦然 Cao Mengran 202170081632
• 20220630_Culture_8 papers 71-80: 71 日语笔译 胡梦琪 Hu Mengqi 202170081633, 72 日语笔译 张白鹭 Zhang Bailu 202170081634, 73 朝鲜语笔译 刘安莉 Liu Anli 202170081635, 74 朝鲜语笔译 王思佳 Wang Sijia 202170081636, 75 朝朝鲜语笔译 徐盖 Xu Gai 202170081638, 76 朝鲜语笔译 徐文慧 Xu Wenhui 202170081639, 77 外国语言文学 Akira Jantarat 202121080009, 78 比较文学与跨文化研究 Mahzad 202021080004, 79 英语语言文学 Mimi 2020GBJ002301

英语口译 向望 Xiang Wang 202170081628

Fandom Culture in China Xiang Wang

1.Introduction

A fandom is a subculture composed of fans characterized by a feeling of empathy and camaraderie with others who share a common interest. It can grow around any area of human interest or activity. Fandom culture, or the so-called "fanquan" culture, refers to online youth communities that coalesce around shared obsessions with celebrity idols. Fanquan, literally meaning "fan circles," are highly organized groups of passionate, loyal fans who voluntarily use their time, money and expertise to make their idols, usually budding pop singers or actors, as popular and influential as possible. China has seen a meteoric rise in fandom culture in recent years.

2.Fandom

History

Although early fandom was strongly perceived as a fandom culture involving a few fanatic people, it has recently brought about a shift in perception that can be accessed in a variety of ways only by the name of a star or related search terms on portal sites, which is largely due to the development of the Internet and media.

Among the numerous fandoms in cyberspace, especially the nation’s “idol” fandom has steadily expanded its influence in various ways to date. In the past, idol fandom culture was called “girl culture” or “teenage culture” and was considered primarily an immature culture for teenage girls, while the third-generation idol fandom has recently expanded to men and over 40s, exerting an influence on cultural consumption aspects for all generations.

Fan relationship

Parasocial relationship is a one-sided relationship as a result of constant exposure to a media persona that a celebrity demonstrates. This then causes fans to develop an illusion of an intimate relationship or friendship. Idols are typically trained to have and form close connections with their fans which leads to this close-knit connection becoming a parasocial relationship. Idols do this through parasocial interaction. Parasocial interaction between fans and idol(s) is a start at explaining fandom culture. The idol(s) become a “parasocial-kin”, an object of consumption and parasocial interaction; such as a family member or a friend. This “parasocial kinship” is defined by how an individual would treat an extended family member, allowing for further understanding of the positive and negative aspects of the idol/fan parasocial relationship.

Celebrities are icons that are driven by their presence in majorly media-driven societies. As time, society, and culture progress, the idols must change and form along with it. The best way that this is represented is through social media.

Fansumer

“Fansumer” is a compound word of “fan” and “consumer.” This means consumers who participate in production, in other words, productive consumers. Then, the fan base, which was classified as a fandom, turned into a very active fan who focused on the interaction of planning, investing and checking while participating in the overall production and production process for products or entertainers, not just one-sided love and purchase for one-sidedly.

Fansumer’s sphere of activity is very wide. As mentioned above, they invest in startup idea products, engage in corporate product development, engage in marketing activities as supporters, and support or criticize celebrities or influencers, not to mention fostering celebrities before their debut. The driving force behind these Fansumer’s activities is the pride that ‘it was made by me.’ It’s called Byme Syndrome, noting the efficacy of being created by me.

Fan behavior

Positive

Members of idol fandoms may better themselves in the pursuit of their obsession, such as by studying to enter the same university as their idols, learning foreign languages to follow their idol’s career abroad, or learning image-processing techniques to edit photos of the idol. Fans’ role in creating their own fan content allows for idol groups to gain mainstream exposure in the west, and have tours abroad.

Negative

Stalker fans are considered to have become overly obsessed with a public figure and engaged in behavior that constitutes an invasion of privacy. Stalker fans may disguise themselves as a stage hand or manager to approach the star or pretend to be reporters in order to gain entry to a press conference. Many fans use the Internet and social media to find and track the location of their idols. Some of the fans came to the group’s hostel, stole the members’ underwear, took pictures of them sleeping, and later sent the pictures to the members by text message. Many normal fans have an unpleasant feeling about such fans’ actions. Paparazzi also exist in China and Zhuo Wei is one of the most famous ones. They report on the private lives of celebrities in the Chinese entertainment industry and have violated privacy by exposing secrets and illicitly taken photos.

3. Fandom culture

Overview

Fandom culture is not new. Long before the internet, fan clubs were organizing gatherings, publishing magazines, and writing fan fiction. But in the early 2000s, the rise of social networks fundamentally changed the face of fandom, turning it from a pleasant communal activity into something competitive, chaotic, and even abusive.

In China, the main driving force behind this evolution of fandom is Sina Weibo, the largest social media platform in the country. In addition to helping enthusiasts find their communities, Weibo also brought celebrities and their supporters closer together by breaking down the wall between them. At its core, the way Weibo operates in the world of fandom is no different than its global counterparts like Twitter and Instagram. But if in the West the relationship between stars and their fans can be called one-sided — fans just follow, consume content, or copy the lavish lifestyles on display — in China the relationship is more co-dependent.

The fan circle members are believed to be mostly Generation Zers born after 1995, and their number has grown significantly in recent years. In 2020, about 8 percent of China’s 183 million underage netizens engaged in reputation-boosting activities for their idols, according to a recent report from the China Internet Network Information Center.

The status quo of fandom culture in China

For many young people in China, particularly those born after the 1990s, fandom culture—which can be traced back to the idol worship of the 1980s and 1990s—has offered a rare avenue for identity formation and community building in society. As networked and often highly organized communities of fans rallying around their beloved idols, “fandoms” have enabled close parasocial interactions in which fans feel a kind of intimacy with the object of their shared interest, as well as a sense of active participation that can be empowering and identity-forming.

Examples of fandom culture include the hit show “Idol Producer,” which launched in January 2018 on the online video platform iQiyi and empowered fans to select and promote their favored contestants from among 100 aspiring performers. The ultimate goal of the program was to select nine performers to form a brand-new male idol group. As fans organized to promote their favored idols through social media platforms, their interactions were fueled by Gen Z-focused services like live-streaming and live commerce.

Fandoms have become big business in China. A report published by iResearch Consulting Group put the market value of the fan economy in China at close to $620 billion in 2019 and estimated that the fan economy would grow a further 50 percent by 2023.

It would be easy to dismiss fandoms as shallow and celebrity-obsessed, but the highly organized online communities forming around China’s fandoms have already demonstrated their potential for both social activism and political organization. Perhaps the most prominent example of online fandom communities’ potential for political expression came in 2016, when the so-called “Diba expedition” saw thousands of highly organized cyber-nationalists, mostly “fan girls,” mob the Facebook account of Taiwan’s newly elected leader, Tsai Ing-wen.

Fandoms and their capacity for collective action were also one of the largely untold stories of China’s fight against the COVID-19 epidemic in its early stage. In January 2020, as it became clear that an epidemic had emerged in Wuhan and surrounding areas, the government response was far too slow in many key areas, including the provision of protective equipment. By contrast, the networks already formed within fandom culture—the same that allowed mobilization in support of chosen idols—enabled the rapid marshalling of resources. On Jan. 21, 2020, one day after China confirmed human transmission of COVID-19, the fan network of Zhu Yilong, a young actor originally from the city of Wuhan, mobilized funds to purchase more than 200,000 protective masks. These and other supplies were delivered to Wuhan within 24 hours, offering much-needed support for medical personnel and others on the front lines. The aid offered by the Zhu Yilong network is just one of many examples of how online groups provided a crucial means of support amid a rapidly unfolding crisis.

4. Fandom culture in the wave of social media

Fandom culture has been around for centuries. However, it is the emergence of social media in recent decades that has led to the remarkable transformation and development of fandom culture. Most obviously, fans play a more active role. They are not like completely passive receivers in the past but participate in the production process of cultural products on their own initiative. All these phenomena show that fandom culture profoundly impacts the economy, culture, society, and other fields.

The impacts of digital networks

Many processes, such as forming fan groups and creating fandom culture, require communication and interaction. However, due to the limited means of communication, in the pre-Internet era, communication between fans was always hindered in various ways, either by long distances or inconvenient schedules. Henry Jenkins argues that the emergence of digital networks has made it possible for fans who might not otherwise have met to have meaningful conversations and has created a new context that fans can share. It is reasonable to declare that those barriers mentioned above have been broken in a digital network environment where the degree of fan interaction is much higher than in the pre-Internet era, as is the degree of fandom culture development.

The interaction between social media and fan engagement

In the first 10 years of the new century, the world Internet gradually developed from Web1.0 to Web2.0. Compared with Web 1.0, Web 2.0 emphasizes more on interactivity. This feature has laid the foundation for the emergence of social media platforms and thus promoted the new development of fandom culture. Guo Shuojia points out that the rise of social media has greatly broadened the scale of fan groups and promoted communication within fan groups. Because the fans can communicate and discuss on social media in real-time, which all result in the prosperity of the immediacy and participation of the current fan culture (Guo Shuojia, 2018,147-162).

In the second decade of the 21st century, fandom culture has seen a new boom around the world, which is related to the continuous upgrading of social media. All the efforts that social media make to increase users’ stickiness and activity objectively help fandom culture grow. Take Weibo for example, China’s largest entertainment social media platform. When a user chooses to follow a celebrity, the user is immediately notified of the celebrity’s tag, channel, and fan group. Further, through big data technology, the user will be frequently recommended content related to or similar to the celebrity, including entertainment news, commercial advertisements, and other content, when browsing information.

Celebrities’ active participation in social media

Moreover, the growth of fandom culture is not the result of the rise of social media alone. Celebrities also choose to use social media to enhance the sense of intimacy and provide greater possibilities for interaction (Guo Shuojia, 2018). In other words, it’s not just fans who are discovering the power of social media. Celebrities and the business communities behind them are also noticing the value that social media can bring. Since she joined Twitter in 2008, Lady Gaga has insisted on interacting with her fans as a publicity hot spot. Lucy Bennett has summarized this kind of phenomenon as “the emergence and widespread use of social media by celebrities are trying to reconfigure the contact level and participation depth between both fans and celebrities” (Lucy Bennett, 2014, 109-120). Since its establishment in 2009, Weibo has also attracted a large number of celebrities to come here to share their daily life and communicate with their fans, which attracts more fans and improves their business value. With the expansion of fans, fandom culture and fan economy have entered the mainstream of society.

Brief summary

The growth of fandom culture results from a multi-faceted effort by social media, fans, and celebrities. The emergence and development of social media have narrowed the distance between celebrities and fans, creating a new environment for real-time comments and feedback from fans. At the same time, the development of fandom culture has promoted the development of the fan economy. In the context of the double prosperity of fan culture and fan economy, fans have become an indispensable group in the social scene, and their influence soared.

5.The role change of fans

From receiver to producer

Firstly, the exchange of traditional media to emerging social media promotes the development of the participatory culture of fandom, which makes their role change from the receiver to the producer. According to Henry Jenkins, participatory culture is a notion to describe how media fandom operates, and it is known as spectator culture (Henry Jenkins, 1992). And we consider participatory culture important to fandom culture because fandom was participatory in so far as fans formed alternative interpretations that were often expressed through unauthorized cultural productions. Before the 2010s, the mainstream media was still traditional media, making the fans only receive information from official sites, and there is not enough space or suitable platform for fandom to expand. However, John Fiske pointed out that fans are the producers and consumers of popular culture capital, and fandom culture has two cores, chatting and derivative creation (John Fiske, 1992, 30-49). Under the control of traditional media, although fans at that time do not have enough space to communicate with each other, there are still platforms like Tieba (in 2009, the Tieba of Li Yuchun already had over a billion) for them to exchange commands and show their derivative creative productions. Therefore, after 10 years, we media emerged, newly developed platforms like Weibo, Bilibili, and the developed technology promote the progress of the social media revolution, producing more alternative spaces for fandom and participatory culture to grow. According to Cai Qi, fans are always the first user and promoter of new media techniques, and the most direct driver of a true communication revolution is, as always, technology (Cai Qi, 2009, 86-90). In the generation of we media, fans have taken the best advantage of social media platforms to promote their fandom. A place like Chaohua (community of Weibo) is now a community for fans to exchange the dynamics of the idol, communicate feelings, and produce artworks. Along with the revolution of social media these years, the role of fans is not only receiver and consumer of information, but also producer and participants of derivative creations.

From passive to active

The revolution of social media also changes the mindset of fans from passive to active. As mentioned above, the essence of fandom culture is participatory culture. Fans need to have communication in the fandom. The change of mindset can be considered a willingness to communicate with other people and enlarge their fandom. According to Cai Qi and Huang Yaoying, based on the technology development, from traditional media to emerging we media, information spreading is also changed from node to surface to multiple nodes exchange (Cai Qi, Huang Yaoyin, 2011, 28-33). In the age of traditional media, the role of fans on the internet is more like the audience. They receive information from media and form concepts but lack the platform for expression and comments. People can only communicate their ideas with their surroundings which is very limited under the condition of traditional media, and it is also hard for them to form a circle to share a common hobby. While under the condition of we media, people can send out their fragment information through the Internet to everyone and receive the information they are interested in immediately. Fans in this generation can make use of these conditions and form their fandom quickly. Like in Douban, you can choose to join different groups and find a few people with common interests, which stimulates the willingness of expression quite a lot. Therefore, it can be concluded that the social media revolution encourages expression and different voices, which makes fans braver to share their ideas, and the mindset change from passive to active.

6.The impact of fandom culture

Thanks to social media, fans have gained so much power compared to the past. As an integral part of society, being such a powerful group allows them to have a strong influence that cannot be neglected on our society. The influence is multi-dimensional and impressive.

Economic influence: fan economy

Among the most followed celebrities on Weibo, Xie Na, who ranked first, has 129 million followers. The figure shows how enormous the fan base is in China, which is also targeted by companies as their potential market. In his 1992 book Textual Poachers, Jenkins described fandom as a base for consumer activism among five core dimensions (Henry Jenkins, 1992). Indeed, many product producers seek the endorsement of famous actors or singers to boost sales. Combining a celebrity’s advertising post on his or her social media and other forms of advertisement is now considered a reliable marketing strategy by big companies. Fans’ purchase power is also demonstrated when their object of admiration makes a new production, whether it is music, a film or other forms of achievement. For example, when a singer or a band releases a new album, fan bases will immediately devote themselves to negotiation with the publisher to get the lowest price possible and design special merchandises like slogans, canvas bags, bottles, etc. These merchandises, with beautiful pictures of the singer or band on them, must be purchased with the album, which serves to attract as many fans as possible to purchase the album. Baidu Jeon Jungkook Bar, a fan base for the K-pop sensation BTS’ member Jungkook, purchased a total of 166,200 Map of the Soul: Persona albums after its release. As Li put it, when fans’ need is met and they are excited about what will come next, they will be willing to spend more money; when the consumption is interactive, it lasts longer (L. Li, 2012, 25-26).

The fan economy in China is driven mostly by minors. An average online fan club has millions of young (mostly female) followers ready to support their idols by contributing money or actively buying the idol’s advertised products. Often, they go beyond spending money. For example, fans can raise an idol’s commercial rating and help him or her get even more endorsement deals if they took a screenshot of the purchase, tagged it with both their own username and the brand’s social account, and uploaded it to social media.

Cooperation with Chinese idols is a proven method for brands to grow their reputation. In 2019, Estee Lauder announced Xiao Zhan, a popular Chinese singer and actor, as its brand ambassador just before Singles’ Day, the world’s largest online shopping festival, held on November 11 every year. As a result, sales exceeded 40 million yuan ($6.2 million) in one hour. U.S. cosmetic brand Origins reported similar results. Its collection, made in collaboration with Wang Yibo, surpassed 30 million yuan ($4.6 million) in one hour. Last year, Chinese actor, singer, and dancer Jackson Yee became a global makeup and skin care ambassador for Armani Beauty and an Emporio Armani global ambassador.

Some studies show that of the estimated 500 million “idol chasers” (defined as anyone ready to spend money on an idol) in China, 36% are willing to spend 100 to 500 RMB ($15 to $75) per month. What do they get in return? Emotional satisfaction, an academic analysis of the fan economy says, is like having a good conversation with a friend. This feeling is the key element of the so-called “emotional capital” of the star. The more people feel that a celebrity can understand and satisfy their emotional needs, the more emotional capital they get.

Cultural influence: creation boom and values shift

Recent years have witnessed a boom of fan productions: fan fiction, fan videos, fan arts, fan edits, etc. Jenkins believed that the reason why more and more people are participating in this creation is that the network provides them with a safe place where they can experiment with new passions or activities (Henry Jenkins, 2018, 11-26). The massive online community offers fans the audience no matter whether their creation is good or bad. Many fans with specialties in a particular area even give instructions to rookies by using social media or making instruction videos. Through social media, each fan could find a way to participate in content creation and feel a sense of belonging and achievement. The advent of social media has also enabled people to voice their opinions in an unimpeded way. Information and knowledge could no longer be cut off from the public; public opinion is free from control and manipulation. Thus, independent of the traditional media, fans have come together to break the mould of society. Their strong voice, in turn, exerts influence on traditional media (Cai Qi, 2009, 86-90). Fans question the values held by most people, for example, the definition of beauty. Wang Ju, a participant in one of the most popular variety shows in China, Produce 101, has dark skin and a strong body contrary to the typical appearance of female idols who are usually slim with light skin color. At the beginning of the show, netizens criticized her harshly, making fun of her skin and exaggerated expressions. However, as the show went on, Wang Ju expressed her respect for the independence of females and demonstrated her candid and ambitious personality, which gained her a lot of fans, many of whom were against her before. Her fans did their utmost to promote her and vote for her, contributing to her rising popularity. People began to recognize this different definition of beauty. Global Times wrote: “The personality Wang displays coincides with the shifting attitudes of China’s younger generations (Zhang Yiqian, 2018).”

Social Influence: Public Welfare

As mentioned before, China has a large fan base, which can play an important role in donation and relief. Fans can deliver what they appeal for online (Cai Qi, 2009, 86-90). Many fan bases continue to make donations to international and domestic organizations such as Whale and Dolphin Conservation, WWF and participate in various projects to help advance the cause of animal, environmental protection, and human welfare. After the coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan at the end of 2019, many fan bases and organizations in China rallied to raise funds for the epicenter of the epidemic. By February 2020, there were more than 300 fan groups in the joint force that has obtained face masks, protective gowns, and other crucial supplies to donate to medical practitioners fighting in Wuhan. Among the deeply concerned fan groups, Lun Deng’s fan club stood out. More than 3000 members of Deng, a famous actor with more than 39 million followers on Weibo, contributed to the donation effort by raising more than 230,000 yuan ($32,752) in 12 hours (Chen Nan, 2020). By doing their utmost to support Wuhan, fans show care and compassion for their compatriots and a sense of social responsibility.

7.The “Clear and Bright ” campaign

The campaign, called “Clear and Bright,” started in June, with the Cyberspace Administration of China (CAC) saying in a statement that it would put an end to cyberbullying and rumor-spreading. Some of the behaviors being targeted include inducing minors to raise funds, vote rigging, and agitating fans to flaunt their wealth and extravagant lives.

The celebrity-ranking ban follows the CAC’s removal of 150,000 pieces of “harmful online content” and punishment of more than 4,000 accounts related to fan clubs, according to a recent Xinhua report.

The campaign was originally launched after an incident in May that came to be known as the “milk waste” scandal. The popular talent show Youth With You 3 encouraged viewers to buy milk and scan the QR code inside the bottle caps to support their favorite stars on the show. Videos of people opening bottles of dairy products and dumping the contents into drains went viral. Some calculated that 270,000 bottles of dairy products were poured directly into the sewage. Intense online backlash caused the show to be suspended by the Beijing Municipal Radio and Television Bureau.

8.Conclusion

Fandom culture emerges as a subculture; it is a cultural phenomenon formed by the interplay between the network and social media. Its emergence and development are an important transformation of niche culture in the era of new media and big data. In the network society, the development of network technology makes interaction possible, and the media is no longer compulsory. Fandom culture is created by fan groups and its characteristics of the organization and circle-based groups, and full participation exert a significant impact on the mainstream culture, the spread of media information, people's behavior and the progress of society. Fandom culture is a double-edged sword and its future development needs to be properly guided by the government.

References

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John Fiske, The Cultural Economy of Fandom, in: L.A. Lewis (Eds.), The Adoring Audience: Fan Culture and Popular Media, Routledge, London, 1992, pp. 30-49. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203181539

Cai Qi, The Internet and the Development of Fan Culture, in: X. Liu, J. Chen, Y. Wang (Eds.), Chinese Journal of Journalism & Communication, Renmin University of China, Beijing, 2009 (7), pp. 86-90.

Cai Qi, Huang Yaoyin, New Media Communication and the Development of Audiences' Participatory Culture, in: P. Liu, Q. Wang (Eds.), Shanghai Journalism Review, Shanghai United Media Group, Shanghai, 2011 (8), pp. 28-33. DOI: https://doi.org/10.16057/j.cnki.31-1171/g2.2011.08.009

L. Li, Fan culture under consumerism, in: C. Jing (Eds), Youth Journalist, Dazhong Press Group, Jinan, 2012 (14), pp. 25-26. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15997/j.cnki.qnjz.2012.14.009

Zhang Yiqian, 2018, Woman not slim and fair shoots to phenomenal stardom with LGBT, feminist fan base, [Online] Retrieved May, 25, 2021, from https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/201806/1105683.shtml

Chen Nan, 2020, Pop fans rally to raise funds for Wuhan, [Online] Retrieved May, 20, 2021, from http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202002/05/WS5e3a1ecca310128217274fd2_6.html

Terms and expressions

Fandom/Fan circle 饭圈

Fansumer 粉丝消费

Stalker fans 私生饭

Paparazzi 狗仔

China Internet Network Information Center 中国互联网络信息中心

Idol Producer 偶像练习生

live-streaming 直播

iResearch Consulting Group 艾瑞咨询集团

fan economy 粉丝经济

Diba expedition 帝吧出征

fan girls 饭圈女孩

participatory culture 参与文化

we media 自媒体

Produce 101 创造101

Whale and Dolphin Conservation 鲸豚保育协会

WWF 世界自然基金会

emotional capital 情感资本

Questions

1. What has led to the remarkable transformation and development of fandom culture?

A.Fans

B.Network

C.Social media

D.Idol

2. What are the fan circle members mostly believed to be?

A.Boomers

B.Generation X

C.Generation Y

D.Generation Z

3. What does “Diba expedition” show?

A.online fandom communities’ potential for political expression

B.a large group of fandom members

C.a journey to a remote area

D.an online platform that focuses on an expedition

Answers

1. Social media

2. Generation Z

3. online fandom communities’ potential for political expression

英语口译 徐舞 Xu Wu 202170081629

The Analysis Of "Chi+O" Xu Wu

Abstract

The structure of "Chi + object" widely exists in Chinese, and studies on this kind of phenomenon emerge in an endless stream. The word "Chi" ranks 105th in the top 8000 words and 77th in the 4000 words commonly used in daily life. Therefore, it is of typical significance to choose the verb "Chi" with object as the research object. Based on the research results, this paper attempts to make a comprehensive and multi angle investigation and research on the phenomenon of "eat" with object through corpus data statistics. This paper mainly discusses the phonetic distribution, semantic types and deep semantic structure of the object after "Chi". Finally, it comes to the conclusion: from the phonetic point of view, the object is mostly monosyllabic and disyllabic; From the perspective of word meaning, food objects are the first; From the perspective of deep semantic structure, patient object is still the most typical type of object. Secondly, by summarizing the diachronic changes of "Chi" with object, we find that the types of object increase after "Chi". The reasons include the change of word meanings, cultural influence, network development and so on.

Key words

Chi; Object

Introduction

"Chi"(eating) has a crucial impact on human life. Its purpose is not only to maintain life, but also to meet people's spiritual needs, and it has become a manifestation of people's enriching life. In Chinese, there are multiple "Chi" structures to describe people's experiences, expressing their inner feelings and thoughts, the semantic and syntactic features of which can always be predicted from the constituent terms. This phenomenon has attracted many scholars to conduct a lot of research on the structure of "Chi" from different perspectives. In modern Chinese, "Chi", as a transitive verb, appears frequently, and it is usually followed by objects, which is also very complicated. Therefore, it has certain scientific value to choose this topic for research.

Literature Review

Through extensive reading and material analysis, the following research directions can be summarized.

1.Analysis from the Perspective of Verb-Object Semantic Relationship Classification

Different scholars hold different views on the semantic relationship of verb-object collocation. Xu Wenhong (2001) believes that verbs, nouns and adjectives usually appear after "Chi". At the same time, he divided the "O" in the "Chi+O" structure into abstract and concrete nouns, and then divided concrete nouns into categories such as place, object, method, and tool. Guo Jimao (1998) believes that in order to carry out the semantic analysis of the verb-object relationship, we should firstly distinguish between the definite object and the non-specified object. Fan Xiao (2006) believes that typical objects and atypical objects should be distinguished. Typical objects often appear in verb-object phrases, such as subject objects and result objects. The relationship between these verb-object phrases is the relationship between the verb and the following object. relationship, such as "Chi" and "He"(drink), while atypical objects such as manner objects and instrumental objects are not common.

2.Analysis from the perspective of cultural linguistics

Wen Suolin (1994) believes that many things and concepts in Chinese are used with "Chi", which reflects the characteristics of traditional Chinese culture and psychology. Xie Xiaoming and Xiong Jinxing (2006) studied the cultural characteristics of common verbs such as "Chi" and "He" with objects based on the differences of national civilization, local products, and characteristics of folk culture.

3. Analysis from the perspective of English and Chinese

Wang Yingxue (2009) expounded the metaphors related to the action of "Chi" in Chinese and English, and compared the similarities and differences between "Chi" and "He" in English and Chinese. Hao Ran (2010) compared the differences of eating and drinking verbs at the cultural level, listed 21 eating and drinking verbs and their corresponding English vocabulary, and summed up the cultural similarities and differences of Chinese and English eating and drinking verbs. Ding Xiaoyu (2015) analyzed the syntactic structure and characteristics of "Chi" in English and Chinese in terms of syntactic generation, and came to the conclusion that English expressions adopt a grammatical passive structure.

4. From the perspective of teaching Chinese as a foreign language

Liu Hongyun (2013) proposed corresponding teaching strategies by analyzing the structure of "Chi+ O". However, since the article focuses on analyzing "Chi + O" from a cultural point of view, and regards this collocation as an idiom for teaching, the teaching plan proposed on this basis is debatable. Li Liye (2017) explained the reasons for choosing "Chi" and "He" verbs as the research objects, and also classified the verbs while conducting etymological analysis respectively.

5. From the perspective of metaphor and metonymy

Xie Xiaoming (2002) took "Chi" and "He" as a case study from the perspectives of dialect, Putonghua and classical Chinese. It mainly discusses the influence of metaphor and metonymy on the change of verb meaning from the perspective of cognition. Jia Yanzi and Wu Fuxiang (2017) conducted lexicalization and categorization research on the concepts of "Chi" and "He" in Chinese, and explained the motivation from the perspective of metaphor and metonymy. The phenomenon of "Chi" and "He" followed by unconventional objects is regarded as the semantic extension of "Chi" and "He".

Research Significance and Corpus Sources

"Chi" is the most basic way of human behavior, and it is a high frequency verb in modern Chinese. Therefore, it is typical to choose the situation of "Chi + O" as the research object. Based on the research results, this paper hopes to pave the way for the overall research by examining the situation of "Chi + O", and bring some new inspirations to the research in this direction. At the same time, in the process of research, the necessary research and discussion are carried out on the theoretical issues involved, and efforts are made to obtain theoretical gains. The final conclusions can make the research of modern Chinese characters develop in a deeper and updated direction. This paper uses the Media Language Corpus of Communication University of China. Through the statistics of the Media Language Corpus of the Communication University of China, 25,429 corpora were obtained, and 13,096 corpora that met the requirements were obtained after screening.

The syllable distribution of "Chi" with object in modern Chinese

1.Syllables Voice is ubiquitous, and people are inseparable from voice in the process of daily oral communication. Voice is the material shell of language symbols, a product formed by the development of human society, and a convention. Speech includes several units of different sizes such as phonemes, syllables, etc. Among them, the unit of speech that is most easily perceived by the human ear is the syllable. Syllable is the most natural structural unit in speech, to be precise, syllable is the smallest unit that can be freely combined segment structure unit [1]. In Chinese, a syllable often corresponds to a Chinese character. According to the number of syllables, words can be divided into single-syllable words, two-syllable words, three-syllable words and so on. The following will count and analyze the syllable distribution of the object after "Chi" according to the corpus data.

2.Statistics Enter the word "Chi" in the corpus and we will find 25429 records. Among them, there are 13,096 records with the object of "Chi". After summarizing, it is found that the syllables with the object after "Chi" are more diverse, such as the one-syllable object "difficulty", "suffering", "melon", etc.; "breakfast", etc.; objects with three syllables such as "ice cream", etc.; and even objects with four or more syllables, as shown in the following table:

Syllable Type Total Percentage Monosyllable 7128 54.43% Two-syllable 4736 36.16% Three-syllable 1006 7.68% Four-syllable 144 1.24% Four or more syllables 58 0.49%<math>Insert formula here</math>

3.Conclusion There are various types of objects after "Chi", including monosyllabic, two-syllable, three-syllable, four-syllable and even five-syllable and so on. Among them, the frequency with single syllable is the highest, accounting for more than 54% of the total. Specifically, The more commonly used collocations include "Chi Ku"(endure hardship), "Chi Gua"(eat melon) etc., most of which are abstract nouns that are subject objects and express results. The two-syllable object ranks second, accounting for 36% of the total. The more commonly used collocations include "Chi Da Can"(eat a substantial meal), "Chi Huo Guo"(eat a hot pot), "Chi Di Bao"(receive a subsistence allowance), etc. , which covers more than monosyllabic objects, and involves the phenomenon of using tools as objects. The proportion of objects with three syllables and above is relatively low, and the total is less than 10% of the total. Most of these objects are proper nouns or common sayings, with three syllables such as "Chi Banlangen"(take a medicine), "Chi Qiaokeli"(eat chocolate). In addition, there are objects with four syllables and above, such as "Chi Da Yu Da Rou"(eat a substantial meat); five syllables such as "Chi Fan Shi Zhi Fang Suan"(eat trans fatty acids) and so on. According to this rule, the syllables of the object after "Chi" can be expanded infinitely according to its name, such as "Chi Qiaokeli Bingjilin"(eat chocolate ice cream) with a six-syllable object.

The word meaning distribution of "Chi" with object in modern Chinese

1.Word meaning

"Word meaning" can be divided into two categories, one is conceptual meaning, the other is color meaning, which is divided from the perspective of content. Conceptual meaning reflects the content of objective things, which is objective and cannot be changed according to people's subjective guesses; on the contrary, color meaning is more subjective, such as emotional meaning [2]. From a conceptual point of view, word sense types include food, place, tool, and so on. In the following, from the perspective of conceptual meaning, statistics and analysis of the object after "Chi" will be carried out.

2.Statistics

According to the corpus data statistics, the word sense types of the object after "Chi" are mainly concentrated into five categories, namely tools, food, places, abstract nouns and common sayings. Here is a special description of the category of abstract nouns, which mainly includes four types: one is typical abstract nouns such as "power" and "bitter"; the second is adjective words such as "fragrance" and "spicy"; the third is Words with symbolic meanings such as "soft rice", "free rice"; fourth, some phenomena and activities, such as "subsistence allowances" and so on. The above is the author's classification criteria, and the specific distribution is shown in the following table:

Word Meaning type Total Percentage Tool 440 3.37% Food 10736 81.99% Place 24 0.19% Abstract noun 1680 12.84% Colloquialism 210 1.61%<math>Insert formula here</math>

3.Conclusion

There are many types of word meanings with objects after "Chi", especially with the development of the times, the scope of which has been expanded. By summarizing and summarizing, according to the different meanings of words, its objects can be divided into the above categories. According to the chart, it can be seen that the object of food is the most frequently used, accounting for more than 80% of the total. The second is the use of abstract nouns, accounting for more than 12% of the total. Specifically, it includes four types: one is typical abstract nouns as objects, such as "difficulty", "hardship", etc.; the other is some adjective objects, including"eat spicy"; The third is some symbolic words, such as "Chi Ruan Fan"(live relying on one’s wife); the fourth is some social activities or phenomena as objects, including "Chi Di Bao"(live by receiving a subsistence allowance), "Chi Fang Zu"(make life by rent). The third is the object of tools, which accounts for only 3.37%, including "Chi Zhuo"(people eat around a table). From here we The evolution of language can already be seen. The least proportion of the total is the location noun, which is less than 1%, but it has obvious characteristics of the times, such as "Chi Can Guan"(eat at restaurant) and so on. There is also a category of "Chi" with an object, which has cultural characteristics and is different from the previous categories, so it is classified as a common saying, such as "Chi Ding Xin Wan"(feel relieved), etc. The frequency of use is not high in comparison, only accounting for the total number of 1.61 percent.

The semantic structure of "Chi" with object in modern Chinese

1.Semantic structure

According to Xing Fuyi, the meaning of language is semantics. People will have a certain understanding of external objective things, and semantics is the result of expressing this understanding formed in the mind in the form of language. From this, we can deduce that the semantic structure refers to the semantic relationship between the language units hidden in the structure [3]. Starting from the semantic relationship of verb-object, objects can be divided into receiver objects, result objects, source objects, instrumental objects, source objects, location objects and so on. The following will stand in this perspective, classify and summarize the objects after "Chi".

2.Statistics

As mentioned above, from the perspective of deep semantic structure, the objects after “Chi” in the corpus can be divided into many types, such as subject objects, location objects, result objects, source objects, reason objects, and tool objects. Among them, there are four major categories of objects in terms of statistics, including objects of reception, objects of location, objects of results and objects of tools. The specific distribution of these four categories of objects is shown in the following table:

Object type Total Percentage Recipient object 10792 82.41% Object of place 212 1.62% Result object 1472 11.24% Instrumental object 836 4.73%<math>Insert formula here</math>

(3)Conclusion

According to the statistical data, it can be found that the frequency of use of the subject object after "Chi" is the highest, accounting for more than 80% of the total. The classification situation is consistent. The second is the result object, that is, some words that express the result, and some also have the part of speech of adjectives, such as "Chi Jin"(be surprised or shocked), "Chi Ku"(suffer) and so on. The proportion of place object and tool object is relatively low, at 1.62% and 4.73% respectively. Some typical collocations include "Chi Shi Tang"(eating in the cafeteria). To sum up, from the perspective of the phonetic distribution of objects after "Chi", monosyllabic words are the most frequently used, followed by two-syllable objects, and objects with three or more syllables are relatively low; From the perspective of lexical type, food objects are the most frequently used, followed by abstract nouns, tool objects are the third, and place nouns are the least frequently used. From the deep semantic structure analysis, the use frequency of the subject object after "Chi" is the highest, the most typical of which is the food object, followed by the result object, and the proportion of the location object and the tool object is relatively low.

Reasons

Among the diachronic changes of "Chi" with objects, one of the most notable features is that the number of object types has increased, from the original subject object to other types such as tool object, location object and so on. The reasons include cultural influence, network development and changes in word meaning. From the point of view of the development of word meaning, under the circumstance of the dual effects of internal and external factors, the expansion of word meaning is a necessary stage of language development; from the point of view of cultural influence, the Han people attach great importance to the problem of eating, so they prefer to use "Chi" various expressions to express inner feelings and evaluation of objective things, which also promotes the diversified development of the "Chi + O" structure; from the perspective of network development, the development of online buzzwords has also penetrated into the “Chi+O", thus promoting the evolution of "Chi +O".

Conclusion

The culture of the Han nationality is rich and colorful, and "Chi + O" is one of the language structures widely used in society. On the basis of the existing research results, through the statistical corpus data, this paper makes an all-round and multi-angle sorting and analysis of the phenomenon of "Chi" with an object.

First of all, from the perspective of the phonetic distribution of the objects after "Chi", monosyllabic words are used most frequently, accounting for more than 54%; disyllabic objects are the second, accounting for 3%. Sixteenth, it covers more than monosyllabic objects, and involves the phenomenon of using tools as objects. The proportion of objects with three syllables and above is relatively low, and the total is less than 10% of the total. Most of these objects are proper nouns or common sayings, and according to this rule, the syllable of the object after "Chi" can be expanded infinitely according to its name.

Secondly, from the perspective of the lexical type of the object after "Chi", the object of food is the most frequently used, followed by the use of abstract nouns. The third is the object of tools, and the least is the noun of place. We can see from these two categories but have obvious characteristics of the times, such as "Chi Shi Tang"( eat at canteen) . There is also a category of "Chi" with an object, which has cultural characteristics and is different from the previous categories, so it is classified as a common saying, and the frequency of use is not high in comparison, accounting for only 1.61%. It can be seen that the word meaning of the object after "Chi" is diverse, and it has exceeded the type of object that the original meaning of "Chi" can bring, reflecting the flexibility of language.

Finally, from the deep semantic structure analysis, the use frequency of the subject object after “Chi” is the highest, and the most typical one is the food object. The second is the result object, the proportion of place object and tool object is relatively low. By summarizing the above conclusions, and comparing the characteristics of objects with objects after "Chi" in different periods, we have drawn a significant conclusion that the number of types of objects after "Chi" has increased. The analysis shows that the reasons include cultural influence, network development and word meaning changes.

From the point of view of the development of word meaning, under the circumstance of the dual effects of internal and external factors, the expansion of word meaning is a necessary stage of language development; from the point of view of cultural influence, the Han people attach great importance to the problem of eating, so they prefer to use "Chi" It also promotes the diversified development of the "Chi + O" structure; from the perspective of network development, the development of network buzzwords has also penetrated into the "Chi + O" structure, thus promoting the evolution of "Chi +O".

References

[1]Shi Feng石锋, Liu Zhangcai刘掌才.汉语作为第二语言的语音教学问题[Problems in Phonetics Teaching of Chinese as a Second Language][J].天津师范大学学报(社会科学版),2021(02):1-9.

[2]Wang Xinqing王新清.从文化和认知视角看汉语“吃”的隐喻[The Chinese metaphor of "eat" from the perspective of culture and cognition][J].湖南广播电视大学学报，2014(02):22-25.

[3]Cao Xianghua曹向华.论汉语动宾类惯用语语义认知机制与类型[On the Semantic Cognitive Mechanism and Types of Chinese Verb-Object Idioms][J].河北科技大学学报(社会科学版),2020,(01):77-83.

Terms ans Expressions

Chi+O 吃+宾语 phonetic distribution 音节分布 semantic types 词语义类型 deep semantic structure 深层语义结构 recipient object 受事宾语   metaphor 隐喻

metonymy 转喻 Media Language Corpus of Communication University of China中国传媒大学媒体语言语料库 conceptual meaning 概念义 color meaning 色彩义

Questions

Where does the word "Chi" rank in the top 8000 words that are used most frequently?

How many types can word meaning be divided into and what are they?

What’s the main reasons why the number of object types after “Chi” increased?

Answers

It ranks 77th.

Two types. They are conceptual meaning and color meaning.

They are cultural influence, network development and changes in word meaning.

日语笔译 曹梦然 Cao Mengran 202170081632

Chinese Wedding Costumes 曹梦然

Abstract

In Chinese history, the embroidered red dresses, the phoenix coronet & colorful embroidered capes and the red head kerchiefs that Han people wore on their wedding ceremony were customized-made in Qing dynasty and early Minguo. The wedding dresses in Ming dynasty made the phoenix coronet & colorful embroidered capes and the red head kerchiefs, etc. popular in Han dynasty for 500 years. But the New Cultural revolution, the Cultural Revolution and the opening reform in recent and contemporary ages made the Chinese traditional wedding culture change a lot, and some are almost disappeared. Today, the Chinese traditional wedding and traditional wedding dresses became popular, but the confusion is which dynasty that the Chinese traditional wedding dresses of Han nationality can be dated. To study the evolution of Chinese traditional wedding dresses from Ming dynasty to today is to make modern people know more about Chinese traditional wedding dresses of Han nationality, to enlighten the designers today and make them creative and thoughtful to design Chinese traditional wedding dresses .

===Key words=== Traditional wedding dresses in Han nationality; The phoenix coronet& colorful embroidered cape; wedding accessories

Introduction

When it comes to Chinese wedding dresses, not only foreigners but also most Chinese people are believed to be very unfamiliar with it. What should Chinese wedding dresses look like? Why is the Chinese wedding dress worn by modern people different from the feudal era? What is the "phoenix coronet & colorful embroidered capes" that is mentioned in the book? The wedding dress is a microcosm of the entire Chinese culture. As China's internal turmoil and various cultures spread and developed in the modern era, the wedding dress has changed its look, introduced different elements, been abandoned, and has been rediscovered in modern times. To understand the look of wedding dress, we must look at it from a historical perspective.

The History of Chinese Wedding Dress

Wedding dress in China has regional differences, as well as differences in time and ethnicity, but there are still some distinctive features that distinguish it from other countries. Historically speaking, the wedding clothes of the Tang and Song dynasties laid the foundation for Chinese wedding clothes, and after the Ming dynasty, Chinese wedding clothes took shape and have been used ever since. Let's talk about the characteristics of the Ming Dynasty wedding clothes. The most familiar Han wedding dresses today are the colorful embroidered dragon and phoenix, phoenix coronet and colorful embroidered capes, big red capes, A few people know that more than 3,000 years ago in the Zhou Dynasty, the color of wedding dresses was black and red, and this mainstream wedding dress color system lasted until before the Sui and Tang Dynasties. The development to the North and South Dynasties also once appeared white dresses, to the Song Dynasty, the court nymphs of the six dresses, the wedding dress is cyan. By the Ming Dynasty, the big red wedding dresses we are familiar with only had a clear shape. The Ming Dynasty established the custom of celebrating in red. When getting married, the bride usually wore a large red blouse with a long green skirt underneath. The bridegroom theoretically wore a ninth-ranking official's uniform, a hairpin wusha hat and long boots, and a red silk belt. Below are cartoon drawings that visually reflect the image of wedding costumes at that time.

6.3.1 The phoenix coronet

During the 400 years from the Ming Dynasty to the modern era, men could wear ninth-grade official uniforms when they married, while new brides used phoenix coronet and colorful embroidered capes. The phoenix coronet, as the name implies, is a cap in the shape of a phoenix, usually made of iron or silver. The rich use gold and Kingfisher feather art. It is decorated with pearls and precious stones. It is shown in the picture below.

6.3.2 colorful embroidered capes

The phoenix coronet and colorful embroidered capes appeared as a set of ornaments, originally meaning a gorgeous silk fabric that women used to drape over their bodies. "The colorful embroidered capes were used by Taoist masters as their vestments. The custom gradually evolved, and in the Song Dynasty, colorful embroidered capes became an accessory to the consort's regular clothes and the dresses of the princesses, with different embroidery patterns depending on the rank. In the Ming Dynasty, the wives of consorts and officials all wore colorful embroidered capes, but the consorts used vermilion and gold threads to embroider dragon and phoenix patterns, while other women could only use capes in dark blue without embroidery patterns. For the marriage of common people, women could wear phoenix coronet colorful embroidered capes.

6.3.3 head covering

The prototype of the cover is the ancient veil, which is a red cloth over the bride's head. The cover is covered from the time the bride leaves the boudoir until the male family enters the bridal chamber, when the groom picks it off or uncovers it with a scale. The material of the barrier surface is mostly silk gauze, silk gauze net of things, its thin and transparent does not obstruct the bride's vision. But also with a slightly thicker fabric made, the form of more square scarf or cap type. Covered in the head, long to between the ears, neck, chest and even to the feet a few feet, and vary with the times, different regions. The color is mostly red. There are two kinds of head coverings: round and square, sometimes with colorful embroidery on the head coverings. 6.4 Evolution of wedding clothes in Qing Dynasty The Qing dynasty dress system changed dramatically, and men used robes and mandarin jacket as formal wedding dresses due to Manchu policies. But in general the first and middle of the Qing Dynasty women's wedding clothes still continued the style of the Ming Dynasty. In the late Qing Dynasty, influenced by men's mandarin jacket, women began to commonly use black mandarin jacket and red skirts as wedding dresses. The waistcoat was embroidered with gold and silver threads with dragon and phoenix patterns, as shown in the picture below.

Women's skirts still follow the popular "horse face dress" of the Ming Dynasty. This skirt has two light surfaces in front and behind the body without pleating, and it was popular in the Qing Dynasty to decorate the light surfaces in front and behind with gorgeous embroidery.

6.5 Chinese Wedding Dresses Since Modern Times

The mandarin jacket and skirt were still the main wedding clothes at the beginning of the Republic of China, initially black gown and red skirt with the wedding clothes at the end of the Qing Dynasty, and then gradually became popular to red gown and red skirt, whose color was more bright and eye-catching. Until now, the color of the coat and skirt still retains the form of red coat and red skirt. The collar of the gown is "Chinese style" stand-up collar, no slit and sash, the length of the sleeve is also different from the cheongsam, the gown is long-sleeved, but the Republican period gown sleeve length is shorter than the Qing Dynasty, the cuffs are also small. The sleeve length of the dress in the Republic of China period was about 5 cm above the wrist, in order to allow the bride to display the bracelets, bangles and other accessories worn. The skirt coat is relatively loose, with only a small waist, which is different from the cheongsam's emphasis on the female figure. The dress coat must also be worn inside a long coat and pants worn inside. The westernization of wedding clothes also took place at the same time. The westernization of wedding clothes began in the late Qing Dynasty, and flourished in the middle of the Republic. In the late Qing Dynasty, the Qing court was in internal and external difficulties, and the country was in decline. In order to save the peril, a large number of foreign students were sent to study abroad, and the army also changed to train a new army. Among the Chinese students and soldiers, western-style student's drill clothes, drill caps and western-style military uniforms and caps first appeared. The importation of foreign clothes provided another reference system for judging beauty and directly influenced the change of social dress concept. In this context, it is not surprising that the fundamental changes in Han wedding costumes were understood and accepted by people. Thus, in Shanghai from the 1920s to the 1940s, both the style and the shape of clothing were Western in style. Women's clothing gradually became more and more fitted from wide clothes and sleeves. It was at this time that wedding dresses combining East and West began to appear. In this period in China, centered on Shanghai and other major cities, women wore Chinese cheongsam with western veil, and men wore suits or long shirts and hats, and Chinese wedding dresses did not have a uniform standard and blossomed, following the owner's preference. The picture below shows the popular wedding dresses at that time.

6.6 Chinese wedding clothes exit the stage of history

For economic and political reasons, one of the phenomena that occurred between the early days of liberation and the Cultural Revolution was the disappearance of traditional wedding clothes. The special nature of wedding clothes no longer existed, and the so-called acquisition of wedding clothes was nothing more than making a new dress. In this era of extreme material scarcity, the purchase of a new dress became a great luxury. The period from the founding of the People's Republic of China to the Cultural Revolution The period between the founding of the People's Republic of China and the Cultural Revolution was a time of hardship and simplicity. Since the country's economy was at a low level of development, hardship and simplicity became the common fashion of the times, and people mostly wore blue, army green or gray clothes. At a time when the standard of living was quite low, there was no The standard of living was quite low, there was no extra income to buy extra clothes, so the traditional wedding costume was replaced by regular clothes. dress. This practice also embodied the proletarian spirit of hardship and simplicity and was advocated by people at that time. At the same time At the same time, in those times of class struggle, wearing wedding dresses and western clothes to get married was feared to be described as aspiring to a bourgeois lifestyle. The need to get married as a matter of human nature took a back seat to the needs of the revolution and the need to work. In the early years of the founding of New China, China's politics, economy, military and culture were all modeled on the Soviet Union, and Soviet clothing became a symbol of the revolution. Soviet clothing became a symbol of the revolution, and Soviet dresses instantly swept across China, Lenin's dress and the Bragi being two distinct examples. The Lenin suit was a typical costume for female cadres in the late 1950s, and was actually a modification of the suit, which was worn by Lenin before and after the October Revolution. After the October Revolution, Lenin often wore this style of clothing, the revolutionary enthusiasm of people in order to completely separate it from the suit, so it was given It was given the name "Lenin Suit", which was full of proletarian colors, as a proof of the revolutionary determination to follow the Soviet Union's example. This was a testament to the determination to follow the Soviet Union's example. The Lenin suit was once popular among women, and the fashionable dress for women was to wear the Lenin suit and have short hair to show their heroic The revolutionary style of heroism. In the late 1950s, when a leader of the former Soviet Union visited China, he suggested that Chinese clothing did not fit the image of a large socialist country and that women should all wear flowery clothes. Women should all wear flowery clothes to reflect the thriving face of socialism. At one time, the floral bragi became fashionable. Bragi is the Russian translation of the dress, the style is extremely simple: loose short-sleeved, bubble pleated skirt, simple round collar, and The fabric color pattern was mainly floral, plaid and stripes. This style is healthy and lively, not pretentious, and has been popular for a long time. This style was also used in the summer to wear when getting married. It can be said that after the founding of New China until the eve of reform and opening up, Chinese wedding dresses and even weddings were basically extinct in mainland China. 6.7 Chinese wedding clothes after the reform and opening up With the reform and opening up, with the emancipation of the mind, people's dressing style also began to become more and more diversified. While more and more young people are choosing Western-style weddings, traditional Chinese weddings are also favored by many tradition-loving Chinese people. Due to the long break in generation, there is a lack of craftsmen who can make traditional wedding clothes in mainland China, so people imitate the clothes of the previous generation and adapt them into the Chinese wedding clothes that are now popular in mainland China. This is the so-called "xiuhe dress".

This wedding dress is still part of the Chinese wedding costume, but its structure and cut are very different from its predecessors. The traditional Chinese cut was abandoned in favor of a more body-hugging Western cut. Since the horse-faced skirt was lost, the skirt was commonly made into a straight skirt with a piece of cloth sewn on the skirt to make it look like a horse-faced skirt. The body of the dress is embroidered with gold and silver threads with dragon and phoenix designs. In recent years, more and more people are calling for wedding dresses should be from ancient times, and young people are trying to imitate the wedding customs of various Chinese feudal dynasties, including wedding dresses. As for what exactly Chinese wedding clothes should look like, there is actually no definite conclusion today.

Conclusion

There is no exact definition or form of Chinese wedding dress. It has a long history and is rich in variations of forms, but had been transformed and abandoned for economic and ideological reasons, among others. Nowadays, more and more people are taking Chinese traditions seriously, and it has become a modern Chinese trend to keep digging into the marriage customs of ancient feudal dynasties. I believe different people will have different answers as to what Chinese wedding clothes should look like. Perhaps in the near future, traditional Chinese wedding dresses will still shine in China.

References

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Terms and Expressions

凤冠 phoenix coronet 霞帔 colorful embroidered capes 点翠 Kingfisher feather art 马褂 mandarin jacket 马面裙 horse face dress 秀禾服 xiuhe dress

Questions

When did Chinese wedding dresses start to revere red?

What led to the extinction of Chinese wedding dresses in China itself?

What are the origins of modern wedding dresses?

Answers

1. The beginning of the Ming Dynasty

2. Changes in the dominant ideology and the constraints of productivity level

3. The popular mandarin jacket and skirt of the Qing Dynasty