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'''Liang Qichao''' | '''Liang Qichao''' | ||
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| + | *Picture:1 Liang Qichao | ||
| − | + | I was born in 1873 to a farming family in Xinhui of Guangdong Province during the Qing dynasty and was named Liang Qichao. My father was a rural farmer but was familiar with the Chinese classics and was diligent in introducing me to Chinese literature. By the time I was 9 I was able to write essays a thousand words in length (history.com). Because of my many accomplishments and thanks to my father’s teaching I was considered a child prodigy. After much diligent study I passed the Xiucai degree provincial examination at age 11. At the age of 16 I passed the Juren degree provincial examination. When 18 I travelled to the capital to take the Jinshi degree national examination and failed. | |
| − | I studied under Kang Youwei, who was a great teacher and a revolutionary man (Denton, 502). In 1890 I became one of his life-long students (renditions.org). Together we wrote many reform memorials in hopes of bringing a positive change to China. I was able to participate in many momentous events. I participated in the first student demonstration in 1895. The demonstration was in protest of the peace treaty we signed with Japan after the close of the Sino-Japanese War (columbia.edu). | + | Despite this small failure I would go open to become an influential scholar, journalist, reformist and philosopher (history.com). Some critics have said that in my writing I have exaggerated the powerful social role of literature and use fiction to transform society and would not be considered realist (Denton, 35). I know the power of literature and I write things as I see them and that has always remained the same. Many writers of my time would resort to sensational emotionalism when they argued for the future of China. I never supported this in my own writing in which I agrued my objections to the blind optimism of young writers (Tang, 156). |
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| + | I studied under Kang Youwei, who was a great teacher and a revolutionary man (Denton, 502). In 1890 I became one of his life-long students (renditions.org). Together we wrote many reform memorials in hopes of bringing a positive change to China. I was able to participate in many momentous events. I participated in the first student demonstration in 1895. The demonstration was in protest of the peace treaty we signed with Japan after the close of the Sino-Japanese War (columbia.edu). | ||
I was also able to present some memorials to the Emperor himself about abolishing the old examination system as well as encourage him to invest in developing technologies. In 1895 I suggested: bringing the military up-to-date, a state banking system, a network of railways, a fleet specifically for commercial goods, a modern postal system, raised taxes and improved agriculture (Spence, 227). The Emperor had a mind open to reform and seemed moved by the arguments I made before him. | I was also able to present some memorials to the Emperor himself about abolishing the old examination system as well as encourage him to invest in developing technologies. In 1895 I suggested: bringing the military up-to-date, a state banking system, a network of railways, a fleet specifically for commercial goods, a modern postal system, raised taxes and improved agriculture (Spence, 227). The Emperor had a mind open to reform and seemed moved by the arguments I made before him. | ||
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The West powers were becoming stronger and they moved forward with reform, it appeared, without resistance. It was easy to see that the success of the West came from the people and government working together. As a democracy all people were involved in the political process driving the country forward (columbia.edu). Their competing ideas helped them to build a strong nation. The idea of the ruler working with the ruled leaves room for a nation that is always ready to be reformed and made stronger. | The West powers were becoming stronger and they moved forward with reform, it appeared, without resistance. It was easy to see that the success of the West came from the people and government working together. As a democracy all people were involved in the political process driving the country forward (columbia.edu). Their competing ideas helped them to build a strong nation. The idea of the ruler working with the ruled leaves room for a nation that is always ready to be reformed and made stronger. | ||
| − | After Empress Cixi’s executions in 1898 I continued my work in my 14 years of exile still promoting a Constitutional Monarchy for China and spent some time travelling (history.com). Most of my exile was spent in Japan where I became China’s first true modern intellectual. My works were smuggled back to China by other reformer like myself. In 1903 I visited the US. I talked to Americans of all persuasions and also Chinese living in the US (Arkush, 81). | + | After Empress Cixi’s executions in 1898 I continued my work in my 14 years of exile still promoting a Constitutional Monarchy for China and spent some time travelling (history.com). Most of my exile was spent in Japan where I became China’s first true modern intellectual. My works were smuggled back to China by other reformer like myself. In 1903 I visited the US. I talked to Americans of all persuasions and also Chinese living in the US (Arkush, 81). |
I found the founding ideas and spirit of the country to be inspirational and admired the structure of American policy. However, it is not at all without flaw. The country experienced much corruption, extreme economic power of the trusts and a large number of wealthy and impoverished. The US started out as colonies and so it was built from the ground up and possesses a dual system of patriotism. Patriotism to the local and national level (Arkush, 82). | I found the founding ideas and spirit of the country to be inspirational and admired the structure of American policy. However, it is not at all without flaw. The country experienced much corruption, extreme economic power of the trusts and a large number of wealthy and impoverished. The US started out as colonies and so it was built from the ground up and possesses a dual system of patriotism. Patriotism to the local and national level (Arkush, 82). | ||
| − | As a republican government the system has a great deal more flaws than would a constitutional monarchy that would allow for more adaptability. After oberserving the Chinese immigrants in Chinatown I concluded that the Chinese were not able to cope with all the freedom that they had been given and needed a centralized government with tighter control. The German statism, I believe would be the most appropriate for China at this time (Arkush, 83). | + | As a republican government the system has a great deal more flaws than would a constitutional monarchy that would allow for more adaptability. After oberserving the Chinese immigrants in Chinatown I concluded that the Chinese were not able to cope with all the freedom that they had been given and needed a centralized government with tighter control. The German statism, I believe would be the most appropriate for China at this time (Arkush, 83). |
American government would not work in China because we possess a clan and family mentality while Americans have an individual one based on being a citizen not a clan member. As a whole the Chinese people connect more with their local villages than the national government. Next, Chinese people need to be lead. Freedom has led those Chinese in San Fransisco to live in chaos (Arkush 92). Lastly, the Chinese are lacking in lofty objectives. One American can do the job of three Chinese and in less time. Chinese work all week and all day while Americans work 6 days a week and work 8 hour days. Because they have time to rest their heads are not so muddled as are the Chinese (Arkush, 94). | American government would not work in China because we possess a clan and family mentality while Americans have an individual one based on being a citizen not a clan member. As a whole the Chinese people connect more with their local villages than the national government. Next, Chinese people need to be lead. Freedom has led those Chinese in San Fransisco to live in chaos (Arkush 92). Lastly, the Chinese are lacking in lofty objectives. One American can do the job of three Chinese and in less time. Chinese work all week and all day while Americans work 6 days a week and work 8 hour days. Because they have time to rest their heads are not so muddled as are the Chinese (Arkush, 94). | ||
| − | However, Americans have their own as well. Some of their behavior is surprisingly barbaric. They ignore their court system and take it upon themselves to lynch and burn blacks that commit crimes like rape. They punish them by these methods in the middle of the day without opposition. Russians killed many Jews and the world considered them to be savage. In America they commit such horrors I don’t know which is worse (Arkush, 91). | + | However, Americans have their own as well. Some of their behavior is surprisingly barbaric. They ignore their court system and take it upon themselves to lynch and burn blacks that commit crimes like rape. They punish them by these methods in the middle of the day without opposition. Russians killed many Jews and the world considered them to be savage. In America they commit such horrors I don’t know which is worse (Arkush, 91). American sentiments are quite different from those in China. |
| − | I have written all of my experiences abroad in addition to my other literary works on modern thought. My critics say I was | + | I have written all of my experiences abroad in addition to my other literary works on modern thought. My critics say I was I feel growing concern about their world view. President Roosevelt mentioned America’s “role” and “purpose” on the world stage. I cannot help but feel that this is indirectly promoting imperialism. World affairs appear to be focusing more and more on the Pacific. China is in the best position to control the Pacific but alas does not have the power to do so (Arkush, 89). |
| − | I feel growing concern about their world view. President Roosevelt mentioned America’s “role” and “purpose” on the world stage. I cannot help but feel that this is indirectly promoting imperialism. World affairs appear to be focusing more and more on the Pacific. China is in the best position to control the Pacific but alas does not have the power to do so (Arkush, 89). | ||
In 1911 there was a revolution in China. The Chinese people were angry because of perceived government corruption and their inability to resist the intervention of foreign powers. At this time I published a book, “The Construction of New China,” that promoted Republicanism with a nominal monarch. I returned to China in 1912 were I served in Yuan Shikai’s cabinet. When Yuan began to work toward restoring the monarchy I resigned and began to write against restoring the monarchy. I also organized a military that was disbanded after Yuan’s death. From that time until 1917, when I retired from politics, I served in many government capacities and am considered one of the most influential reformists of the Qing dynasty (angelfire.com). | In 1911 there was a revolution in China. The Chinese people were angry because of perceived government corruption and their inability to resist the intervention of foreign powers. At this time I published a book, “The Construction of New China,” that promoted Republicanism with a nominal monarch. I returned to China in 1912 were I served in Yuan Shikai’s cabinet. When Yuan began to work toward restoring the monarchy I resigned and began to write against restoring the monarchy. I also organized a military that was disbanded after Yuan’s death. From that time until 1917, when I retired from politics, I served in many government capacities and am considered one of the most influential reformists of the Qing dynasty (angelfire.com). | ||
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Tang, Xiaobing. Global Space and the Nationalist Discourse of Modernity: the Historical Thinking of Liang Qichao. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1996. Print. | Tang, Xiaobing. Global Space and the Nationalist Discourse of Modernity: the Historical Thinking of Liang Qichao. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1996. Print. | ||
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| + | *Picture:1 Liang Qichao (http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Liang_Qichao) | ||
Latest revision as of 21:44, 6 December 2011
Liang Qichao
- Picture:1 Liang Qichao
I was born in 1873 to a farming family in Xinhui of Guangdong Province during the Qing dynasty and was named Liang Qichao. My father was a rural farmer but was familiar with the Chinese classics and was diligent in introducing me to Chinese literature. By the time I was 9 I was able to write essays a thousand words in length (history.com). Because of my many accomplishments and thanks to my father’s teaching I was considered a child prodigy. After much diligent study I passed the Xiucai degree provincial examination at age 11. At the age of 16 I passed the Juren degree provincial examination. When 18 I travelled to the capital to take the Jinshi degree national examination and failed.
Despite this small failure I would go open to become an influential scholar, journalist, reformist and philosopher (history.com). Some critics have said that in my writing I have exaggerated the powerful social role of literature and use fiction to transform society and would not be considered realist (Denton, 35). I know the power of literature and I write things as I see them and that has always remained the same. Many writers of my time would resort to sensational emotionalism when they argued for the future of China. I never supported this in my own writing in which I agrued my objections to the blind optimism of young writers (Tang, 156).
I studied under Kang Youwei, who was a great teacher and a revolutionary man (Denton, 502). In 1890 I became one of his life-long students (renditions.org). Together we wrote many reform memorials in hopes of bringing a positive change to China. I was able to participate in many momentous events. I participated in the first student demonstration in 1895. The demonstration was in protest of the peace treaty we signed with Japan after the close of the Sino-Japanese War (columbia.edu).
I was also able to present some memorials to the Emperor himself about abolishing the old examination system as well as encourage him to invest in developing technologies. In 1895 I suggested: bringing the military up-to-date, a state banking system, a network of railways, a fleet specifically for commercial goods, a modern postal system, raised taxes and improved agriculture (Spence, 227). The Emperor had a mind open to reform and seemed moved by the arguments I made before him.
Emperor Guangxu was quite interested in reform and moved ahead with many reforms. The Emperor issued a group of edicts in 1898 reforming the examinations, colleges and schools, vocational schools, commerce, agriculture and industry, the armed force, and moved to simplify and clean up the system of government bureaucracy. The Emperor hoped to move the nation forward even further and appointed reformist thinkers as secretaries to help him do so. However, his aunt Empress Cixi did not approve of all these reforms and had heard rumors of a coup against the Emperor. Cixi executed many reformists and many fled to other countries. Finally change was happening, but with the execution of many reformists and the fleeing of many others the momentum for change in China was greatly hindered (Spence, 230).
China needed to build strength to be able to withstand Japan. Western technology was also a growing rapidly and China needed to find a way to compete. Kang and I advocated for reform, unlike the past Taiping leaders we wished for china to keep its dignity and culture despite the reforms and worked for reform through the appropriate traditional channels (columbia.edu). But after the executions it seemed that the hopes of the Emperor promoting our reforms had ended.
The West powers were becoming stronger and they moved forward with reform, it appeared, without resistance. It was easy to see that the success of the West came from the people and government working together. As a democracy all people were involved in the political process driving the country forward (columbia.edu). Their competing ideas helped them to build a strong nation. The idea of the ruler working with the ruled leaves room for a nation that is always ready to be reformed and made stronger.
After Empress Cixi’s executions in 1898 I continued my work in my 14 years of exile still promoting a Constitutional Monarchy for China and spent some time travelling (history.com). Most of my exile was spent in Japan where I became China’s first true modern intellectual. My works were smuggled back to China by other reformer like myself. In 1903 I visited the US. I talked to Americans of all persuasions and also Chinese living in the US (Arkush, 81).
I found the founding ideas and spirit of the country to be inspirational and admired the structure of American policy. However, it is not at all without flaw. The country experienced much corruption, extreme economic power of the trusts and a large number of wealthy and impoverished. The US started out as colonies and so it was built from the ground up and possesses a dual system of patriotism. Patriotism to the local and national level (Arkush, 82).
As a republican government the system has a great deal more flaws than would a constitutional monarchy that would allow for more adaptability. After oberserving the Chinese immigrants in Chinatown I concluded that the Chinese were not able to cope with all the freedom that they had been given and needed a centralized government with tighter control. The German statism, I believe would be the most appropriate for China at this time (Arkush, 83).
American government would not work in China because we possess a clan and family mentality while Americans have an individual one based on being a citizen not a clan member. As a whole the Chinese people connect more with their local villages than the national government. Next, Chinese people need to be lead. Freedom has led those Chinese in San Fransisco to live in chaos (Arkush 92). Lastly, the Chinese are lacking in lofty objectives. One American can do the job of three Chinese and in less time. Chinese work all week and all day while Americans work 6 days a week and work 8 hour days. Because they have time to rest their heads are not so muddled as are the Chinese (Arkush, 94).
However, Americans have their own as well. Some of their behavior is surprisingly barbaric. They ignore their court system and take it upon themselves to lynch and burn blacks that commit crimes like rape. They punish them by these methods in the middle of the day without opposition. Russians killed many Jews and the world considered them to be savage. In America they commit such horrors I don’t know which is worse (Arkush, 91). American sentiments are quite different from those in China.
I have written all of my experiences abroad in addition to my other literary works on modern thought. My critics say I was I feel growing concern about their world view. President Roosevelt mentioned America’s “role” and “purpose” on the world stage. I cannot help but feel that this is indirectly promoting imperialism. World affairs appear to be focusing more and more on the Pacific. China is in the best position to control the Pacific but alas does not have the power to do so (Arkush, 89).
In 1911 there was a revolution in China. The Chinese people were angry because of perceived government corruption and their inability to resist the intervention of foreign powers. At this time I published a book, “The Construction of New China,” that promoted Republicanism with a nominal monarch. I returned to China in 1912 were I served in Yuan Shikai’s cabinet. When Yuan began to work toward restoring the monarchy I resigned and began to write against restoring the monarchy. I also organized a military that was disbanded after Yuan’s death. From that time until 1917, when I retired from politics, I served in many government capacities and am considered one of the most influential reformists of the Qing dynasty (angelfire.com).
Works Cited
Arkush, R. David, and Leo Ou-fan. Lee. Land without Ghosts: Chinese Impressions of America from the Mid-nineteenth Century to the Present. Berkeley: University of California, 1989. Print.
Denton, Kirk A. Modern Chinese Literary Thought: Writings on Literature, 1893-1945. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1996. Print.
"Liang Qichao - A Famous Chinese Scholar, Journalist, Philosopher and Reformist - China Culture." History - China Culture. Shanghai News, 2007. Web. 28 Sept. 2011. <http://history.cultural-china.com/en/50History6660.html>.
"Liang Qichao." Angelfire: Welcome to Angelfire. Web. 28 Sept. 2011. <http://www.angelfire.com/co/leong/history12.html>.
"Liang Qichao: China's First Democrat." Asia for Educators | Columbia University. Web. 29 Sept. 2011. <http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/special/china_1950_democratic.htm>.
"Liang Qichao." Web. 29 Sept. 2011. <http://www.renditions.org/renditions/authors/liangqc.html>.
Spence, Jonathan D. The Search for Modern China. New York: Norton, 1990. Print.
Tang, Xiaobing. Global Space and the Nationalist Discourse of Modernity: the Historical Thinking of Liang Qichao. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1996. Print.
- Picture:1 Liang Qichao (http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Liang_Qichao)