User:Cao Yian

Chinese Fan Culture: Constructing Identity, Emotion, and Community in the Digital Age

Abstract

In recent years, Chinese fan culture has become one of the most influential online cultural phenomena among young generation. With the rapid development of social media platforms such as Weibo, Douyin, Xiaohongshu, X, Threads, and Bilibili, fan communities are no longer simply groups of people who admire celebrities. Instead, they have developed into highly organized online communities with their own language, values, rules, and forms of participation. This chapter introduces the development of Chinese fan culture, exploring how fans construct identity recognition, build community bonds, and express “fan’s ”emotions through collective activities. Unlike traditional views of fandom, Chinese fan culture is not only about entertainment but also reflects broader cultural values in contemporary Chinese society. Through examples such as fan support projects, online interactions, and unique fan practices, this chapter argues that Chinese fan culture provides an important window for understanding youth culture, emotional expression, and digital participation in modern China.

1.1Understanding Chinese Fan Culture

Fan culture, also called fandom , refers to the collective activities and communities formed by people who support a particular celebrity, music group, actor, athlete, or fictional character. Although fandom exists in many countries, Chinese fan culture has developed several unique characteristics because of China’s social media environment, highly connecting online communities.

The modern form of Chinese fan culture began to grow rapidly in the early 2000s. Television talent shows, such as Super Girl, encouraged audiences to vote for contestants, giving ordinary viewers the opportunity to participate directly in entertainment programs. For many young people, this was the first time they felt that their individual actions could influence the success of a public figure. Since then, fan participation has become an essential part of idol culture in China.

When fan communities that focus on a shared topic primarily formed, at the same time, the popularity of social media growed, with which it expanded rapidly through various ways. Platforms such as domestically Weibo, Douyin, Xiaohongshu, Bilibili, along with X and Threads internationally, allow fans to communicate instantly, organize activities, and share information. Instead of passively consuming entertainment content, fans positively join in interactions like creating videos, editing photographs, translating interviews, designing promotional posters, and organizing online discussions, which resulted that the boundary between producers and audiences has become increasingly blurred.

Therefore, Chinese fandom gradually developed a highly organized system of fan support, commonly known as yingyuan (应援) culture. Fan support, which referring to a wide range of collective activities organized by fans to promote and support their idols, includes activities like purchasing albums in large quantities, funding birthday advertisements in public spaces, preparing gifts, organizing offline cheering events, and participating in online voting campaigns. Furthermore, similar support cultures also emerged in Japan and South Korea during the early twenty-first century. Although these fandoms differ in their specific practices because of different social contexts and cultural traditions, they share a common emphasis on collective participation and coordinated support. As these activities require countless participants to work together, fandom gradually evolved from an individual hobby into a highly organized form of collective action.

Beyond organization and collaboration, also, Chinese fandom has formed its own distinctive linguistic system, namely fan jargon or fandom slang (饭圈黑话). Community members regularly use specialized expressions that are difficult for outsiders to understand, while constantly creating new terms through abbreviations, homophones, and internet wordplay. Expressions such as kongping (控评, coordinating positive comments), xi gc (洗广场, replacing unwanted content with positive posts), and paizi (排字, coordinated text posting) are all examples of this evolving vocabulary. Plus, fans also distinguish themselves through different identity labels, including CP fans, solo fans, and many other subgroups based on different ways of supporting an idol. As language is more than a communication tool, it is a powerful marker of group identity, too. Sharing a specialized vocabulary—especially one that circulates mainly within a relatively closed community—helps members recognize one another, establish a sense of belonging, and strengthen collective identity. In this sense, fandom slang does much more than improve communication efficiency. It creates symbolic boundaries between insiders and outsiders and becomes an important part of what it means to belong to a particular fan community. For many newcomers, learning these expressions is one of the first steps toward becoming an accepted member of the fandom.

Compared with traditional fan communities, Chinese fandom places much greater emphasis on active and intentional participation. Community leaders often encourage peripheral members to become more involved by appealing to their emotional attachment to the idol and emphasizing that every contribution, no matter how small, can make a difference. As a result, many fans voluntarily devote considerable amounts of time, energy, creativity, and financial resources to supporting their idols. This participation resembles a form of voluntary emotional labor, driven less by material rewards than by emotional commitment and a strong sense of collective responsibility.

Within Chinese fandom, fans are not merely consumers of entertainment products. They also take part in a wide variety of community activities, including organizing campaigns, creating original content, reposting materials across different platforms, translating interviews, designing promotional materials, and coordinating projects that may directly influence an idol’s public image and career development. Consequently, fandom extends far beyond watching performances, listening to music, or following entertainment news. It gradually becomes integrated into both online and offline life. For many fans, not only the idol but also the countless interactions, discussions, and collective activities surrounding the idol become part of their everyday routine.

According to the reason above, Chinese fan culture should not be simply considered as a form of popular entertainment. Rather, it is a contemporary cultural phenomenon shaped by identity formation, emotional investment, and collective participation. Behind every fan community lies a complex social network connecting individuals, online communities, popular culture, and broader social values in contemporary China. Studying how Chinese fandom develops and operates therefore offers valuable insight into the lifestyles, communication patterns, and cultural values of Generation Z, while also providing a deeper understanding of the relationship between idols and fans in today’s digital society.

1.21 Constructing Fan Identity

Identity construction forms the foundation of contemporary Chinese fandom. Unlike the conventional understanding of fans as a relatively homogeneous group, Chinese fandom has developed an increasingly sophisticated and constantly evolving system of identities. Actually, these identities are not classified according to a single criterion. Instead, they describe different dimensions of the relationship between fans, idols, and the wider community. As a result, one individual may simultaneously possess multiple fan identities without chaos.

One important dimension concerns emotional positioning. Labels such as mother fans, girlfriend fans, and boyfriend fans do not literally describe how fans perceive themselves. Rather, they represent symbolic emotional roles through which fans interpret their relationship with an idol. For mother fans, the idol is imagined as someone who deserves protection, care, and emotional support throughout their personal growth. Girlfriend or boyfriend fans, by contrast, tend to construct the idol as an idealized object of intimacy or romantic imagination. These identities therefore function less as descriptions of reality than as symbolic ways of expressing emotional attachment, intimacy, and belonging.

A second dimension reflects expectations and priorities within fandom. Different fans pursue different goals when supporting the same idol. Career fans, for instance, focus primarily on an idol’s development of the career. They are particularly concerned with career opportunities, artistic achievements, commercial success, and public recognition, and therefore actively participate in promotional campaigns, online publicity, and reputation management. Other fans yet, pay greater attention to performances, music, visual aesthetics, or personality. In other words, this form of identity is not defined by who the fan is, but rather by what the fan believes is worth supporting and, ultimately, what it means to “follow” an idol.

Last but not least, the third dimension concerns community positioning. Some identities describe how fans participate within the fandom itself. Solo fans support only one celebrity, whereas CP fans（fans that preferring relationship pairng） focus on the real or imagined relationship between two public figures and often create derivative content around that pairing. In recent years, also, Chinese fandom has grown several categories reflecting different styles of participation, which includes the so-called core fans, meng zhui (“adoring followers”), and ru zhui (“critical followers”). Core fans usually constitute the most organized and disciplined members of a fandom. Coordinating with each other in fan support projects, they engage in causes to manage online discussions, defend idols against criticism, maintain online statistics, and organize large-scale campaigns. As the primary organizers of collective action, they assume responsibility for protecting the public image of their idols, which results them both highly influential and, at times, controversial within fan communities.

Contrastly, meng zhui emphasizes emotional idealization. These fans value the happiness, comfort, and emotional fulfilment that idols bring into their lives. Some are deeply devoted supporters, while others remain casual followers who appreciate an idol without actively participating in organized fandom activities.

Another increasingly visible group is acknowledged as ru zhui. These fans frequently joke about, criticize, or even mock their own idols while continuing to devote considerable emotional, financial, and practical support. They purchase albums, attend concerts, and participate in fan support projects despite their constant criticism. Although such behaviour appears contradictory from the outside, it represents a distinctive form of emotional expression within Chinese fandom rather than a rejection of the idol. The cultural significance of this phenomenon will be examined in Part Three. The reason why these identities remain meaningful is not forpossessing fixed definitions, but related to they are continuously negotiated and reconstructed through everyday fan practices. Shared language, collective participation, and ongoing interaction constantly reshape the meanings attached to each category. Fan identity, therefore, should be considered as the product of continuous cultural practice, not a static label only.

1.2.2 Emotional Labor Beyond Entertainment

If identity answers the question of who fans are, emotional labor explains why they continue to participate.

Contrary to the common assumption that fandom is merely a form of entertainment, participation in Chinese fandom requires sustained investment. Fan support campaigns, reputation management, online moderation, translation, photo editing, video production, concert photography, event organization, data analysis, and promotional activities.....Stuff like those is largely carried out voluntarily by fans themselves. These activities demand considerable time, technical skills, creativity, and emotional commitment, despite offering no financial reward. Such participation therefore extends well beyond ordinary leisure. Instead, it resembles a form of voluntary emotional labor, in which emotional attachment motivates individuals to contribute continuously to a collective cause.

The sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild introduced the concept of emotional labor to describe the management of emotions within social roles. Although the concept originally referred to paid service work, it has since been widely applied to digital communities and online participation. Within Chinese fandom, emotional labor helps explain why fans willingly devote substantial effort to supporting idols and maintaining fan organizations. Equally important, emotional labor is directed not only toward idols but also toward fellow fans. Years of participating in concerts, online campaigns, and community activities gradually accumulate into shared memories and interpersonal trust. For many participants, remaining in a fandom eventually has less to do with the idol than with the friendships and emotional connections formed through long-term collaboration. Emotional labor therefore functions not simply as an individual contribution but as the mechanism through which fan communities sustain themselves. By strengthening collective responsibility, mutual trust, and shared values, it enables fandom to evolve into a cultural community rather than a temporary gathering of entertainment consumers.

1.2.3 From Emotional Investment to Collective Action

Emotional investment alone, however, cannot explain why Chinese fandom has become so highly organized. A more important question concerns how individual emotions are transformed into collective action. The concept of parasocial relationships suggests that audiences are capable of developing emotionally meaningful yet one-sided relationships with media figures. Digital technologies—including livestreaming, short-video platforms, and social media—have further reduced the psychological distance between celebrities and audiences, making such relationships increasingly stable and continuous.

Chinese fandom, however, extends far beyond these one-to-one emotional connections. Fans celebrate birthdays together, promote new releases, organize collective support projects, discuss controversies, and continuously generate their own vocabulary, rituals, and shared memories. Gradually, what sustains participation is no longer the idol alone but the sense of belonging produced by the community itself. For this reason, Chinese fandom increasingly resembles a cultural community rather than a loose collection of individuals with similar interests. Individual emotional attachment is repeatedly transformed into collective practice, while collective practice further reinforces identity, trust, and emotional commitment among community members. Together, these processes create a self-sustaining cultural mechanism. Seen from this perspective, Chinese fandom has moved well beyond entertainment consumption. It illustrates how members of Generation Z participate in digital culture, construct identities, express emotions, and collectively shape new forms of online social life.

= 1.3.1 From Entertainment Consumption to a Cultural Community

The discussion so far suggests that Chinese fandom can no longer be understood simply as a form of entertainment consumption. Although idols remain the symbolic centre of fan activities, they alone cannot sustain long-term participation. Instead, fandom is maintained through the social relationships, shared language, collective memories, and everyday interactions that develop around the idol. Together, these elements transform fandom into what Part Two has identified as a cultural community characterized by shared goals and collective values.

A cultural community is defined not merely by common interests but by a shared symbolic system and common behavioural norms. Within Chinese fandom, insider terminology, fan-support rituals, collective campaigns against negative publicity, anniversary celebrations, and countless routine activities continually reinforce members’ sense of belonging. Even individuals who have never met face to face are often able to recognize one another immediately through shared expressions, experiences, and cultural knowledge.

As discussed previously, interpersonal relationships formed through fandom gradually become an increasingly important reason why members remain active. Emotional investments accumulated through years of shared participation eventually give the community a value that extends beyond the idol. Consequently, Chinese fandom should be understood not simply as an entertainment network but as a significant cultural space where young people construct identity, seek belonging, and maintain social connections in the digital era.

1.3.2 Ru Zhui: Criticism as a Form of Intimacy

If fan support culture represents the positive and highly visible side of Chinese fandom, ru zhui reveals one of its most complex and culturally distinctive forms of emotional expression. Ru zhui refers to fans who habitually tease, criticize, or even verbally insult their idols while continuing to devote substantial emotional, financial, and practical support. From a conventional perspective, criticism implies rejection, and rejection naturally leads to emotional distance. Consequently, this phenomenon often appears contradictory—even irrational—to outsiders. Yet for many ru zhui fans, criticism does not signify the end of fandom, instead, just another way of expressing emotional closeness.

Network fandom expanding lastly, the relationship between fans and idols often shifts from idealized admiration toward a more complex emotional bond. Fans continue to appreciate an idol’s strengths while openly acknowledging flaws in performances, public behaviour, personal habits, styling, or career decisions. Such criticism rarely indicates hatred toward the idol as a person. On the contrary, precisely because emotional investment has become so profound, fans remain willing to observe, comment, negotiate, and continue supporting the idol over time.

This communication style also appears to resonate with broader interpersonal patterns in Chinese society. Within many Chinese families, affection is often expressed through reminders, criticism, or correction rather than direct praise. Likewise, close friendships frequently involve teasing and playful mockery as expressions of familiarity rather than hostility. Although fan communities should not be equated with family relationships, these culturally familiar modes of communication may partially shape how some fans express emotional attachment.

The significance of ru zhui, therefore, extends well beyond internet slang. From the perspective of cultural research, what deserves attention is the complex emotional mechanism it reflects. It demonstrates that emotional labor is not expressed exclusively through encouragement or admiration. Criticism, irony, repeated negotiation, and emotional compromise may likewise become meaningful ways of maintaining intimacy within contemporary Chinese fandom.

1.3.3 What Chinese Fan Culture Reveals About Contemporary China

As one of the most influential forms of online culture in twenty-first-century China, and one whose primary participants belong to Generation Z, fandom reveals broader transformations taking place within contemporary Chinese society.

First, it reflects the growing agency of young people in digital culture. Social media platforms have enabled ordinary users to move continuously between the roles of consumers, producers, organizers, and communicators. Through fandom, young people learn to collaborate, coordinate collective action, and create cultural content, while simultaneously negotiating the relationship between individual agency and collective participation. Second, fandom illustrates the reconfiguration of social relationships in the digital era. Increased social mobility and the normalization of online communication have encouraged young people to establish stable interpersonal networks through shared interests. For many participants, fandom represents not only celebrity support but also friendship, recognition, companionship, and a lasting sense of belonging.

Finally, the persistence of Chinese fandom highlights the growing importance of identity construction and emotional connection among Generation Z. Celebrities, athletes, fictional characters, and virtual idols merely provide the initial point around which communities emerge. What ultimately sustains these communities, however, are the languages, rituals, norms, and emotional experiences collectively created by their members. Chinese fan culture, therefore, tells a story that extends far beyond the relationship between celebrities and their fans. More fundamentally, it illustrates how young people in contemporary China construct identities, express emotions, build communities, and search for belonging in the digital age. From this perspective, fandom should be understood not simply as an entertainment phenomenon but as a significant social and cultural practice worthy of sustained scholarly attention.

Summary

Nowadays, Chinese fan culture has already become one kind of the major forms influencing youth culture. Originated from entertainment and celebrity worship though, it evolved into a highly organized cultural community characterized by identity construction, emotional investment, and collective participation.

In this essay, I discuss Chinese fandom from three perspectives. Firstly, fan identity is continuously constructed through emotional positioning, participation preferences, and community roles rather than fixed social categories. Secondly, emotional labor motivates fans to devote time, creativity, and resources to collective activities, making fandom much more than a leisure activity. Last but not least, practices such as Ru Zhui demonstrate that emotional expression is culturally shaped and cannot always be understood through conventional assumptions about admiration and criticism.

More importantly, Chinese fandom reveals broader social and cultural transformations in contemporary China. Digital media is reshaping the ways young people establish relationships, construct identities, and experience belonging；therefore, not merely as an entertainment phenomenon, Chinese fan culture is ought to be considered as a cultural community through which contemporary Chinese youth negotiate identity, emotion, and participation in the digital age.

References

1.Anderson, B. (2006). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (Rev. ed.). London: Verso.

2.Duffett, M. (2013). Understanding Fandom: An Introduction to the Study of Media Fan Culture. London: Bloomsbury Academic.

3.Hall, S. (1996). Who Needs “Identity”? In S. Hall & P. du Gay (Eds.), Questions of Cultural Identity (pp. 1–17). London: Sage Publications.

4.Hills, M. (2002). Fan Cultures. London: Routledge.

5.Hochschild, A. R. (1983). The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

6.Horton, D., & Wohl, R. R. (1956). Mass communication and para-social interaction: Observations on intimacy at a distance. 7.Psychiatry, 19(3), 215–229.

8.Jenkins, H. (1992). Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture. New York, NY: Routledge.

9.张浩, & 王徽. (2023). 生产传播视域下“饭圈”文化发展的现实困境与发展策略. 许昌学院学报, 42(3).

10.胡忠婷, & 王艳. (2023). “饭圈文化”对大学生价值观的影响及对策. 安徽工业大学学报（社会科学版）, 40(2), 104–107.

11.李倚月. (2025). 互动仪式链视域下青少年“饭圈”身份认同建构研究. 社会与公益, (21).

12.王宁. (2008). 消费社会学. 北京: 社会科学文献出版社.

13.彭兰. (2023).网络传播学. 北京: 中国人民大学出版社.

Terms and Expressions

Fan Culture：粉圈文化／饭圈文化

Fandom：粉丝社群

Fan Community：粉丝社群

Cultural Community：文化共同体

Identity Construction：身份建构

Collective Identity：集体身份认同

Emotional Positioning：情感定位

Emotional Investment：情感投入

Emotional Labor：情感劳动

Voluntary Emotional Labor：自愿情感劳动

Community Positioning：社群定位

Sense of Belonging：归属感

Participatory Culture：参与式文化

Collective Action：集体行动

Parasocial Relationship：拟社会关系

Fan Support (Yingyuan)：应援

Fan Jargon：饭圈黑话

Core Fans：正规军（核心组织粉丝）

Solo Fans：唯粉

CP Fans：CP粉

Career Fans：事业粉

Mother Fans：妈粉

Girlfriend/Boyfriend Fans：女友粉／男友粉

Meng Zhui：萌追

Ru Zhui：辱追

Anti-Rumor Campaign：反黑

Controlling Online Comments：控评

Digital Community：数字社群

Digital Culture：数字文化

Cultural Practice：文化实践

Generation Z：Z世代

Questions

1. Why can Chinese fan culture be understood as a cultural community rather than simply an entertainment phenomenon?

2. How are identity construction and emotional labor connected in Chinese fan communities?

3. What does the phenomenon of Ru Zhui reveal about emotional expression in contemporary Chinese fan culture?

Answers

1. Because fan communities are built upon shared identities, common language, collective participation, and emotional bonds rather than entertainment alone.

2. Fan identities encourage members to participate in collective activities, while emotional labor strengthens trust, belonging, and long-term community engagement.

3. Ru Zhui shows that criticism and emotional attachment can coexist, reflecting a culturally specific way of expressing intimacy and commitment.

中国粉圈文化：在数字时代构建身份、情感与社群

摘要

近年来，中国饭圈文化，已经逐渐走进大众视野，成为最具影响力的有关当代中国青年群体的网络文化现象。随着微博、抖音、小红书、X、Threads、哔哩哔哩等社交媒体平台的发展，粉丝群体早已不再仅仅是一群单纯喜爱明星的人，而逐渐形成了具有共同语言、共同规则以及高度组织化特征的网络社群。

本章聚焦于中国粉圈文化的发展历程进行介绍，并探讨粉丝如何通过集体活动建立身份认同、形成社群关系以及表达“追星期间”引发的情感。与传统意义上、其他国家文化中的追星不同，中国粉圈文化不仅是一种娱乐现象，更反映了当代中国青年文化、情感表达方式以及互联网参与文化的发展特点。通过分析应援文化、线上互动以及粉圈中的特殊现象，本文试图说明粉圈文化已经成为理解当代中国社会的重要文化窗口。

1.1.1中国粉圈文化概述

粉圈文化（Fan Culture），又称饭圈文化，是指围绕某位明星、偶像、演员、运动员或虚拟角色产生的粉丝群体及其所进行的一系列社会活动，所产生的这一文化现象。虽然追星文化在全球各国都普遍存在，但由于中国社交媒体平台的差异化发展以及互联网社群的高度连接，中国粉圈文化自身的文化特质在演进中凸显出来。

现代意义上的中国粉圈文化兴起要追溯到21世纪初。以《超级女声》为代表的选秀节目首次让普罗大众能够通过短信投票参与偶像的成长过程，提供了一个寻常百姓从节目观众变为偶像发展参与者的途径。对许多年轻人而言，这是他们第一次感受到“参与感”，感受到自己的所作所为会如何对一位公众人物的发展产生影响，也正是在这一时期，粉丝参与开始成为中国偶像文化的重要组成部分。

当一个拥有共同爱好的粉丝社群初步形成以后，随着社交媒体的发展，粉群得以借助各种途径不断扩大。国内的微博、抖音、小红书，哔哩哔哩，以及国际性的X，Threads等网络社交平台，为粉丝提供了即时交流、组织活动和分享信息的空间。粉丝不再只是被动地接受娱乐内容，而是积极参与视频剪辑、图片制作、采访翻译、宣传海报设计以及线上讨论等各种创作活动。与此同时，内容生产者与内容消费者之间的界限也渐趋模糊。 这一过程中，中文粉圈里，一套高度有组织有体系的应援文化逐渐成型。所谓“应援”，是指粉丝为了支持偶像而开展的一系列集体活动，包括大量购买专辑、投放生日广告、赠送礼物、组织线下应援以及参与网络投票等。值得一提的是，21世纪初的日本韩国均形成了类似文化，在具体表现形式上又因国情和具体文化背景而有所不同，但大致内涵高度相似。这些活动通常需要成千上万名粉丝共同合作，因此，追星逐渐从一种个人兴趣发展为一种具有高度组织性的集体行为。 除了组织、合作，参与各类内部活动以外，中文粉圈更形成了其独特的话语体系，即“饭圈黑话”。粉丝之间经常使用一些圈外人较难理解的专有词汇，结合缩写和谐音不断创造新术语，例如“控评”“洗gc”“排字”等。此外，根据支持偶像的不同方式，粉丝还会形成不同的身份认同，如“cp粉”“唯粉”等。语言是有影响力的，共同使用一种语言（尤其是在小众范围内流通的语言）的人，更容易产生彼此之间的身份认同和归属感，可以说，这些内部术语不仅提高了粉丝之间的交流效率，也成为粉圈成员身份认同的重要标志。对于许多人来说，学习这些表达方式，也是进入粉圈文化的第一步。

与传统意义上的粉丝群体相比，中文粉圈重视有意识的主动参与，甚至会采取一些话术煽动群体边缘的粉丝更加积极主动地投身于活动之中， 为明星本人作贡献，类似一种与情绪价值强绑定的自愿劳动，最终群体内形成更强、更牢固的联系纽带，几乎近似于一种利益共同体的关系。在饭圈中，粉丝不仅消费这些娱乐文化产品的具体内容，同时也参与到大大小小的事务中，包括且不限于组织活动、创作内容、搬运（转载）、翻译、设计，甚至每个人都可以深度参与到影响偶像事业的项目中。他们的日常活动早已不仅限于线上或线下，不限于享受舞台、音乐，节目等偶像提供的产品本身，而是逐渐融入到网络生活和现实生活之中。对很多粉丝而言，偶像本人，乃至大大小小的，与其有关的交互活动，就像家常便饭一样，已经成为他们日常生活中不可分割的一部分。

因此，中国饭圈文化的出现不能仅仅被评估成一种文娱现象，而是视作一种融合了身份认同、情感付出和集体参与的新型文化现象。在每一个粉丝社群背后，都存在着复杂的关系网络，它连接着个体、网络社群、流行文化以及当代中国社会。理解中国粉圈文化的形成过程与运行方式，不仅有助于认识z世代文化的发展，也为进一步分析偶像-粉丝这一联结现象背后的文化意义奠定了基础。

1.2.1 身份认同的建构（Constructing Fan Identity）

身份认同是中国粉圈文化得以形成和维系的重要基础。与传统意义上的“粉丝”概念不同，中国粉圈内部形成了一套十分复杂，且动态变化着的的身份认同分类体系。值得注意的是，这些身份并非依据同一标准划分，而是从不同维度描述粉丝与偶像，与社群之间的关系。因此，一个粉丝很可能同时被划分为多重身份，它们之间却并不存在必然冲突。

首先，部分身份体现的是情感投射（Emotional Positioning）。例如，“妈粉”“女友粉”“男友粉”等称呼，并非意味着粉丝真的将自己视为偶像的母亲或恋人，而是借助这些名称表达自己投射的情感定位。对于妈粉而言，偶像更像一个需要照顾、守护和陪伴成长的孩子；而女友粉、男友粉则更多将偶像作为一种理想化的亲密情感倾诉对象。这种情感关系，在本质上是一种象征性、抽象化的角色建构，也是粉丝在追星时表达身份认同，形成亲密感和归属感的重要方式。 其次，还有一类身份反映的是追星时关注重点的不同（Expectations and Priorities）。例如，“事业粉”更加关注偶像的职业生涯发展，希望其获得更多资源、创造更好的作品，和斩获更高的社会认可，因此会积极参与氛围维护、宣传推广以及商业成绩相关的活动。相比之下，也有另一部分粉丝更加关注偶像的舞台表现、音乐作品或个人形象。换而言之，这一类身份认同分类所体现的，并不是粉丝是谁，而是他们认为“什么才是值得支持的”，“追星到底是在追什么”。 第三类身份则体现了粉丝在整个社群中的参与方式（Community Positioning）。例如，“唯粉”强调只支持单一偶像，而“CP粉”则围绕两位公众人物之间真实或虚构的关系展开创作与讨论。近年来，粉圈内部又逐渐出现了一些更具中国特色的非正式身份划分，例如被戏称为“正规军”“萌追”和“辱追”。

所谓“正规军”，通常指粉圈中最有组织、有纪律，行动能力最强的一批核心成员。他们往往承担组织应援、控评、反黑、数据维护以及大型活动协调等工作，是整个社群正常运转的重要力量。同时，他们也承担着维护偶像公共形象的责任，因此在面对争议事件时往往会最先一步进行规模行动，也最容易与其他粉丝群体产生冲突。

与之相比，“萌追”更强调一种理想化、积极化的情感投射。他们更关注偶像带来的情绪价值，希望维持一种轻松、快乐、充满幻想的追星体验。这部分粉丝中既包括投入较深的忠实粉丝，也包括更多保持轻度关注、只停留在私人好感层面，不主动参与相关粉圈事务的普通粉丝（散粉）。

另一种近年来逐渐受到关注的群体则是“辱追”。这一群体最大的特点在于，他们经常使用调侃、讽刺甚至批评的方式讨论自己的偶像，但与此同时，他们依然愿意投入大量时间、精力甚至金钱支持偶像的发展，例如购买专辑、观看演唱会、参与应援活动等。从表面上看，这看起来似乎十分矛盾，但实际上，它反映的是一种不同于传统崇拜模式的情感表达方式。关于这一现象背后的文化原因，本文将在第三部分进一步讨论。 这些身份之所以能够长期存在，并不是因为它们具有固定不变的含义，而是因为它们不断随着粉圈发展而动态变化着，不断被重新定义。粉丝通过共同语言、集体活动以及持续互动，不断建构和调整自己的身份认同。因此，可以说，中国粉圈中的身份并不是一种固定的标签，而是一种文化行为产品，或者说持续的文化实践结果。

1.2.2 情感劳动：娱乐之外的投入（Emotional Labor Beyond Entertainment）

如果说身份认同回答的是“我是谁”，那么情感劳动回答的则是“我为什么愿意持续投入”。 与传统印象中“追星只是娱乐”不同，中国粉圈中的大量活动都需要持续而稳定的投入。应援、控评、反黑、翻译、修图、视频剪辑、现场摄影、活动策划、数据统计以及线上宣传等工作，几乎全部由粉丝自发完成。绝大多数情况下，这些劳动没有任何经济报酬，却需要投入大量时间、精力以及专业技能。 可见，这种投入已经超出了普通兴趣爱好的范围，更接近于一种建立在情感基础上的自愿劳动（voluntary emotional labor）。 社会学家阿莉·拉塞尔·霍克希尔德（Arlie Russell Hochschild）提出“情感劳动”这一概念，用以描述个体为了满足社会角色要求而管理和表达自身情绪的过程。虽然这一理论最初用于解释服务行业中的劳动关系，但在数字文化研究中，它同样能够帮助理解粉圈成员为何愿意持续参与各种组织活动。

值得注意的是，中国粉圈中的情感劳动并不仅仅发生在粉丝与偶像之间，也发生在粉丝彼此之间。一同追星的经历会逐渐积累为群体共同记忆，使粉丝之间形成稳定的信任关系和情感纽带。很多时候，粉丝持续留在同一个社群的理由，已经和偶像本人相去甚远，实际是因为他们已经在这一过程中建立了深厚的人际关系。 因此，情感劳动并不是单纯的个人付出，而是一种维系社群运行的重要机制。它不断强化成员之间的责任意识，也使粉圈逐渐发展成为一种承载共同目标和价值观念的文化共同体。

1.2.3 从情感投入到集体行动（From Emotional Investment to Collective Action）

然而，仅仅拥有情感投入，并不足以形成今天高度组织化的中国粉圈。真正值得关注的是，粉丝如何将个人情感不断转化为持续而稳定的集体行动。 传播学中的“拟社会关系”（Parasocial Relationship）认为，受众会与媒体人物建立一种单向却真实存在的情感联系。在互联网时代，直播、短视频、社交媒体以及日常分享进一步缩短了公众人物与粉丝之间的心理距离，使这种关系变得更加稳定，也更加具有持续性。 但中国粉圈的发展并未停留于粉丝与偶像之间的一对一关系，而是在这一基础上形成了更加复杂的社群网络。粉丝共同庆祝生日、反馈作品、组织应援、讨论争议事件，也共同创造了大量属于粉圈内部的语言、仪式和集体记忆。渐渐地，维系粉丝持续参与的不再只是偶像本人，而是整个社群所提供的归属感。 也正因如此，中国粉圈越来越接近一种文化共同体，而不仅仅是一群兴趣爱好相似的人。个人的情感投入不断转化为集体行动，而集体行动又进一步强化成员之间的身份认同与情感联系，最终形成一种不断循环、自我维系的文化机制。 从这一意义上来说，中国粉圈文化已经超越了单纯的娱乐消费。它不仅体现了数字时代z世代群体新的参与方式，也展示了身份认同、情感表达与集体实践如何共同塑造一种新的网络文化形态。

1.3.1 从娱乐消费到文化共同体

经由前文的论述，不难发现，中国粉圈所承载的含义早已超越了一种娱乐消费现象。虽然偶像始终是粉圈活动的核心，但要真正维系粉丝持续参与，仅凭偶像本人绝不能做到；而正是围绕偶像所形成的社群关系、共同语言、集体记忆以及持续不断的互动实践……在这些经验的基础上，粉圈逐渐发展成为第二部分所说的，传递共同目标和价值观念的一个文化共同体。 同体而言，它的重要特征远高于拥有共同兴趣，更在于成员之间共享一套象征体系和行为规范。中文粉圈中的饭圈黑话、应援仪式、反黑行动、周年纪念以及各种集体活动，都不断强化着成员之间的归属感。即使彼此未曾面对面接触过，如有需要，粉丝仍然能够通过共同的话语体系、共同经历和共同记忆立刻确认彼此是属于同一个社群的“同担”。 在追星这一过程中建立起的稳定的人际关系网络，如第二部分所述，在“固粉”的影响因素里不断占据上风。正是共同追星中所投入的情感实践不断积累，使社群本身逐渐具有独立于偶像之外的价值。因此，粉圈更应被视作是一种数字时代青年建立身份认同、找寻归属感并维系社会联系的重要文化空间。

1.3.2 “辱追”：一种通过批评表达亲密关系的文化实践

如果说应援文化体现了粉圈积极、公开的一面，那么“辱追”则展示了中国粉圈情感表达中最复杂、也最具中国特色的一面。 所谓“辱追”，是指粉丝长期以调侃、吐槽甚至批评辱骂的方式讨论自己的偶像，却依然持续投入时间、金钱和情感支持其发展。从传统意义上看，批评通常意味着否定或厌恶，厌恶导致疏远，因此这一现象的存在，常常令圈外人感到矛盾且不可理喻。然而，对于许多辱追粉而言，批评并不意味着彻底脱离粉丝身份。相反，它本质上是一种沉甸甸的，在亲密关系中承载情感表达的方式。 长期追星中，粉丝对于偶像的情感逐渐由理想化的icon崇拜，转向更加真实和复杂的情感联系。他们既能够欣赏偶像的优点，也能够毫不掩饰地揭露偶像的不足。这种批评往往围绕舞台表现、公开发言、行为习惯、造型选择或职业规划展开，但并不是对偶像本身厌恨入骨。相反，正因为情感投入足够深，足够沉，他们才会更加持续关注、持续投入，持续输出。

这种表达方式，在一定程度上也与中国社会中较为常见的人际互动模式存在相似之处。在中国家庭中，父母表达关心时往往更多表现为提醒、批评和督促，而非直接赞美；在朋友之间，相互调侃、彼此“吐槽”也常常意味着关系足够亲密，而非真正的敌意。固然粉圈并不能简单等同于中国家庭或现实社会关系，但这种熟悉的沟通方式，或许在一定程度上影响了部分粉丝表达情感的习惯。 因此，“辱追”的存在，背后的意义已经远超乎一个新的网络黑话。在进行文化研究时，真正应该关注的是它所反映的，中国粉圈内部这一种复杂而动态的情感表达机制。它揭露的，正是情感以及情绪劳动并非只有正向体现，批评、反讽，不断恶语相对，以及一次又一次的心理妥协，同样可能成为维系亲密关系的重要方式。

1.3.3 中国粉圈文化折射出的当代中国社会

作为最具影响力的21世纪网络文化之一，并且参与主体为z世代青年群体，粉圈文化不仅塑造着新的追星方式，更折射出在数字时代下社会文化的发展变化。 首先，它体现了青年群体越来越强的主体参与意识（主观能动性）。互联网平台的发展，使普通用户能够从娱乐内容的消费者逐渐转变为内容生产者、组织者和传播者，在这双重身份里跳跃。追星时的z世代群体在饭圈中不断学习合作、组织和产出，在这一过程里，也有助于重新理解个体在集体中的作用。 其次，它反映了数字时代社会关系的重构。在当今社会，人际关系流动以及线上交流得到普及，共同造就了现状：年轻人开始通过兴趣社群建立稳定的人际联系。对于许多粉丝而言，粉圈不仅意味着追星，更意味着交友、认同，陪伴和归属。 最后，粉圈能够存续，揭示了z世代青年群体对于身份认同和情感连接的需求水涨船高。偶像、演员、运动员，虚拟角色……被追的“星”，只是这一文化共同体形成的起点，而真正维系社群长期存在的，则是成员之间共同创造的语言、规则、仪式和情感经验。 因此，中国粉圈文化所讲述的，逾越了明星和粉丝这一联结本身，实则是一个数字时代中，z世代青年如何建构身份、表达情感、形成共同社群并寻找归属感的故事。从这一角度来看，对于粉圈研究的意义，不在于它是一种文娱现象，而应将其视作一种社会文化实践，值得文化研究的持续关注。

总结

作为数字时代青年群体最具代表性的网络文化形态之一，中国粉圈文化不断丰富着自身独有的文化特征及其背后的内涵。虽然它起源于娱乐消费和偶像崇拜，但随着互联网平台的发展壮大，逐渐演变为一种具有高度组织性和持续性的文化共同体，其核心特征体现在身份建构、情感投入以及集体参与三个方面。 本文首先对中国粉圈文化的发展过程进行介绍，并分析了粉丝身份如何通过不同维度持续建构。随后，关于情感劳动如何推动粉丝持续投入时间、精力与创造力，并进一步形成稳定的集体行动，展开了讨论。最后，通过对“辱追”等特殊文化实践的分析，本文尝试说明中国粉圈中的情感表达具有鲜明的文化特征，不能简单地用传统意义上的崇拜或批评来解释。 总而言之，中国粉圈文化不单单反映着数字时代青年群体的社会活动形式，更折射出其背后蕴藏的身份认同、情感表达，以及网络共同体的发展趋势。因此，笔者认为，对于粉圈研究的意义已经无关娱乐现象，而是作为一种社会文化实践，值得文化研究的持续关注。