Difference between revisions of "20201012 trans"

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'''诸桥''' '''无出版日期''' 诸桥辅次《大汉和辞典》 台北,无出版日期,第一至十三卷--Ouyang Ling
 
'''诸桥''' '''无出版日期''' 诸桥辅次《大汉和辞典》 台北,无出版日期,第一至十三卷--Ouyang Ling
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姜建,吴为公,《朱自清年谱》,1996,合肥:安徽教育出版社,共361页。
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诸桥辅次,《大汉和辞典》,无出版日期,台北,第一至十三卷。--[[User:Nie Xiaolou|Nie Xiaolou]] ([[User talk:Nie Xiaolou|talk]]) 03:08, 19 October 2020 (UTC)Nie Xiaolou
  
 
==Peng Dan 彭丹==
 
==Peng Dan 彭丹==

Revision as of 05:08, 19 October 2020

Back to course homepage.

Welcome to the webpage of the homework of 2020 10 12.

Cao Runxin 曹润鑫

Harvard Lecture

On the 20th Century Chinese Essay

Modern Chinese Literature

And the Essay Genre:

A New Perspective

In this paper, I will not recount the contents and propose interpretations of any essays, nor will I outline the main topics or styles of essaywriting in China, but I would like to take the opportunity to reflect a little bit on the phenomenon of the genre itself and discuss some conclusions and hypotheses with the attentive and critical audience which can be found at only a few places on earth, EALC at Harvard definitely being one of them. On the handout, you will find an overview of the structure of my argument.

1. The unknown genre

The literary-historical narrative told by anthologies and collections of the 20th century has drawn an incomplete picture of Chinese literature: The genre of the essay was lacking.

哈佛大学关于二十世纪中国散文的演讲

中国现代文学与散文流派:新视角

在本文中,我将不会赘述任何文章中的内容并作解释,也不会概述中文文章的主要写作主题与风格。不过我想借此机会,对文章流派本身这一现象进行些许反思,并与细心和具有批判性思维的读者探讨一些观点与假设,这些观点与假设十分罕见,EALC绝对是其中之一。你可以在我的讲义中找到我论点结构的概述。

1.未知流派 20世纪选集和文集所讲述的文学历史叙事体现了中文文学的不完整:散文流派是缺失的。--Cao Runxin (talk) 14:43, 17 October 2020 (UTC)


哈佛大学关于二十世纪中国散文的演讲

中国现代文学与散文流派:新视角

在本文中,我将不会赘述任何文章中的内容或对文章内容作出解释,也不会概述中文文章的主要写作主题与风格。不过我想借此机会,对文章流派本身这一现象进行些许反思,并与细心和具有批判性思维的观众探讨一些观点与假设,这种观众全世界也没有几个,哈佛东亚语言与文明系的各位绝对其中之一。你可以在我的讲义中找到我论点结构的概述。

1.未知流派 20世纪选集和文集所讲述的文学历史叙事体现了中文文学的不完整:散文流派是缺失的。--Li Meng (talk) 00:27, 19 October 2020 (UTC)

Chang Huiyue 常慧月

In my paper I will ask, if the picture of literature can remain unchanged, if we take into consideration also the essay. The genre has been neglected for a long time as a genre of merit (Margouliès 1949, Schmidt-Glintzer 1990) or overlooked (McNaughton 1974, Leiden 1988-90, McDougall 1998); whereas its elder brother, fiction, has been prized ever since the valuing of fictional literature and the vernacularisation of writing in early Republican China, which followed from the master narrative established by the May 4th movement. Modern anthologies would have the reader believe that a triumvirate of poetry, fiction and drama forms the backbone of modern Chinese literary output.

Excursion: Defining the essay

As a non-fictional subjective representation in a free form 本文中,我提出了两个问题:一是文学形势是否保持不变;二是我们是否也将散文考虑在内。做为一种有价值的体裁,散文已经被忽视了很长一段时间(马古烈1949,施寒微1990)或者说被轻视(麦克诺顿1974,莱顿1988-90,麦克杜格尔1998);然而他的兄长,小说,自早期共和政体的中国时虚构文学的重要性和写作的本土化起就已经受到高度重视,这一结论是从五四运动创立的最重要的记叙文中得出的。现代选集使读者认为诗歌、小说和戏剧三种形式并重成为了现代中国文学输出的支柱。 涉猎:给散文下定义 一种自由形式下的非虚构文学的主观代表--Chang Huiyue (talk) 06:53, 18 October 2020 (UTC) 在我的文中,我会问,是否文学的图景可以保持不变,并且如果我们也将散文考虑在内。长期以来,该文体作为一种有价值的体裁不受重视(Margouliès 1949,Schmidt-Glintzer 1990)或被忽视(McNaughton 1974,Leiden 1988-90,McDougall 1998);而另一个题材,小说,自民国初年重视小说文学和写作的白话化以来,一直受到重视,这是由五四运动确立的主流叙事所带来的。现代文选会让读者相信,诗歌、小说和戏剧这三大门类构成了中国现代文学作品的主干。 涉猎:定义散文 将它作为一种自由形式的非虚构文学的主观代表。--Jiang Hao (talk) 02:57, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Chen Han 陈涵

Similar to international literature, the basic subdivision of literature in China in general is one in three types: epic (with xiaoshuo (fiction), sanwen (non-fictional prose)), lyrics (shige) and drama (xiqu). Though there is no pure epic form, fiction and prose are often jointly addressed with the Chinese term "wu yunwen" which corresponds to the term "epic" in the West. The types may be distinguished roughly by their nature in the following way: In the epic, bygone events are retold, a broad, filled story dominates the foreground. In the lyrics, the reader is encouraged to feel the current sensations and often confessionlike feelings of the poet. The drama recalls a self-contained action directly in monologue or dialogue and in this way unburdens the re-creative imagination of the readers/spectators through it. The essay as a genre of the epic is a detached non-fictional subjective representation in a free form.

与国际文学类似,中国文学通常细分为以下三类:叙事类或史诗类作品(包括虚构小说、非虚构散文)、诗歌类、戏剧类(戏曲)。尽管小说和散文没有具备完整的史诗形式,但二者常常用中文术语“无韵文”来表示,而该术语与西方的“史诗”一词相对应。这些类别可根据其特点进行大致区分:在史诗类作品中,重述历史事件,涉猎广泛的故事占据主导地位。在诗歌中,通常鼓励读者感知诗人情感和其内心告解。在戏剧中,所呈现的独白或对话可以直接调动人们的自我参与,通过这种方式,减轻读者或观众对想象进行再创造的负担。作为叙事类(史诗类)作品的题材之一,散文代表了超然的非虚构主观文学,且表现形式自由。--Chen Han (talk) 04:31, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Chen Hui 陈惠

"Essay", Chinese mostly sanwen 散文[ The choice of the term “sanwen” instead of “suibi” (familiar essay) or “xiaopinwen” (short literary piece) is of course arbitrary, but it corresponds to the present usage. In about 200 essay collections and histories between 1949 and 1996 known to the author, sanwen turned out to be the common expression, xiaopin was used only in one out of 25 essay titles of the PR China, in one out of 14 Taiwanese, and one out of ten Hong Kong publications.], is a genre term for shorter, self-contained non-fictional prose texts, in which the author tries to mediate individual experiences on an object or a question out of subjective I-perspective. This it tries associatively and from different sides, not as a text for daily use, but with artistic or educationally demanding means of language, nevertheless in an accessible form. The resource is mastered by the essayist sovereignly and the topic is seen in a larger context and can even be presented humorously. Freedom in form and content is essential for the essay. “Eassy”,中国人通常称之为散文。(当然称之为“散文”还是“随笔”还是“小品文”都是随机的,但是还是与现在的惯例有联系。在大约200篇选集和1949到1996的这段历史中,“散文”这种称呼是最常见的表达。在大陆,每25篇“散文”才有一篇被称作小品文,在台湾每14篇中有一篇,在香港地区每时篇中有一篇被这样称呼。)它通常是一种体裁术语,指较短的、自成体系的非虚构散文文本,在这种文本中,作者试图从主观的“我”视角来调解个人对一个对象或一个问题的体验。它试图从不同的方面进行联想,不是作为一种日常使用的文本,而是使用艺术或教育要求的语言手段,但以一种可接近的形式。资源是掌握由散文家主权和主题被看到在一个更大的背景下,甚至可以幽默地提出。形式和内容的自由对这篇文章至关重要。--Chen Hui (talk) 17:52, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Chen Hui

Chen Jiangning 陈江宁

Different perspectives range in the international genre of the essay: Genres are primarily divisions of literature through the scholarship of literature for specialized contemplation and in order to be able to compare similar texts more easily. On the other hand, a subcategorization in numerous small entities, like Zheng Mingli does with the essay, questions the sense of such subdivisioning in reference to hermeneutic findings. One must also stay aware of the changing nature of literature itself and the relativity of the scientific perspective, which is still a timely one, even if its accepted internationally.

Regional deviations seem less important for the essay than for established genres like short stories, novels etc., and far less important than for poems.

散文的国际体裁存在不同的观点:体裁主要是文学的分支,通过对文本的分析以进行专门的思考,同时能够更加容易地对相似的文本进行比较。另一方面,许多小的字符实体都存在次范畴化,以郑明礼处理文章为例,他对那些有关于文本解释的分支所得到的发现的合理性提出质疑。人们也必须要意识到文学本身不断变化的特征以及科学观点的相对性,及时已经为国际所接受,这一观点仍然具有时间局限性。对于散文来说,地域偏差的重要性似乎比诸如短篇小说、长篇小说等既定体裁的重要性要小,其对诗歌的重要性就更小了--Chen Jiangning (talk) 04:26, 16 October 2020 (UTC)。

就散文的体裁而言,国际上存在不同的观点。体裁主要是文学的分支,其凭借文学知识进行专门的思考,以便能更加容易地对相似的文本进行比较。另一方面,以郑明礼对散文的处理为例,许多小实体的次范畴化对解释性发现的细分的意义提出了质疑。人们也必须意识到文学本身不断变化的特性以及科学观点的相对性,即使已经为国际所接受,也仍然具有时间局限性。--Chen Sha (talk) 08:12, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

就散文的国际体裁而言有着不同的观点:体裁主要是文学的分支,通过自身的文学知识进行专业的思考使得更加容易地对比相似的文本。另外一方面,许多小实体的次范畴化,以郑明礼处理散文方式为例,对解释性发现的细分提出了质疑。人们也必须意识到文学自身的变化特性和科学观点的先对性,这一观点仍具有时限性,虽然已经被国际社会所接受。相对于散文来说,地域差异的重要性对于短篇小说和长篇小说更加重要,而对于诗歌来说就没那么重要了。--Han Wanzhen (talk) 13:25, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

散文的国际体裁有不同的方面:体裁作为文学的分支,通过对文学研究,以便进行专门的思考和更好的相似文本比较。另一方面,存在于许多小实体的次分类,就像郑明理处理散文那样,就注释学发现方面对其的合理性产生了质疑。人们必须意识到文学本身和相关科学方面的改变,即使被国际化的接受了,它们也很容易发生变化。

对于散文而言,其地域性差异相比于已存在的体裁,比如短篇小说,长篇小说等等就略逊一筹了,与诗歌相比那就更不用说了。--Han Haiyang (talk) 14:35, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Chen Jiaxin 陈佳欣

All these other genres are seen as international genres. My hypothesis, that the Chinese and the Western essay also belong to the same international genre maybe proved by the crosscultural mutualities both in form and content.

In the 21st century, the world is growing together and culture is mainly determined by the grade of modernization. The Chinese essay, as we find it in newspapers today, has taken on the form and content of the Western essay and is aimed at a target group comparable to that of the Western essay. This is a second hint that the modern Chinese essay belongs to the international genre of the essay. Even though the translation of duanpian xiaoshuo 短篇小說 with short stories is commonly accepted, both are less closely related than the Western essay and its Chinese counterpart. 所有其他体裁都被视作国际体裁。我认为中国散文和西方散文属于同一国际体裁,或许这一点能够通过其形式和内容的跨文化多样性来证明。 在全球化发展的21世纪,文化主要由现代化的程度决定。当今报纸上的中国散文采用西方散文的形式和内容,其目标人群也类似。这再次暗示了中国现代散文属于散文的国际体裁。即使中国短篇小说的翻译和西方短篇小说是被广泛接受的,但相较于西方散文和中国散文而言,它们之间的联系没有那么紧密。 By Chen Jiaxin --Jessie Chen (talk) 11:35, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

其他所有体裁都被视作国际体裁。我认为中国散文和西方散文同属国际体裁,这一点或许能够通过二者在形式和内容上的跨文化关系来证明。 在21世纪,世界各地的关联更加紧密,文化主要由现代化程度决定。如今报纸上中国散文的形式和内容与西方散文一致,目标人群也类似,这再次证明了中国现代散文属于散文的国际体裁。尽管短篇小说的译作被广泛接受,但不如西方散文和中国散文联系紧密。--Jiang Qiwei (talk) 14:15, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

其他的所有体裁都属于国际体裁。从形式和内容的文化多样性来看,我认为中式散文和西方散文同属国际体裁。21世纪世界的全球化也导致了文化主要由现代化程度来决定。从当今的报纸上我们不难发现中国散文采用与西方散文相同的形式和内容,其目标人群也类似。这再次证明了中国散文属于国际体裁。不过,中国短篇小说及其译文虽然被大众广泛接受,但它还是不如西方散文和其中文副本。--Liu Zhiwei (talk) 03:48, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Chen Jingjing 陈静静

The definition, which I developed out of a sample of more than 5000 modern Chinese essays, fits also the special international understanding of the essay (following Bolz 1992 13:269-272 on the development of the western essay; Butrym 1989 on the theory of the western essay).

Besides the trend towards a globalized society, first expressed in Zhou Zuoren's call to adopt the English essay style, there are special local characteristics of the Chinese essay. How is the Chinese essay to determine culturally, what makes it "Chinese"? In the occidental essay the form seems to be a more important criterion of differentiation than in its Chinese counterpart. In China even those texts are included, which have only a similar content, but cross the borders of the formal generical framework. 我从5000多篇现代中国散文的样本中得出这一定义,而其也同样适用于对散文的国际化角度的特殊理解(紧随Bolz 1992 13:269-271 关于西方散文的发展;Butryn 1985 关于西方散文的理论) 社会全球化这一趋势在周作人采用英文散文风格的号召中首次提出,除此之外,中国散文还具有一些特别的当地特色。中国散文如何确定文化背景,是什么使之中国化?相比之中国散文,形式在西方散文中似乎是一种更为重要的区分标准。在中国散文中,即使是那些只是内容相仿但不在形式通用框架范围内的文章也包含在内。--Chen Jingjing (talk) 14:44, 16 October 2020 (UTC)Chen Jingjing

Chen Sha 陈莎

This can be shown with Zheng Mingli, who subcategorises the "unfinished diary" or the "unfinished letter". Those texts belong - within the Western context - to texts of personal use and therefor to the non-fictional prose works. Only after they have been altered into essays (Zheng Mingli: "essay in diary form" and "essay in letter form"), they are accepted as essays.

The Chinese understanding of the genre

Is tendencially broader

This tendencial broader understanding of the essay in China can be traced back directly to the connotation, that the term sanwen possesses in Chinese: wú yùnwén 無韻文 "non-rhythmic prose", which originally meant all non-fictional prose. In this broader meaning, also texts for personal or everyday use are included. However I deal only with sanwen in the narrower meaning "short literary essay pieces".

郑明礼表明了这一点,并对“未完成的日记”或“未完成的信件”进一步进行了分类。在西方的语境中,那些文本属于个人使用的文本,因此也属于非小说性散文作品。这些文本只有在被改成散文之后(郑明礼:“日记形式的散文”和“信件形式的散文”),才能作为散文为人们所接受。 中国对于体裁的理解偏泛化 在中国,对散文的这种偏泛化的理解可以追溯到中文中“散文”这一术语的内涵意义。散文,即无韵文,原本表示所有的非小说性散文,从广义上来看,也包括个人使用或日常使用的文本。然而,我只涉及狭义上的散文,即“短篇文学散文”。--Chen Sha (talk) 08:11, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Chen Sunfu 谌孙福

Further differences are that Chinese essays often have ideological contents and show stylistic characteristics like repetitions and the usage of sayings.

The Chinese essay is booming again

In the 1980s and 1990s

Analysis reveals a general increase in essay publication after 1979 with two peaks immediately after the 'Cultural Revolution'. The publications apparently reaching a new height in 1990. The first increase came about in the 1920s and 1930s, after which the essay's role was eclipsed by the genre of the report (baogao wenxue 報告文學).[ Klaschka 1998.] The flourishing of essay publication in the 1920/30s and 1980/90s was helped in part by the appearance of new magazines that existed chiefly as vehicles for contemporary essayists, and numerous sanwen congshu 散文叢書 (essay bookseries).

其差异进一步体现在,中文散文常包含一些与意识形态相关的内容,且显现出许多文体特征,如重复和格言的使用。

中文散文再度繁荣

二十世纪八九十年代

据分析,1979年后,散文出版量大幅增加,文革后散文出版量两次创下新高。1990年,散文出版量显然达到了一个新高度。二十世纪二三十年代,散文出版量出现了第一次增长。此后,报告这一文学体裁(报告文学)的地位俨然盖过散文。作为当代散文家和许多“散文丛书”宣扬思想的主要工具,新杂志纷纷涌现,这在一定程度上促成了二十世纪二三十年代、二十世纪八九十年代散文出版的两次繁荣景象。--Chen Sunfu (talk) 11:13, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Chen Yongxiang 陈永相

The increase in essay production right after the clear-cutting of the ‘Cultural Revolution’ has been the backlog of demand, which is reflected in 1 million copies of essay collections being printed between 1980 and 1982 - only counting the collections contained in a sampling of 130 ‘representative’ books I was able to collect for a survey.

Thanks to the work of some major Chinese editors, the whole essay culture was compiled from magazines and newspapers and was published in a flood of anthologies since the 1970s. This boom is comparable to the cultural fever of undigging xiangtu 鄉土 literature, which rose in Taiwan in front of the background of the movement of self-identification and independance.

Cheng Yusi 成于思

Why is the essay as abundant as fiction?

Let me name a few reasons, why the essay in fact is as abundant as its prose brother, fiction, and its lyrical sister, poetry, and why it must be valued as highly:

- The essay had a direct impact on Chinese society throughout history (the reform ideas from the end of the Qing dynasty through the May Fourth period with the literary theorethical pieces and the daily political zawen 雜文 of Lu Xun, until today are mostly presented in essay form). The impact on literary reflection and theory is shown in the collection "Modern Chinese Literary Thought" 1996.

为什么散文的发行量达到了小说的水平?

下面我阐述几条原因说明为什么散文和其它无韵体如小说,有韵体如诗歌一样盛行,以及为什么一定要高度重视散文。

纵观中国历史,散文对于中国社会有着直接影响(涉及从清末到五四时期的改革思想的书籍,如鲁迅的文学理论著作及日政杂文,直到今天大多以散文形式呈现)。散文对文学反思和文学理论的影响可见1996年出版的《现代中国文学思想读本》丛书。--Cheng Yusi (talk) 07:31, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

为什么散文的发行量达到了小说的水平?

为什么散文和其它无韵体如小说,有韵体如诗歌一样盛行,以及为什么一定要高度重视散文这些问题的看法?

以下是我对于这些问题的看法。

纵观中国历史,散文对于中国社会有着直接影响(涉及从清末到五四时期的改革思想的书籍,如鲁迅的文学理论著作及日政杂文,直到今天大多以散文形式呈现)。散文对文学反思和文学理论的影响可见1996年出版的《现代中国文学思想读本》丛书。--Liu Jinxingqi (talk) 13:46, 18 October 2020 (UTC) 为什么散文的发行量达到了小说的水平? 下面我阐述几条原因说明为什么散文和小说这类无韵体、诗歌这类有韵体一样盛行,以及为什么一定要高度重视散文。 纵观中国历史,散文对中国社会有着直接影响(直至今天,从清末到五四时期改革思想的书籍,如鲁迅的文学理论著作及日政杂文,大多以散文形式呈现)。散文对文学反思和文学理论的影响可见1996年出版的《现代中国文学思想读本》丛书。-

Deng Jinxia 邓锦霞

The effect of the essay genre with its direct language, its connection to life (e.g. its role in the coming to terms with the cultural revolution), and its direct access to the individual reader through newspapers. This impact is larger than the indirect one of fiction or poetry. The poem is the genre of retreat from social life, from political issues and time references.

Hu Shi argues, that poetry is most important in the process of modernity, since poetry rises emotions. But it relies also on images and on linguistic rhythm. Liang Qichao stresses the role of novel and opera in the changing society. But sanwen is able to name things, it reflects life, caleidoscopic. Modern subjectivity is constructed with the tool of sanwen.


散文体裁的影响体现在其直接的语言,与生活的联系(例如,在文化大革命中的作用)和通过报纸直接接触个人读者的特性中。这种影响大于小说或诗歌的间接影响。 诗歌是一种不涉及社会生活,政治问题和时间参照的体裁。

胡适认为,“诗”在现代化中最为重要,因为诗引起人们的情感。但是它也依赖于图像和语言节奏。梁启超强调了“小说”和“歌剧”在不断变化的社会中的作用。但是“散文”是能够命名事物的,它反映了生命,是千变万化的。现代主体性是由散文工具建构的。--Deng Jinxia (talk) 15:47, 15 October 2020 (UTC) 散文体裁的影响体现在其直接的语言,与生活的联系(例如,在文化大革命中的作用)和通过报纸直接接触个人读者的特性中。这种影响大于小说或诗歌的间接影响。 诗歌是一种不涉及社会生活,政治问题和时间参照的体裁。 胡适认为,“诗”在现代化中最为重要,因为诗引起人们的情感。但是它也依赖于意象和语言韵律。梁启超强调了“小说”和“歌剧”在不断变化的社会中的作用。但是“散文”是能够命名事物的,它反映了生命,是千变万化的。现代主体性是由散文工具建构的。--Mashuya (talk) 17:58, 15 October 2020 (UTC)MaShuya

Ding Daifeng 丁代凤

- The essay also reflects trends in the society better than poetry and fiction: Individualism is expressed in the essay more directly than in the poem with its limitation in content and form. Ephemerality is reflected in the short form of the essay, which may be read in the subway on the way to work, where poems may not be so spontaneously enjoyed.

- The essay reaches a larger part of the population than poetry, the amount of time spended on reading novels goes back, too. The essay itself a genre of high actuality, if not simply the genre of today.

-比起诗歌和小说,散文也能更好地反应社会潮流:不像诗歌那样拘泥于内容和形式,在散文中,个人主义得以以一种更为直接方式表达出来。短暂性体现在散文短小的篇幅上,在乘坐地铁上班的途中,读者可以对之进行阅览,这是需要细细品读的诗歌无法做到的。

-比起诗歌,散文的受众更广,人们花在阅读小说上的时间也在减少。如果散文的体裁不是像如今这么简单的话,它本身就是极具现实性的。--Ding Daifeng (talk) 03:39, 17 October 2020

相比诗歌和小说,散文更能反映社会潮流:诗歌多半拘泥于其形式和内容,而散文能更直接地表达个人主义思想。另外,散文篇幅比较简短,让读者即使是在乘坐地铁上班时,也能读上几篇。而如果这时阅读的是诗歌,就无法体会到那一份即时的快乐了。

比起诗歌,散文的受众更广,人们花在阅读小说上的时间也在减少。如果散文的体裁不是像如今这么简单的话,它本身就是非常反映现实的一类问题。

Fang Jieling 方洁玲

- The essay tells us more about an author and his time than fiction or poetry, because in this genre, we encounter the author himself without metrical restrictions. We look trough authentic eyes on his contemporary society. Many authors turned to essay writing in the later periods of their lifes, like Lu Xun, Ba Jin, and Wang Meng.

- The volume of essay production exceeds the volume of xiaoshuo 小說 production: Chinese newspapers since the 1870s on[ Shenbao, Shibao etc. Liang Qichao sees the role of the newspaper both as liberal and authoritative: He understands the press as an institution to control the government, on the other hand he favors censorship.] and as a mass media from the early 20th century presented only one or two fictional stories in a serialized form, but invented essay columns like zagan 雜感 (from which Lu Xun developed his zawen), suibi 隨筆 or suixiang 隨想 (from which famous collections like Ba Jin's Suixiang lu 隨想錄 derived).

比起向我们介绍科幻小说或者诗歌,这篇散文更多的是让我们了解到了作者以及他的生平,因为在这种类型的文章中,我们可以充分的了解并认识到作者本人,(可以)透过他的眼睛去看当时他所处的社会。许多作者,比如鲁迅、巴金和王蒙,在晚期都倾向于散文写作。 散文作品的产量超过了小说:自19世纪70年代以来的中文报纸,(比如申报、时报等等)。梁启超认为报纸的功能具有自由性及权威性的特点:(一方面)他认为出版社是一种可以约束政府的机构,另一方面,也是种审查机构。同时,自20世纪早期以来,作为大众媒体,出版社(虽然)只以连载的形式发表了一到两篇科幻小说,但是却创造出了许多散文类型,比如“雜感”(鲁迅由此发展了他的杂文集)、“隨筆”或者“隨想”(最著名的收藏集比如巴金的“ 隨想錄”,就是来源于此)。--Fang Jieling (talk) 13:35, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Gan Fengyu 甘奉玉

Let us assign the essay its proper place

The consequence which must be driven from the above presented contrast between value and valuing of the essay is: Let us assign the essay its proper place! I will describe the beginnings of the discovery of the essay.

Despite the increase in essay writing from 1979 on, it took a decade for the first theoretical reflections on this phenomenon to appear. It took another decade before the international scholarship of Chinese Studies became aware of the phenomenon of the essay.

In the 1980s, Chinese scholarship made a first major approach to reflect on essay literature by writing essay histories and collecting papers, which concentrated first on the essayistic work of single authors like Lu Xun.

让散文用于用武之地吧。 上述中,散文价值与重视散文程度之间,反差明显,这势必导致一个结果:散文要有用武之地!接下来我将阐述散文是如何开始受到重视的。

尽管从1979年起,散文写作量有所增加,但首次从理论上反思这一现象思却花了十年时间,然后又花了十年,国际中文学术界才开始意识到散文现象。

20世纪80年代,中国学术界通过写散文历史,征集论文的形式,第一次反思散文文学。这首先集中体现在鲁迅等个别作家的散文作品中。--Gan Fengyu (talk) 04:53, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

让散文处在它应在的位置吧。 上述中,散文价值与重视散文程度之间,反差明显,这势必导致一个结果:让散文处在它应在的位置吧!接下来我将阐述散文是如何开始受到重视的。 尽管从1979年起,散文写作量有所增加,但首次从理论上反思这一现象思却花了十年时间,然后又过了十年,国际中文学术界才开始意识到散文现象。 20世纪80年代,中国学术界第一次以写随笔史、征集论文的方式来反思散文文学,这首先集中在鲁迅等个别作家的散文作品上。--Li Lingyue (talk) 05:39, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Gao Mingzhu 高明珠

Also two essay conferences in the 1990s showed no move towards international scholarship. Not before 1995 did international scholarship started to use common philological methods to explore single essayists (on Gaylord Leung [Liang Xihua] 梁錫華 Kubin 1995, on Wang Meng 王蒙 Woesler 1995, on Liu Zaifu 劉再復 Mansberg 1995 [unpublished]) or essays of groups (on xīnyučpài 新月派 Wagner 1996).

Not before the second half of the 1990s, did a history of the Chinese essay using the means of Western philology appear (Woesler 1998) and for the first time, the essay was included in Western anthologies of literature as a genre equal to fiction and poetry (The Columbia Anthology of Modern Chinese Literature 1995, Modern Chinese Literary Thought 1996).

90年代的两次论文会议也没有显示出国际学术的发展趋势。直到1995年,国际学术界才开始使用通用的语言学方法来研究单个散文家(1995年盖洛德梁(梁西华)•顾宾,王蒙•沃斯勒,刘再复•曼斯堡(未发表))或者散文学派(1996年新月派)。

直到二十世纪九十年代中后期,用西方语言学撰写中国散文的历史才开始(开拓者沃斯勒1998年),散文也第一次作为一种与小说、诗歌并列的文学体裁被收录到西方文学选集中(《哥伦比亚现代中国文学选集1995年版》《现代中国文学思想1996年版》)。--Gao Mingzhu (talk) 00:55, 16 October 2020 (UTC)Gao Mingzhu 二十世纪九十年代末的两次论文会议也没有显示出国际学术界会朝什么趋势发展。直到1995年,国际学术界才开始用通用语言学的方法来研究每一位散文家(1995年盖洛德梁(梁西华)•顾宾,王蒙•沃斯勒,刘再复•曼斯堡(未发表))或者散文学派(1996年新月派)。 直到二十世纪九十年代后半叶,根据西方语言学理论而撰写的中国散文才初次登上历史的舞台。(沃斯勒1998年),散文也第一次作为一种文学体裁收录到西方文学选集中,和小说、诗歌并列。(《哥伦比亚现代中国文学选集1995年版》《现代中国文学思想1996年版》)。--Chen Jiangning (talk) 04:48, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Gong Yumian 龚钰冕

Regarding the valuing of essays in China, Taiwan and the West, there are regional differences: In the States, essays are often chosen according to Western taste and totally unknown authors are given as much space as established ones. In Taiwan, Lu Xun has been banned for a long time, but today, in my survey, which Chinese essayists are printed the most in the 1990s, he ranks 16th. If one only take modern authors into account, he even ranks 12th. Hong Kong literature on Yu Guangzhong has been censored by Huang Weiliang in favor for the first (see Lin Yaode 1989:50), and Wang Meng has been overestimated in the People’s Republic of China due to his political post.

中国大陆、台湾和西方国家在散文评价上存在着地区差异:在美国,散文往往是根据西方人的品味来选择的,因此完全不知名的作者得到了和老牌作家一样多的空间。鲁迅的作品在台湾长期被禁,但今天,在我的调查中,鲁迅的作品在90年代印刷最多,在中国散文家中排名第16位。如果只考虑现代作家,他甚至排在第12位。 香港文学对余光中的评价受以黄维梁为首的批判(见林燿德1989∶50)。王蒙的文学地位因其在中华人民共和国的政治职务而被高估。--Gong Yumian (talk) 14:57, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

中国大陆、台湾和西方国家在散文评价上存在着地区差异:在美国,人们往往是根据自身西方人的品味来选择散文的,因此完全不知名的作者可以和老牌作家享有一样的地位。在台湾,鲁迅的作品曾长期被禁,但今天,根据我的调查,在20世纪90年代中国散文家作品印刷量的排行榜中,鲁迅排名第16位。如果只考虑现代作家,他甚至排在第12位。 余光中受到以黄维梁为首的香港文学的批判(见林燿德1989∶50)。王蒙的文学地位因其在中华人民共和国的政治职务而被高估。--Gao Mingzhu (talk) 03:37, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Gao Mingzhu

Gu Dongfang 顾东方

Still it remains a desideratum to get the most important Chinese essays in Western translation. Currently at least three essay collections in English translation are in the reviewing process (Tam King-Fai, Woesler) or already published (Pollard 1999). Pollard's selection is a highly subjective and eclective choice of essays, covering even the premodern essay. This year, scholars will meet on a first international conference on the essay (Achern, Germany August 25-26). In the years to come, a new Bonn History of Chinese Literature will grant the essay its proper place with two to three volumes only dedicated to the biji, youji and other essays. 不过,把最重要的中国散文译成西文,仍然是一个迫切的要求。目前,至少有三本英译本散文集正在审稿中(谭景辉、沃斯勒)或已经出版(波拉德1999)。波拉德的选文主观性很强,不拘一格,甚至涵盖了前现代散文。今年,学者们将在第一次国际散文会议(德国阿赫恩,8月25-26日)上会面。在未来几年,新的《波恩中国文学史》将给予散文应有的地位,有两到三卷,只专门介绍《传习录》、《游记》等散文。--Gudongfang (talk) 12:11, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Gudongfang

Guan Qinqing 管钦清

Taking into consideration the essay

将散文考虑在内

Will rewrite the history of Chinese literature

这将会改写中国文学的历史

I will give a few hints, what the essay can contribute to the picture of Chinese Literature, which so far is overshadowed by fiction through the narrative of C.T. Hsia, Prusek and Anderson.

我将会为大家提供一些思路:在夏志清、普实克和安德森这些大家的眼里,散文至今掩盖在小说的光芒之下。那么这篇文章又能为中国文学带来怎样的惊喜呢?

We are used to established narratives, like the emergence and success of the May-Fourth literature. But this view neglects the role, that for example the yuanyang hudie pai played in the choir of different voices in the awoken intellectual debate in the beginning of this century. The May-Fourth group at that time was one voice among many and only succeeded because of its agitation and polemic in the public sphere, so we have to use new means to assign the Chinese essay its proper place.

正如五四文学的出现且大获成功,我们已经习惯了叙述既定的事实。但是这个观点忽视了本世纪初像“鸳鸯蝴蝶派”等的这些学派在“百家争鸣”中所起到的重要作用。当时的五四派只是众多派系中的一个,他们之所以成功,是因为他们擅长于在公共场合鼓动群众,引发争议。因此,要正确定位中国散文,我们必须采取新的方式。--Guan Qinqing (talk) 14:19, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Gui Yizhi 桂一枝

We learn from simplifiying narratives, that it is absolutely necessary to differentiate, and to reconstruct the complex time background. Having understood Chinese literature as determined by the development of fiction and poetry only, a broader understanding will change the whole appearance of Chinese literature. A scholarly endeavour is the use of modern literary theories in the approach to this genre.

In the following, I will name three aspects (chronologically sorted by past, modern and contemporary time) to hold the argument, that the taking into consideration of the essay will rewrite the history of Chinese literature and change our current understanding of it.

从简明的记叙中我们我们得出经验,区分和重建复杂的时间背景是绝对有必要的。 我们对中国文学的认识仅取决于小说和诗歌的发展,而更广泛的理解将改变中国文学的整体面貌。 学术尝试就是对这种文学体裁运用现代文学理论的一种方法。

在下文中,考虑到本文的内容将改写中国文学史,还会改变我们目前对它的理解,我将提出三个方面(按过去,现代和当前的时间顺序排列)来论证。--Gui Yizhi (talk) 15:24, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

从简明的记叙中我们可以得出结论,区分和重建复杂的时间背景是绝对必要的。 我们对中国文学的认识仅限于小说和诗歌的发展,而更广泛的理解将改变中国文学的整体面貌。 学术性尝试就是运用现代文学理论的方法分析这种文学体裁。

在下文中,考虑到本文的内容将改写中国文学史,还会改变目前我们对它的理解,我将通过三个方面的内容来论证(按过去,现代和当代的时间顺序)。--Zhang Yu (talk) 01:21, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Guo Lu 郭露

The classical and premodern essay

Documents Chinese philosophy, early subjectivity

And still, a native Chinese tradition is questioned

How is the Chinese essay to be positioned historically, how did it emerge, what is its generic background? Generically, the ancestors of the essay are both in China and the West notes written on the margins of books, they are letters and travel notes. These notes differed from the canonized literature through its informal style, its expression of individuality und subjectivity, a much earlier document for subjectivity than the first autobiographical Chinese novel, The Dream of the Red Chamber.

这篇经典现代前文章记录了中国哲学、早期主观性以及曾受质疑的中国传统。

该文章如何遭到了人们的质疑?它是如何出现,又有着怎样的背景呢?从背景上看,文章来源于国内外记录在书中的笔记,其中不仅包括文学类,还包括游记类。笔记采用非正式文体,与当时盛行的文学风格大相径庭。同时,笔记还具有独立性及主观性,比中国第一部自传体小说《红楼梦》出现得更早。 --Guo Lu (talk) 01:43, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

前现代经典散文记载了中国哲学、早期主体性以及遭受质疑的本土传统

中国散文的历史地位如何?它是如何出现,又有怎样的背景呢?一般而言,散文的原型是国内外记录在书中的笔记,还包括信件和游记。与备受推崇的文学作品不同,这些笔记采用的非正式文体,表达上突出个体和主观性。而在表现主观性上,这些笔记比中国第一部自传体小说《红楼梦》出现的更早。--Chen Han (talk) 12:00, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

近代经典散文记录了中国哲学思想,体现了早期主观性。中国本土的传统也因此遭到质疑。

中国散文的历史地位如何?它是怎样产生的?其产生的属类背景是什么?一般来说,中外的散文皆始源于记录在书籍空白处的笔记。这些笔记都是一些信件和游记。与文学正典相比,这些笔记不同之处在于它们都采用非正式文体,都表达了个体性和主观性,且这种主观性的表达比中国第一部自传体小说《红楼梦》更早。--Li Yu (talk) 06:46, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Han Haiyang 韩海洋

From the very beginning, the essay was valued lower than poetry: the oldest reference[ This is older than the ones referred to in the Large Chinese Dictionary of Morohashi (Morohashi undated) and in the Encyclopaedic Dictionary of the Chinese Language 1966.] this far for the term sanwen that I found is Luo Dajing's statement from 1240: "詩騷妙天下,而散文頗覺瑣碎局促 Shī sāo miào tiānxià, ér sǎnwén pōjué suǒsuì júcù" (Poetry is moving mankind in a wonderful way, prose inquires into incoherent bagatels, is limited.) (Helin yulu). Another reproach Luo Dajing mentions, is a formal one: In comparison to the highly artistic and century-long tradition of poetic writing, the direct and often vernacular langage of the essay in his eyes had less value.

在最初期,相比于诗歌小说并没有受到太多的重视:最早的参考【这要比在诸桥辙次(时间未知)版的《大汉词典》中还有在1966版《中国语言百科词典》提到的还要早】。“散文”一词在罗大经的1240年评述中写道:“诗骚妙天下,而散文颇觉琐碎局促”(诗歌可以惊奇的让人们产生感动,而散文则限制在围绕一些不连贯的琐事当中)《鹤林玉露》。 另一个罗大经比较正式的评论是:相比于具有极高艺术性和悠久历史传统的诗歌创作,这种直接而又口语话的散文在他眼里分量明显就轻了。--Han Haiyang (talk) 04:50, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Han Wanzhen 韩宛真

In the West, a real 'art of the essaywriting' came up in the late 16th century as a medium for the newly reorganized knowledge. The reorganization originated from the observations of Kopernikus, which destroyed the whole conception of the world of the Middle Age.

In China, particularly the debates on Buddhism in the 4th and 5th century A.D. saw the origination of a tradition of letters. The Chinese tradition of the sanwen 散文 (essay) however, in the understanding of sǎn 散 as (to dispel, leisure, loose, relaxed, irregular, independant style, free prose, can be seen not before the detachment from the dialogue - or aphorism, which is still visible in the philosophical Lunyu. Xunzi delivered the prototype of the later essay with his philosophical treatises.

在西方,一种真正的散文写作艺术在16世纪末,作为一种新型重组知识的一种媒介被提出。这种重组的知识源于哥白尼的观察,并且摧毁了整个中世纪世界的概念。

在中国,尤其是公元前四、五世纪关于佛教的辩论见证了传统文学的起源。中国传统的散文(“散”的意义可以理解为消散、悠闲、松散、放松、不规律、独立风格、自由散文)在脱离对话或格言之前没有被探知,在哲学“论语”中仍然是非常明显的。荀子用他的哲学思想塑造了后来散文的原型。--Han Wanzhen (talk) 12:49, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

在西方,一种真正的“散文写作艺术”出现在16世纪末,作为一种新的知识重组的媒介。这种重组源于哥白尼的观察,它摧毁了整个中世纪世界的概念。 在中国,尤其是公元4、5世纪的佛教论争,开创了一种文学传统。然而,中国传统的散文在理解“散、不规则、独立文体、自由散文”之前,可以看到不可脱离的对话或格言,这在哲学论语中仍然可见。荀子以他的哲学论著为后文提供了原型。--Hu Baihui (talk) 08:14, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

在西方,真正的“散文写作艺术”,作为一种知识重组的媒介,出现于16世纪末。哥白尼的观察与发现摧毁了中世纪对于世界的整体认知概念,促成了知识体系的重组。 在中国,尤其公元4世纪至5世纪关于佛经的争论,见证了文学传统的起源。但是,中国传统意义上的散文(“散”可理解为“驱散,闲散,松散,舒散的”)是一种无规律的独立体裁,自由体散文,接近于对话体,亦或格言体,在《论语》中仍可见。而后来的散文则以荀子的哲学论著为原型。--Cheng Yusi (talk) 08:37, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

He Changqi 何长琦

They are an early form of philosophical didactical essays, in which general theorems are derived not only from quotations of the canonized classical works, but for the first time also from his own individual experience. The individuality is still a main characteristic of the essay today.

During the dynasties the essay manifested itself further in certain subcategories: From reading-notes written at the paper margins originated the biji 筆記 (occasional notes), flourishing in the Ming Dynasty. The marginalism is a link between Western and Chinese tradition of early essays. Occasional notes could contain private historical notes, anecdotes, communications and contemplations. However, the consciousness of the essay as a genre of its own originated in China not before the Qing 清 dynastie, when numerous essay anthologies were compiled.

它们是一种早期的哲学说教文章形式,其中的一般定理不仅来自于对经典著作的引用,而且史无前例的是,也从作者个人经验中得出。个体性至今仍是散文的主要特征。

在历朝历代,散文进一步表现为某些子类。从过在书本空白页做笔记发展而来的“笔记”(偶记),在明代这种形式蓬勃发展。 旁注是西方和中国早期文章传统的联系。偶记可以包含私人的历史笔记、轶事、交流和沉思。 然而,对散文作为一种自成体裁的认识,起源并非在清朝之前,那一时期人们编纂出大量的散文选集。--He Changqi (talk) 00:06, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Hu Baihui 胡百辉

Taking into consideration the social-historical background draws a different picture of the old society than short stories and novels: Essays are much closer to real life, since they express individual problems and experiences. Until now, the Chinese pre-Hongloumeng individual literature spoke only through the indirect language of poems to us. Rediscovering the essays, we have a splendid source of opinions, social-historical pictures etc.

Premodern essay literature consists of much more than its most well-known example, the formally restrictive baguwen. Lu Xun himself wrote some of his essays in baguwen style, but on the other hand took it as a synonym for the ancient society. Zhou Zuoren saw the rhythm of the language of the "Eight legged essay" as as appealing and intoxicating as the "pleasure of doing opium. (Zhou 1932:148).

从社会历史背景来看,与短篇小说和小说不同,散文更接近现实生活,因为它们表达了个人的问题和经历。到目前为止,中国前红楼梦的个人文学只能通过间接的诗歌语言向我们讲述。重新发现这些文章,我们有丰富的观点来源,社会历史图片等。 前现代随笔文学包括的远不止它最著名的例子,形式上的限制性八股文。鲁迅自己也写了一些八卦文,但另一方面却把它当作古代社会的同义词。周作人认为“八股文”的语言节奏和“做鸦片的乐趣”一样吸引人,令人陶醉。(周作人1932:148)。--Hu Baihui (talk) 08:09, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

考虑到社会历史背景,与短篇小说和长篇小说不同,散文更贴近现实生活,因为短篇小说表达了个人的众多问题和经历。直至目前,中国前红楼梦的个人文学只能通过一些诗歌的间接语言向我们表达。重新发现散文,我们就有一个极好的观点来源,社会历史图片等。 前现代散文文学不仅仅只有最著名的例子,也就是形式上的限制八股文。鲁迅自己也写了一些八股文风格的散文,但另一方面却把八股文作为古代社会的同义词。周作人认为“八股文”的语言节奏像“做鸦片的乐趣”一样吸引人,使人陶醉。(周作人1932:148)--Zhang Xueyi (talk) 12:53, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Hu Huifang 胡慧芳

But he considered it also as a prevalent genre implicit in the modern writings as yang bagu (westernized bagu) and dang bagu (party-line bagu) (borrowing from Wu Zhihui, Zhou Yuanliu:71).

Neo-Confucianism stressed wen (prose) as the most important tool to transmit the dao (way): Wenyi zai dao (Literature as the carrier of the way). If we reinterprete this diction in the perspective of genre, we can say, that the essay then has been regarded as an important tool to express truth, subjectivity and Self.

Liang Qichao developed a xīn wéntǐ 新文體 (new prose style), which was influenced by Western languages, but the essay became popular not before the newspapers became mass media, and the language changed into baihua.


但是他认为这也是现代著作中隐含的一种流行类型,如洋八股和党八股(借自吴志辉,周元流:71)。 新儒家强调文(散文)是传播道(道)的最重要工具:文艺在道(文学是道的载体)。 如果我们从体裁的角度重新解释该词典,可以说,论文被认为是表达真理,主观性和自我的重要工具。 梁启超发展了一种受西方语言影响的新文体(新文体),但是这篇论文并没有在报纸成为大众媒体之前就流行了,这种语言也变成了白话。--Hu Huifang (talk) 01:39, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

但是他认为这也是现代著作中隐含的一种流行类型,如洋八股和党八股(借自吴志辉,周元流:71)。 新儒学强调文(散文)是传播道(道)的最重要工具:文以载道(文学是道的载体)。如果我们从体裁的角度来重新解释这个词,我们可以说,当时的散文被视为表达真理、主体性和自我的重要工具。 受到西方语言的影响,梁启超发展了一种“新文体”(新散文风格)。但在报纸成为大众媒体之前,这篇散文就已经流行起来,因此语言变成了“白话”。--Hu Jin (talk) 06:21, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Hu Jin 胡瑾

The essay as the medium of modernity,

The questioning of the genuiness of the Chinese essay

To solve first of all the dispute on whether the Chinese essay grew out of a native tradition or was influenced by Western translations, one finds both traditions relevant: The occidental essay was introduced to the writers of the literature reform movement from 1907 on by translations in Chinese (Lin Shu: Irving 1907, Addison 1911). The current form of the genre is mostly based on the influence of Western essay translations. First developed a Chinese essay tradition, which consciously leaned upon the Western model in language, form and terminology, its own proponents succumbed soon to the temptation to derive a tradition of the Chinese essay from Chinese history only.

散文是现代的媒介, 以下是对中国散文的质疑。

首先,中国散文究竟是起源于本土传统还是受西方翻译作品的影响,为了解决这一争议,人们发现两者都言之有理:从1907年起,随着文学改革运动的兴起,西方英文散文通过翻译成中文后介绍给中国作家(林纾:《欧文》,1907年,《爱迪生》,1911年)。这种体裁目前的形式受西方散文翻译的影响。首先发展了一种中国传统散文,这种散文在语言、形式和术语上有意识地依赖西方模式,其拥护者很快就屈服于诱惑,不再只从中国历史中汲取中国散文的传统。--Hu Jin (talk) 06:02, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

散文是现代性的传播媒介, 关于中国散文起源的质疑。 首先,中国散文是否生长于本土文化还是受西方翻译的影响,为解决这一争议,人们最后发现这两种起源的说法都合理,从1907年开始,西方散文通过翻译成中文后介绍给主张文艺改革运动的中国作家们(林纾:《欧文》,1907,《爱迪生》,1911)。这种文章体裁的现有形式大部分是受西方散文翻译的影响。最先形成的散文模式在语言组织,文章形式和文章术语等方面是人们有意借助西方散文模式形成的,之后不久,掌握了这种模式写作的人禁不住诱惑,便只遵从中国历史的散文传统了。--Majuan (talk) 11:49, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Ji Tiantian 纪甜甜

A seemingly unbroken Chinese tradition of the native Chinese wenyan sanwen is presented in Chinese textbooks (Yu Zaichun 1978-82, Li Xishang 1985). Still, the value of the native tradition of essay writing and the role of the Western influence upon it is discussed controversially among the scholars. Some admit that Western impact played a key role in what we understand as Chinese essays nowadays: Wang Bin 1992, Fan Peisong 1993; for Western impact in general see Průšek 1964, Gálik 1966, McDougall 1971. Other scholars think that Western influence is overestimated - Denton 1996 showed that the theoretical background was missing for understanding Western theories of literature in China, - and recommended that we understand the essay first by its national tradition.

中国教科书(于再春,1978-82,李喜尚,1985)展示了一个看似完整的中国本土传统《文言散文》。 然而,本土散文写作传统的价值是什么,西方对这一传统的影响起到了什么作用,学者们对此争论不休。有些人认为,西方的影响在我们今天所理解的中国散文中发挥了关键作用:王斌1992,范培松1993; 西方的影响大致可见Průšek 1964, Gálik 1966, McDougall 1971。还有一些学者认为,我们高估了西方的影响——Denton 1996表明,在中国理解西方文学理论缺失了理论背景,—并建议我们理解一篇散文要先从它的民族传统出发。--Ji Tiantian (talk) 10:57, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Jiang Fengyi 蒋凤仪

How far personal opinion may influence the narrative of historical facts can be seen by the example of the legendary authors of the May Fourth movement. All of them considered the English essay as the father of the Chinese essay: Zhou Zuoren 1921, Lu Xun 1933, the anarchist and later member of the Guomindang Wu Zhihui [1934]. Later, some of these authors changed their minds to support their own theories on the essay by looking for proof of a native Chinese essay tradition: for example, Lu Xun with his theory "“Zhǎnkāi” shuō yǔ “méngyá” lùn “展開”說與“萌芽”論" (Theory of "Starting" and "Blossoming") came to see the fighting and critical character of the essay of the Jin dynasty (265 - 420) as the 'father' of the Chinese essay, and Zhou Zuoren first the English essay (1921) and later the biji (occasional notes) of the Ming, although he still tried to integrate the English essay in his "公安派與英國小品“合成”論 Gōng'ānpài yǔ Yīngguó xiǎopǐn “héchéng” lùn" (Theory of the Synthesis of the Gongan School and the English Essay).

五四运动中的传奇作家可以体现,个人的意见也可能会影响历史的方向。这些作家都认为英语散文是中国散文的老师

Jiang Hao 姜好

Wang Zengqi regrets that the national Chinese tradition of the essay at the time of the 'May Fourth Movement' has not been taken up again and has not continued in contemporary essays (Wang Zengqi 1993). The Chinese essay is an accommodating object of study, because one may look to it to prove any theory of the essay. One can find examples for each topic in almost every period, simply because the essay has a wide range of subjects.

When Zhou Zuoren showed that only seven months after the incident at Marco Polo bridge it was again possible to write about a candy seller[ Siehe Zhou Zuoren: "Mai tang 賣糖" (Über Bonbonverkauf), in: Yao wei ji 藥味集 (Sammlung bitterer Geschmack), Peking 北京: Beijing xinmin yinshuju 北京新民印書局 (Pekinger Buchladen Neues Volk) 1942.3.20, Nachdruck: Hongkong 香港: Shiyong shuju 使用書局 (Praxisverlag) 1973.6, S. 126 - 131, englische Übersetzung u.d.T. "Candy selling" von Wolff: Chou Tso-jen 1971, S. 92 - 95 [Datiert auf 25.2.1938 mit einem Nachspann vom 28.]] (1924), he was critizised as "paralyzing" (Lu Xun 1934, Zhu Zhaoluo 1943).[ Vgl. Lu Xun: "Die Krise des freien Essays" 1934 und Zhu Zhaoluo: "Tan xiaopinwen 談小品文" (Über den freien Essay), in: Yiwen zazhi Bd 1 (1943.8, Heft 2).] 汪曾祺感到遗憾的是,五四时期的中国散文传统并没有重新拾起,也没有在当代散文中延续(汪曾祺,1993)。中国散文是一个包容的研究对象,因为人们可以用它来证明散文的任何理论。人们几乎可以在每个时期找到针对每个主题的示例,这仅仅是因为文章的主题范围很广泛。当周作人表现出在马可波罗桥事件后仅7个月就又可以写一个卖糖的人[见周作人:《麦堂卖糖》,载:《姚圩集药味集》(集苦味),北京:北京新民印书局1942.3.20,重印:香港:使用书局(Praxisverlag)1973.6,第126-131页,英译及部分 "卖糖果 "沃尔夫著:周作人1971年,第92-95页[1938年2月25日,有28日的预告片]。 (1924年),他被批评为 "麻痹"(鲁迅1934年、朱兆洛1943年)[参见鲁迅:《自由散文的危机》1934年、朱兆洛:《谭效平文谈小品文》,载:《艺文杂志》Bd 1(1943.8,第2期)]。--Jiang Hao (talk) 09:05, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Jiang Qiwei 蒋淇玮

When he wrote a piece on the "Fly", he was reproached with dealing with subjects of minor importance. Reproaches like this lie in the very nature of the genre, since marginalism is substantial to the essay. The mentioned formal reproach of Luo Dajing can be found again in the 1990s, Hong Kong students critisized the literary style as it appears in Ba Jins "Thoughts" (Suixiang lu) as too direct and too less artful. But this perspective does not recognize the very nature of the essay, which is a very individual expression of an author's thoughts and not bound to tradition, and therefore much more free also in content.

他曾在《Fly》上登过一篇文章,却被指责文章主题不深刻。类似的指责体现了这一流派的本质,因为这类文章的实质是边际主义。之前提到的对罗大经的公开指责在90年代重演了,香港学生批评巴金《随想录》的文学风格,认为其平直有余,艺术不足,但这一观点并未抓到这篇文章的本质。《随想录》表达的是作者的个人思想,不受传统的桎梏,故而在内容上更加自由。--Jiang Qiwei (talk) 13:56, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

他曾在《Fly》上发表过一篇文章,却被指责文章主题不深刻。类似的指责体现了这一流派的本质,因为这类文章的实质是边际主义。之前的对罗大经的公开指责在20世纪90年代再度重演,香港学生对巴金《随想录》中的文学风格提出质疑,认为其平直有余,艺术不足,但这一观点并未抓到这篇文章的本质。《随想录》表达的是作者的个人思想,因其不受传统风格的桎梏,故在内容上更加自由。 --Guo Lu (talk) 01:49, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Kang Haoyu 康浩宇

The essay - from its very nature free and independant - almost disappeared in the time of the Cultural Revolution and - except for the ideologically influenced essays - had a hard struggle between Yan'an and the loss of moral legitimacy by the leadership in 1989.

The essay was the genre of the modernizing society of the early 20th century. Many writers had to define and often redefine their position and self-understanding in reaction to war and warlordism and later in the modernizing society, often burying their own ideals, in the larger perspective for the seeming "needs" of society, which also claimed the author to be one of its products. But from its very nature, the essay set new boundaries in form and content, and therefore not only survived the ideological restrictions, but also established its own critical subculture within.

这篇文章本质上是自由独立的,但却在文化大革命时期几近消失了。仅留有一些受意识形态影响的文章,艰难生存于延安与1989年领导层道德沦丧的夹缝中。 这篇文章是20世纪初现代化社会的“流派”。 为了应对战争和军阀主义,许多作家不得不定义并经常重新定义他们的立场和自我理解。后来在现代化的社会中,他们经常埋葬自己的理想,从更大的角度来看社会所谓的“需求”,作者也成为了其产品之一。但是从本质上说,这篇文章在形式和内容上设定了新的界限,因此不仅在意识形态限制中幸免,而且还形成了自己的批判亚文化。--Kang Haoyu (talk) 01:31, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

本质上来说,散文具有自由和独立的特点。文革时期,除了那些深受意识形态影响的散文,其他类型的散文几乎绝迹,艰难生存于延安与1989年领导层道德沦丧的夹缝中。 散文是二十世纪早期促进社会现代化的一类体裁。许多作家为反抗战争和军阀主义不得不定义并经常再定义其立场和自我认知。随后,在促进社会现代化的进程中,作家们为了满足所谓的“社会需求”常埋葬自己的理想。如此,我们也可以说作家就是其作品之一。可究其本质,散文界定了形式与内容的界线,因此不仅在意识形态限制中幸免,而且还形成了批判性的亚文化。--Chen Sunfu (talk) 06:39, 18 October 2020 (UTC) 这种散文,从其本质上来说,自由独立,但在文革时期,几近消失,仅留存一些受意识形态影响的散文在延安和1989年领导层道德沦丧的夹缝中苦苦挣扎。 这种散文是20世纪初促现代化社会的一种体裁。为了应对战争和军阀统治,许多作者不得不定义并且经常重新定义他们的立场以及自我理解。随后,在促现代化社会中,他们经常为此埋葬自己的理想。从更大的层面上来看,社会表面的“需求”也指出作家是它的产品之一。但是从其本质上来说,这类散文为形式和内容设置了新的界限,因此,它不仅在意识形态限制中幸免,而且在当中还形成了批判亚文化。--Kang Lingfeng (talk) 07:50, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Kang Lingfeng 康灵凤

The essay was not only a medium of discussion and a documentation of the social-political background for us today, but also a documentation of the personal struggle of the writers finding a position in a changing environment, since the essay is "a genre of self-reflection". Some essays even deconstructed master narratives like the one of leftist ideology, often simply by confronting it with subjective experience, reality or art.[ I want to mention another position on literature, which stresses the impact of literature on life, especially on the eve of revolutions - following this view, all literature is political (Jameson).] 这类散文属于自省的体裁,今天,这类散文对我们来说不仅是讨论的媒介和社会政治背景的文献记录,它也是作者个人奋斗的记录,记录了作者在一个动荡的环境下寻找位置的过程。有些散文甚至解构了像左翼思想这样的主流叙事,往往只是简单地用主观经验、现实或艺术来处理它。【我想提及文学中的另一个观点,它强调了文学对生活的影响,特别是对革命前夕的影响-此前,有观点称,文学服从于政治 (詹姆斯) 。】--Kang Lingfeng (talk) 02:48, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

今天,这类散文对我们而言不仅是讨论的媒介和对当时社会政治背景的记录,它还是对作家们在变动环境中找寻自身位置的过程中,个人挣扎的记录,因为散文是一种自省的体裁。往往仅通过让它与主观经验,现实或艺术对抗,一些散文甚至解构了诸如左翼意识形态的主流叙事。[特别是在革命的前夕,我想提及另一个对文学的看法,它强调文学对生活的影响—依照这一观点,所有文学都是政治的(詹姆森)。]--Peng YuZhi (talk) 10:53, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

这类散文属于自省的体裁,今天,这类散文对我们来说不仅是讨论的媒介和社会政治背景的文献记录,它也是作者个人奋斗的记录,记录了作者在一个动荡的环境下寻找位置的过程。有些散文甚至解构了像左翼思想这样的主流叙事,往往只是简单地用主观经验、现实或艺术来处理它。【我想提及文学中的另一个观点,它强调了文学对生活的影响,特别是在革命前夕-从这个观点来看,文学服从于政治 (詹姆斯) 。】--Kang Lingfeng (talk) 13:51, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Kong Xianghui 孔祥慧

Not only the understanding of literature as a whole changes if we take into consideration the essay, also the view of single authors shifts, if we see not only their novels or poems, but also their essays. I mention only Zhou Zuoren. His ideas connected him[ Like for example Zhu Ziqing and Ba Jin.] spiritually to his contemporary collegues in Europe, Japan and America, but these where ideas for which China turned out to be not yet ready. At that time, China had taken a road which led away from progress, wealth, freedom and spiritual enlightenment. The consequences have yet to be overcome.


如果考虑这篇文章的话,我们不仅会对文学的理解发生变化,对单个作家的看法也会发生改变,如果我们不仅看到他们的小说或诗歌,还看到他们的文章。在此我只提到周作人。周作人的思想把他与其他欧洲、日本和美国的当代作家联系起来(朱自清和巴金也是如此)。但是中国并未准备好接受这些思想。因为当时的中国,走的是一条远离进步、财富、自由和精神启蒙的道路,其后果还有待克服。--Kong Xianghui (talk) 14:44, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Kong Yanan 孔亚楠

In 1927, Chinese literature has taken the form of 'engaged literature'.[ The 'mainstream' writers took an affirmative approach in their writing, whereas the other writers formed a minority. The individual authors did not necessarily belong to either one of these groups throughout their life, but may have moved between them. Since the essay is a medium which enables the individual to express thoughts directly, the writers chosen for this paper can be classified according to their position.] The topical development of political essays sees a shift from the enlightenment-educational essay, which emerged in 1907, to the daily-political essays in the 1920-30s, further to anti-Japanese propaganda in the 1940s and ideological propaganda in the 1950s and 1960s.

1927年,中国文学采用了“从事文学”的形式。[主流作家在创作中对该形式采取肯定的态度,而其他持否定态度的作家只有一小部分。个体作家创作生涯中并不是必须属于其中一种文学团体,但是可能在这些团体间移动。因为散文能够直接抒发个人的思想,所以这篇文章中提及的作家可以按照他们的思想立场进行分类。]政治散文的主题发展经历了从1907年启蒙教育到1920-30年间的日常政治主题,从1940年的反日宣传到1950s和1960s年间的意识形态传播的主题转变。--Kong Yanan (talk) 13:24, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

1927年,中国文学出现了“介入文学”的形式。“主流”作家采取一种积极的态度写作,其他采取消极态度的作家则占少数。而个体作者可以不属于这两个群体中的任何一个,但他们可能会在这两个群体之间流动。由于散文是一种直接表达思想的媒介,所以这篇文章中提及的作家可以按照他们的思想立场进行分类。政治散文的主题发展经历了一系列转变,从1907年的启蒙教育散文,到1920-30年代的日常政治散文,再到1940年代的抗日宣传和50 - 60年代的意识形态宣传。--Kong Xianghui (talk) 14:45, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Lei Fangyuan 雷方圆

In the 1980/90s, the discussion of politics of daily interest form a smaller part than in the 1920/30s. In the 1980s all genres including poems and essays were used for the critic against the master narrative of Communism or the Maoist understanding of art as serving ideology. Whilst the 1980s saw a revival of political issues in terms of discussion on the best system of society, (also in literature in general and in film) to a mere unpolitical and again more philosophical-moral theme spectrum in the 1990s, where essayists define their role, first of all to counterpart the consume-orientation of the masses.[Yu Guangzhong's essay "The wolves are coming" shows that the ideological perspective did not only harm mainland essaywriting.] The essay seems to be the only genre in China which has kept its educational claim with the exception of essays which claim to be "art pourt l'art".

在20世纪80/90年代,与20世纪20/30年代相比,对日常关注的政治的讨论只占了一小部分。在20世纪80年代,包括诗歌和散文在内的所有体裁都被用来批判共产主义的总体叙事或毛派对艺术作为意识形态服务的理解。在20世纪80年代,关于最佳社会制度的讨论(包括一般文学和电影方面)正在复苏。到20世纪90年代,纯粹是非政治性的和更为哲学的--道德主题谱,散文家定义了他们的主题。角色,首先是与大众的消费取向相对应。(余光中的“狼来了”一文表明意识形态视角不仅仅损害大陆散文写作。)这篇散文似乎是中国唯一保留其教育主张的体裁,但被称为“艺术宝库”的散文除外。--Lei Fangyuan (talk) 08:41, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

在20世纪80/90年代,关于日常利益的政治讨论比20/30年代少了一部分。在80年代,包括诗歌和散文在内的所有流派都被用来批评共产主义的主要叙事,或者批判将毛派艺术为服务意识形态。虽然在20世纪80年代,关于社会最佳制度的讨论(包括一般文学和电影),但到了90年代,散文家们定义了他们的角色,政治议题又重新回到了一个非政治的、又一次更具哲理性的道德主题谱系中,首先要与大众的消费取向相对应。余光中的《狼来了》表明,意识形态的视角不仅伤害了大陆的散文,而且似乎是中国唯一一个保持教育主张的体裁,除了那些号称“艺术散文”的除外。 --Li LIli (talk) 13:34, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Li Lili

Lei Kuangxi 雷旷溪

The topical development of the unpolitical essay starts with the everyday-topics of Zhu Ziqing ("Shuo meng 說夢" On dreams in: Zhu Ziqing 1928) and Zhou Zuoren from 1917 (My own garden 9.1923, "The Fly" 1924, "Reading on the Toilet" 1936), with a caesura 1927, when the political essays became the main stream, until the late 1930s, when the unpolitical essay was eliminated totally by the anti-Japanese movement. It didn't recover until the 1970s, when life turned back to normality and normal things became topics of interest because of their long absence. Again in the 1990s, the unpolitical essay boomed also due to less interest in political issues and the need for a new orientation in the new found world of mass consumerism. “非政论文章的发展始于1917年朱自清(《说梦》1928年)和周作人(《自己的园地》1923年9月出版,《苍蝇》1924年出版,《入厕读书》1936出版)的每日话题集,在1927年,发展有短暂停止,在当时政治文章成为了主流,到1930年代末,抗日运动完全清除了非政论文章的存在。直到20世纪70年代,它才恢复过来,那时生活恢复了正常,因为长期缺乏正常生活,这些看似平常的事物成了人们感兴趣的话题。在20世纪90年代,非政治性的文章再次蓬勃发展,也是因为人们对政治问题的兴趣减少,以及在大众消费主义这个新发现的世界需要一个新的方向。”--Lei kuangxi (talk) 07:16, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Lei Kuangxi

“非政论文章的发展始于1917年朱自清(《说梦》1928年)和周作人(《自己的园地》1923年9月出版,《苍蝇》1924年出版,《入厕读书》1936出版)的每日话题集,在1927年,发展有短暂停止,当时政治文章成为了主流,到20世纪30年代末,抗日运动彻底消灭了非政论文章。直到20世纪70年代,当生活恢复正常,并且平常事物因为长期不在而变成了有趣的话题,它才恢复过来。在20世纪90年代,非政治性的文章再次蓬勃发展,也是因为人们对政治问题的兴趣减少,以及在新的大众消费主义世界里需要一个新的方向指引。”--Li Haiquan (talk) 09:17, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Li Haiquan 李海泉

I mentioned the lack of translations in Western languages. One of the reasons might be the impression of some scholars that many of the Chinese essays were just propaganda. This might be true for the 1940s and even the 1950s, but nowadays this has changed, as the overwhelming majority of publications prove. This demands a closer look: Since 1949, politically affirmative literature has been encouraged by the government, resulting in a statistical paradox: not the affirmative authors and their texts form the majority of the essayists read in the 1990s, but the critical essayists, whose texts oppose the order to serve politics through their apolitical, sometimes even defiant character. In the 1990s, the texts of 1920s/1930s Republican China are still as often reprinted as their contemporary counterparts. 我提及过在西方语言中缺乏翻译。其中一个原因可能是一些学者认为中国许多文章只是为了宣传。在20世纪40年代甚至50年代,这可能是真的,但如今这种情况已经改变了,正如绝大多数出版物所证明的那样。这需要更近距离的调查:自1949,政府大力倡导政治立场坚定的文章,这引起了一项统计悖论:在20世纪90年代,人们阅读的文章大部分并不是出自于那些政治立场坚定的作家而是那些文学批评家-通过他们的非政治性文章甚至他们笔下偏激的人物来反对为政治服务的秩序。在20世纪90年代,20世纪20年代/ 30年代的中华民国文本仍然像当代文本一样经常被重印。--Li Haiquan (talk) 09:47, 18 October 2020 (UTC) 正如我之前提到过的,西方语言缺少翻译。其中一个原因可能是一些学者留下的印象:中国散文仅仅是用于宣传的。这对于二十世纪四十年代甚至五十年代来说是真实的,但是今日已不同往日,这在势不可挡的多数的出版物中得以证实。这要求我们进一步地观察:自1949年起,政府鼓励支持政治立场的文学,这就导致了一个充满讽刺性的悖论:人们读得多的不是支持政治的作者和他们的文章,反而是批判的散文家,他们的文章与政治无关,甚至有时含有蔑视的特点。在二十世纪九十年代时,二、三十年代民国的文章仍然像同时代的刊物一样被重复印刷。--Chang Huiyue (talk) 11:05, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Li Lili 李丽丽

Obviously we can conclude that the politically affirmative essay of the 1950s only survived in special political essay collections and is no longer written by famous contemporary authors nor read by the Chinese audience in the beginning of the 21st century.

Taking into account of a genre shifts the whole perspective on literature, taking into account the essayistic works of an author shifts also the view of the author. I will name only one author as an example for a modern essayist:ZHOU ZUOREN.

I mentioned already his theoretical contribution to the Chinese essayism, but still, his essays have been neglected until the 1980s. The reason does not lie in literary quality, but in political valuing. The master narrative of the offical literary history of the People's Republic on Zhou Zuoren is, that the theoretical May Fourth genius "degenerated" and later became a "traitor".

显然,我们可以得出这样的结论:20世纪50年代的政治肯定性文章只存在于专门的政治散文集中,而在21世纪初,著名作家不会去写这些文章,观众也不会阅读这些文章。 考虑到一个体裁的变化,会影响总体的文学观点,考虑到一个作家的散文作品,也改变了这个作家的观点。我只为现代的散文列举一位作家:周作人。 我已经提到了他对中国散文主义的理论贡献,但是直到80年代,他的散文一直被忽视,原因不在于文学品质,而在于政治价值。《中华人民共和国官场文学史》对周作人的主要叙述是:五四理论天才“堕落”,后来沦为“叛徒”。--Li LIli (talk) 13:13, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Li Lili

显然,我们可以得出这样的结论:20世纪50年代的政治肯定性文章只存在于专门的政治散文集中,而在21世纪初,当代著名的作家不会去写这些文章,观众也不会阅读这些文章。 考虑到体裁的变化,会改变总体的文学观点,而作家的散文作品,也改变这个作家的观点,因此我只列举一位作家作为现代散文家之例:周作人。 我已经提到了他对中国散文主义的理论贡献,但是直到20世纪80年代,他的散文一直被忽视,原因不在于其文学品质,而在于其政治价值。《中华人民共和国官场文学史》对周作人的主要叙述是:五四理论天才“堕落”,后来沦为“叛徒”。--Yuan SHiqi (talk) 14:13, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Li Lingyue 李凌月

Publishing in the Japanese sponsored magazines Reminiscences, and Chinese Literature, he was blamed together with Zhu Pu and Yuan Xi of collaboration. An unanswered question is, why another author, who published there, Zhang Ailing, was never reproached with collaboratorship. The difference between all of them is that Zhang Ailing tried to avoid political committments, whereas Zhou felt guilty, Zhu justified it and Yuan simply accepted it. In his small literary pieces, Zhou tried to aesthetizise the little things of the everyday life out of the subjective experience of his private space. The major contribution of Zhou Zuoren is, that he set the turning point in Chinese essay writing with his call for writing short literary pieces (Meiwen 1921). 在日本主办的杂志《追忆》和《中国文学》上发表文章,他被指责与朱璞和袁熙合作。一个悬而未决的问题是,为什么在那里发表文章的另一位作家张爱玲从未因合作而受到指责。二者的不同之处在于,张爱玲试图逃避政治委员会,而周则感到内疚,朱则为之辩护,袁则干脆接受了。在他的文学小短篇中,周试图从私人空间的主观体验中,将日常生活中的琐事审美化。周作人的主要贡献在于,通过号召写文学短篇,开创了中国散文创作的转折点。(美文1921)。--Li Lingyue (talk) 05:30, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

因为在日本主办的杂志《追忆》和《中国文学》上发表了文章,他受到指责与朱璞和袁熙合作。一个悬而未决的问题是,为什么在那里发表文章的另一位作家张爱玲从未因合作而受到指责。二者的不同之处在于,张爱玲试图逃避政治委员会,而周却感到内疚,朱则为之辩护,袁是干脆接受了。在他的文学小短篇中,周试图从私人空间的主观体验中,将日常生活中的琐事审美化。周作人的主要贡献在于,通过号召写文学短篇,开创了中国散文创作的转折点。(美文1921)--Liu Yiyu (talk) 08:31, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Liu Yiyu

在日本主办的杂志《追忆》和《中国文学》上发表文章,他被指责与朱璞和袁熙合作。一个悬而未决的问题是,为什么在那里发表文章的另一位作家张爱玲从未因合作而受到指责。二者的不同之处在于,张爱玲试图逃避政治委员会,而周恩来则感到内疚,朱镕基则为之辩护,袁则干脆接受了。在小品创作中,周作人试图从私人空间的主观体验中,将日常生活中的琐事审美化。周作人的主要贡献在于,他以《文学短篇》的号召,开创了中国散文创作的转折点(梅文1921)。--Ling Zijin (talk) 14:21, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

--Liu Zhiwei (talk) 07:52, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Li Liqin 李丽琴

In foreign literature there is the so-called lunwen 論文 (treatise), which is roughly divided into two groups: the reflecting ones, piping 批评 (critical), are scientific articles. The others are jishu 記述 (descriptive) and yishuxing 藝術性 (artistic), they are also called meiwen 美文 (aesthetic essay). Within these texts, one can distinguish between xushi 敘事 (narrative) and shuqing 抒情 (lyric). But there are also mixed texts. [...] I hope that the aesthetical essay is encouraged to come back, and will open up a new field for the New Literature. Wouldn’t that be wonderful?

With these words from the essay "The aesthetic essay" this new vernacular form was defined. This starting point founded a whole new tradition of essay writing in China. Contemporary writers called this piece the "king of essays".

在外国文献中,所谓的“论文”大概分为两类:一类是反思批评性质的科学文章,另一类是具有艺术性的记述文章(也叫做“美文”)。我们能够区分叙事文和抒情文,但也有些文章抒情与叙事两者兼而有之。我希望美文能够重新焕发光彩,为新文学的发展开创新局面。何乐不为呢?

在这篇文章中,“美学”有了新的定义。这一出发点为中国论文写作开创了一种全新的写作传统。当代作家们将此文称为“论文之王”。--Li Liqin (talk) 09:00, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

外国文学把“论文”大概分为两类:一类是反思批评性质的科学文章,另一类是具有艺术性的记述文章(也叫做“美文”)。我们能够从中区分叙事和抒情,但也有些文章抒情与叙事两者兼而有之。我希望美文能够重新焕发光彩,为新文学的发展开创新局面。这岂不妙乎?

在“美文”这篇文章中,它有了地道的定义。这一出发点为中国论文写作开创了一种全新的写作传统。当代作家称这种手法为“论文之王”。--Liu Zhiwei (talk) 07:52, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Li Luyi 李璐伊

In order to bring this new form to his compatriots, he tried to find similiarities with the xiaopinwen of the Ming dynasty. He further discussed these thoughts in his essay theory. In his own essays, he profited a lot from ancient suibi. Later he further developed his literary theory towards an up and down of two trends. In the modernizing society, he advocated the liberation of women and asked to "treat children as full subjects with their own external and internal lives" and to "make children the essence of children's literature" (Zhou 1923). He promoted the baguwen and the independance of literature from politics and effected the literary scene and the development towards a modern Chinese society especially between 1917 and 1938.

为了把这种新形式带给他的同胞,他试图寻找其与明代小品文的相似之处。他在自己的散文理论中进一步论述了这些思想,而他的散文从古代“随笔”中受益颇多。后来,他又进一步发展了自己的文学理论,并在两个倾向间摇摆不定。在现代化社会进程中,他主张妇女解放,并要求“把儿童看做一个有其自身的外在生命和内在生命的完整主体”,“使儿童成为儿童文学的精髓”(周,1923年)。他提倡八股文和文学之于政治的独立性,这影响了文坛和1917年至1938年间中国近代社会的发展。--Li Luyi (talk) 03:01, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

为了将这种新的文学形式带给他的同胞,他试图找出其与明代小品文的相似之处。 他在自己的散文理论中进一步论述了这些思想。他从古代“随笔”中受益良多,这也体现在他的散文之中。随后,他又进一步发展了自己的文学理论,使其朝着“向上”和“向下”两种趋势发展。 对于一个处在现代化进程中的社会,他主张解放妇女,并要求“将儿童当作具有自身外在和内在生活的完整主体来对待”,并“使儿童成为儿童文学的中心”(周1923年)。 他提倡八股文,主张文学独立于政治,这极大地影响了文学领域并促进了特别是在1917年到1938年之间中国社会的近代化进程。--Lin Xin (talk) 10:36, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Li Meng 李梦

With this theoretical foundation and his own vo'luÉminous essayistic work, Zhou Zuoren through the example of his own form of short literary pieces within this genre, fought at that stage of the development of his literary theory like Benjamin Henri Constant de Rebecque 130 years ago in France for the idea "l'art pour l'art", for individuality and independance of the writer, for disinterested literature. The jugdment, that Zhou was an apolitical author cannot be proved with his essays. Instead, he wanted his abstinence of political statement to be understood as a political statement by itself.

Benjamin Henri Constant de Rebecque (1767 - 1830) war französischer Romanschriftsteller und liberaler Politiker, der neben der Freiheit der Kunst nach der Französischen Revolution die Einführung der konstitutionellen Monarchie nach englischem Vorbild forderte.

基于这种理论基础和自己的"窥探性"散文作品,周作人以他自己在该题材的短篇文学作品为例,在他的文学理论发展阶段,像130年前法国的邦雅曼·贡斯当为“为了艺术的艺术“奋斗一样,周作人为作家的个性和独立,为人的文学而奋斗。并不能用周作人的散文证明他是个无政治性的作家,相反,他倒是希望自己对政治言论的禁欲本身被理解为政治言论。 注释:邦雅曼·贡斯(1767-1830)是法国文学家和政治思想家,近代自由主义的奠基者之一。在法国大革命后,除了艺术自由之外,还要求以英式先例为基础引入宪法君主制。--Li Meng (talk) 00:13, 19 October 2020 (UTC)

Li Yongshan 李泳珊

Siehe Journal (10.2.1804). Die "Kunst um der Kunst willen" propagierte die Zweckfreiheit der Kunst. Im Gegensatz dazu versteht sich die engagierte Literatur. Die Parallele zwischen Zhou Zuorens Literaturverständnis und dem Konzept "Kunst um der Kunst willen" zieht auch Wolff: Chou Tso-jen 1971, S. 84.

Siehe Zhou Zuoren: Der Ursprung der neuen chinesischen Literatur 1934, S. 95 - 98; vgl. auch Chen Zizhan: Vorträge zur chinesischen Literaturgeschichte 1937, Bd 3, pp. 416 - 422, besonders S. 422. Hinweis in: H. Martin: "Liang Qichao on Poetry Reform" 1996, Bd 1, S. 213.

For him, literature was a mean not for revolution, but for resistance (Zhou 1929:180-181). In fact he saw himself as ‘patriotic underground fighter’ and looked at the collaboration with the Japanese puppet regime as a forced one, following his attempted assasination, through which his driver had lost his life. His own concept of essay writing served less the needs of the building of a nation-state and comes closer to the ideal of the individual. 参见日志(02/10/1804)。 “为艺术而艺术”传播了艺术脱离目的的自由。 相反,忠实的文学可以自我理解。 沃尔夫也将周作人对文学的理解与“为艺术而艺术”的概念相提并论:Chou Tso-jen 1971,第84页。 参见周作人:《中国新文学的起源》,1934年,第95-98页; 看到。 陈子战:《中国文学史讲义》(1937年),第3卷,pp。 416-422,特别是第422页。注:H.马丁:《梁启超论诗歌改革》,1996年,第1卷,第213页。 对他来说,文学不是革命的手段,而是抵抗的手段(周1929:180-181)。事实上,在一起针对他得谋杀事件里,当他的司机丧命后,周把自己视为“地下爱国战士”,并认为被强制与日本傀儡政权合作。他论文写作的理念越来越少地表达民族国家的构建,而更多地展现了个人的理想。--Li Yongshan (talk) 15:53, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Li Yu 李玉

How broadly his enlightenment concept might have been accepted in the West, China was simply not ready for this modern concept then, instead it had to give way to a politically manipulated literature and to a dark period first under different warlords, then in the civil and Anti-Japanese war, finally under communist regime, which lasts until the 21st century.

"I don't really know why, but I am feeling as if I am born into a dark age. I admit, that our forests are not inhabited by dragons, tigers and wolves, but shapeless "monsters" and "goblins" are still creeping around and try to swallow our souls. [...] What alarms me most, is the absence of freedom in this prison, into which we writers have been thrown."

不管他的启蒙观念在西方可能被如何广泛地接受,当时的中国却没有做好接受这种观念的准备。相反的,这种观念不得不让位于一种被政治操纵的文学,让位于一个黑暗时期。这个时期首先由军阀统治,再陷入内战和抗日战争,最后政权落入共产党手中,一直持续到21世纪。 “我并不确切地知道原因,但我觉得好像我生来就在一个黑暗的时代。我承认,我们的丛林之中并没有栖息着龙,虎和狼,但是不成样子的“怪物”和“妖精”仍然四处游走,伺机吞噬我们的灵魂…最警醒我的是在这牢笼里是没有自由的,而我们这些作家就被扔进了这牢笼。”--Li Yu (talk) 06:18, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

不管他的启蒙观念在西方可能被如何广泛地接受,当时的中国却没有准备好去接受这种观念。相反的,这种观念不得不让位于一种被政治操纵的文学,让位于一个黑暗时期。这个时期一直延续到21世纪,最先由军阀统治,再陷入内战和抗日战争,最后政权落入共产党手中。 “我并不确切地知道原因,但我觉得好像我生来就在一个黑暗的时代。我承认,我们的丛林之中并没有栖息着龙、虎和狼,但是不成样子的“怪物”和“妖精”仍然四处游走,伺机吞噬我们的灵魂…最警醒我的是这没有自由的牢笼,而我们这些作家就被扔进了这牢笼。--Liu Yangnuo (talk) 23:54, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Lin Min 林敏

Confronting tradition and progress in the essay "Ancestor Worship", he is in favor of the latter, since past could only become present through changes (Zhou 1919:7-8).

Regarding Zhou Zuoren, I want to correct the official assessment of the People’s Republic, that his work would have experienced a caesura in 1938. In order to explain his opposition of the propaganda to build up national heroes about 1937 and his collaboration from 1939, it has been said officially, that his thoughts had "duoluo 墮落" (degenerated) at that time (Zhu Jinshun 1990:59). In fact, this caesura, namely the change in the style and subject in his essays on literature, art etc. to zhengjing 正經 (serious, intentional essays), and xianshi 閑適 (essays for one’s own enjoyment) is located not before his outlawing through Mao Zedong (1942), and his arrest through the Guomindang (1945). 《祖宗崇拜》一文中,面对传统与进步,他更倾向于后者,改变是过去变成现在的唯一道路(周 1919:7-8)。 我想更正一下中国官方对周作人的评价,即1938年,他中断了写作。1937年他反对宣传建立民族英雄以及1937年的通敌行为,官方说法称:当时他的思想堕落了(朱金顺 1990:59)。事实上,这次中止发生在毛泽东对其软禁(1942)及国民党对其的逮捕(1945)之后,在此期间他的文学作品,艺术作品等主题和风格生了改变,变的正经和闲适。--Lin Min (talk) 13:53, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Lin Xin 林鑫

Therefore not the Japanese suppressors are responsible for the retreat of this great writer, but his Chinese compatriots'. On the basis of the stigma of the 'traitor', he has been undervalued until now. That his work in the 1990s is almost as often published as Lu Xun's and Zhu Ziqing's shows that his texts finally experience a more positive literaric evaluation through the audience, which now must be registered also by scholars.

Another example of a misread Zhou Zuoren is his short essay on "The Fly", where he describes his changing attitude towards flies, which he had played with as child but later disgusted when he learned about their danger of passing on diseases. ”The fly” shows Zhou Zuoren’s strength to describe details and make them a real topic by recalling memories on them or describing a change of perspective on them.

因此,该为这位伟大作家的转变负责的,不是日本压迫者们,而是他的中国同胞们。背负着“叛国贼”的污名,时至今日,他都不受重视。在20世纪90年代,其著作几乎与鲁迅和朱自清的著作一样频繁地被出版,这表明他的作品最终在读者中得到了更积极的文学评价,关于这一点变化现在也必须由学者记录下来。周作人被误读的另一个例子是他的短文《苍蝇》,其中描述了他对苍蝇的态度变化,孩提时逗玩苍蝇,但得知苍蝇会传播疾病后却厌恶不已。《苍蝇》展现了周作人深厚的文学功力,即通过回忆的追溯或情感态度的转变去刻画细节并使之成为真实的话题。--Lin Xin (talk) 10:10, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Ling Zijin 凌子瑾

Siehe Zhou Zuoren: "Cangying 蒼蠅" (Die Stubenfliege), in: Chenbao fujuan 晨報副鐫 (Beilage zur Morgenpost) (1924.7.13). Eine Zusammenfassung des Inhalts findet sich in: Yu Daxiang (Hg.): Auswahllexikon chinesischer Essays mit Inhaltsangaben und Analysen 1993.

Zhou summarized the philosophical wisdom he learnt from this, that people did not judge on things objectively, but were likely to praise or damn things. The official reading reproaches Zhou that he "saw only the fly and not the cosmos", a quotation of the young Zhou about a position he himself clearly opposed.

Siehe Vollständige chinesische Anthologie der Wissenschaften - Bd Chinesische Literatur 1988, Bd 2, S. 1300. Dies spielt auf den Essay "Cangying 蒼蠅" (Die Stubenfliege), in: Zhou Zuoren: Zhi Tang. Sammlung 1933 an. 见周作人:《仓皇传》,载《晨报附录》(1924.7.13)。其内容摘要见:于大祥:《汉语散文选词与内容分析》,1993年。 周恩来总结了他从中学到的哲学智慧:人们并不客观地评价事物,而是通过褒贬。官方的解读指责周恩来“只看到苍蝇,没有看到宇宙”,这是年轻的周恩来关于他自己明确反对的立场的一句话。 《中国科学全集-中国文学》1988年,第2版,第1300页。这是在散文《苍鹰》(短篇小说)上演的,在:周作人:“智堂”。1933年收藏。--Ling Zijin (talk) 14:14, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

见周作人:《仓皇传》,载《晨报附录》(1924.7.13)。其内容摘要见:于大祥:《汉语散文选词与内容分析》,1993年。

周恩来总结了他从中学到的哲学智慧:人们并不客观地评价事物,而是倾向于褒贬事物。官方的解读指责周恩来认为他“只看到苍蝇,没有看到宇宙”,这是年轻的周恩来关于他自己明确反对的立场的一句话。

《中国科学全集-中国文学》1988年,第2版,第1300页。这是在散文《苍蝇》(短篇小说)上演的,1933年藏于在周作人《知堂文集》。--Xu Pengfei (talk) 14:55, 15 October 2020 (UTC)许鹏飞

Liu Bo 刘博

His ability to chat about the more pleasent things in life is displayed in his essay ”Birds’ twitter”. In ”Peking cakes and sweet-meat” and in ”Wild vegetable of my home region”, Zhou Zuoren shows his ability to make the reader feel at home at a region, where he feels at home himself, by describing the customs and special regional food.

His piece ”Bitter rain” shows the atmosphere, for what his essays had been labelled ”bitter tea”: There remains a taste in one’s mouth after reading. If you compare Lu Xun’s ”On tea drinking” (Yang/Yang 1961 3:325-326) with Zhou Zuoren’s essay with the same title, you see the difference of ”short and to the point” and ”eloquent and well-read”. ”First love” is more hilarious.

他的随笔《鸟声》,《北京的茶食》,《我故乡的野菜》中体现了他的那种谈论生命中更为有趣的事物的能力,在这些作品中周作人通过描写当地的风土人情和特色食物,让读者有一种宾至如归的感受。 他的作品《苦雨》中也表现了这种氛围,以至于他的作品被贴上了“苦茶”的标签,也就是说他的作品在读后如茶一般让人回味无穷。如果你把鲁迅的《论饮茶》与他的同名作品比较,你就会发现“短而中肯”和“雄辩而博学”的区别。“初恋”则更搞笑。--Liubo (talk) 06:39, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Liu Jinxingqi 刘金惺琦

The essay ”Three different ways to die” shows that Zhou Zuoren can compete with his elder brother in sarcasm. Lu Xun's essay on the same subject, the massacre on March 18, 1926, was a sight. Zhou asks for the ”best” way to die and favors the short and painless one. In ”On alcohol” and ”The awning bunk boat” Zhou Zuoren continues the tradition of late Ming biji.

What is the state of contemporary essay writing in China? Its position should be brought into its proper relationship to recent approaches, perspectives and terms of categorization, like post-modernist elements, post-colonial thinking, deconstructivism etc. 文章《三中不同的死亡方式》表明,鲁迅的嘲讽与他的哥哥不相上下。鲁迅同一主题的论文,即《1926年3月18日的大屠杀》,也证明了这一点。鲁迅在寻找一种最好的”死亡方式,并主张短暂而无痛苦的死亡方式。 在《饮酒论》和《遮阳棚双层船》中,周作人延续了明末笔极的传统。

那么中国当代写作的现状应该是是怎样的?它应与最新的方法,观点和术语(如后现代主义元素,后殖民思想,解构主义等)形成一种合理的关系。--Liu Jinxingqi (talk) 13:18, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Liu Liu 刘柳

The increase of the essay production after the ‘Cultural Revolution’ might be explained with the ability of the essay, to express personal experiences much more authentically than other genres because of its immanent claim of historical truth. But the essay is not a guarantee for objective truth: In the same time it is subjective, the essayist mediates his image consciously. This restricts the reported truth to a subjective one and bears the risk of a consciously “corrected” truth. The individualism of the Republican era has been based on the common feeling to stand at a historical turning point and directed towards common targets like the creation of a New Literature and a new Chinese society.

“文化大革命”后散文创作的增加可能与散文的能力有关。由于其对历史真相的内在要求,相比于其他体裁,它能更真实地表达个人经历。但是散文并不能保证事实的客观性,它同样具有主观性:散文家会下意识地调解自我形象。那么,这就将已报道的事实限制在一个主观范围内,它同时也承担着下意识地纠正事实的风险。共和国时期的个人主义处于一个历史转折点,它基于共同情感指向共同的目标,如创作新文学,创造一个全新的中国社会。--Liu Liu (talk) 13:19, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

“文化大革命”之后散文创作的增加可能与散文的功能有关。由于散文对历史真相的内在要求,相较于其他体裁,它能更真实地表达个人经历。 但是散文并不是客观真理的保证,它同时具有主观性:散文家会有意识地调整自我形象。这就使已报道的事实带有主观性,并承担事实被有意识地“纠正”的风险。 民国时期的个人主义基于处于历史转折点这种同感的基础上建立,并朝着建立新文学和新中国社会等共同目标迈进。--Deng Jinxia (talk) 16:25, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Liu Ou 刘欧

In the 1980s and especially in the 1990s, individualism asks for a critical reflection on the satisfaction of personal consumption needs and tries to give personal orientation, essayists plead for moral virtues (Wang Meng: "Anxiang 安詳" (Serene) 1992, "Zuohao ni ziji de shi 做好你自己的 事" (First make your own things in a good way) 1994). These essays, mainly published in newspapers and magazines, are widely read by people in the rapidly changing, anonymous, alienating and consume-oriented mass cultural society.

Other essays in the 1980s and 1990s are in a kind of new subjectivism targeted away from contemporary contradictions but apply to the feelings of the audience by creating an either positive ("Shanxi opera", Jia Pingwa 1984) or negative world ("The nightmare", Si Yu 1995).

二十世纪80年代,特别是90年代,个人主义要求对满足个人消费需求的思想进行批判性反思,并努力寻求个人目标。小说家提倡道德美德,(王蒙: 安详1992,做好你自己的事,1994)。这些文章主要发表在报纸和杂志上,在当时激荡、虚幻、疏远和消费主义盛行的大众文化氛围中,被读者广泛阅读。这一时期的其他作品,出现了一种新的主观主义色彩,它们逃避当下的矛盾,给读者营勾勒出由积极色彩(《秦腔》, 贾平凹 1984)和消极色彩(《噩梦》,思域 1995) 共同构成的世界。

在20世纪80年代,尤其是90年代间,个人主义要求对满足个人消费需求进行批判性评价,并且尽量表现出个人意向,评论家讲究道德品质。(王蒙: 安详1992,做好你自己的事,1994)。这些散文主要在报纸和杂志出版,为生活在迅速变化、陌生疏离且以消费为主的大众文化社会中的人们广泛阅读。同期其他的散文作品是以崭新面孔出现的、规避时下矛盾的主观主义,却能给读者创造出或积极(《秦腔》, 贾平凹 1984)或消极的世界。(《噩梦》,思域 1995)--WuQiong (talk) 13:17, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

20世纪80年代,尤其是在90年代,个人主义要求对满足个人消费需求这方面进行批判性反思,并试图给予人物定向,散文家提倡道德美德(王蒙《安祥》1992,《做好你自己的事》1994)这些散文主要发表于报纸和杂志上,在当时瞬息万变、陌生疏远且消费主义盛行的大众文化社会中,为人所广泛阅读。 同期的其他散文呈现出一种新的主观主义色彩,目标不在于当下的矛盾,而是通过给读者们创造积极(《秦腔》,贾平凹1984)或消极世界(《噩梦》,思域?1995)关注读者的感受。--Zeng Xinyuan (talk) 04:04, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Zeng Xinyuan

Liu Yangnuo 刘洋诺

From the essay, we can see contemporary trends of literature, which are also reasons for the increase in volume of this genre in the 1990s: - The giddy-paced nature of current Chinese society with its demands for diverting and short texts: “[...] we live in an age of exposition” (Hall 1984:xiii);

- The increasing consciousness of individuality for which the essay is the most direct form of subjective expression, even more direct than the poem with its metrical and formal demands;

- A revival of interest in discussing social-political issues through the medium of the essay, as was the case in the 1920s/30s. 从这篇论文来看,我们可以了解到现代文学的趋势: 不断变化的现代中国社会需要多样的短文,我们生活在艺术展览会的年代,这一趋势也是20世纪90年代散文创作不断增加的原因。 个人意识的崛起使得散文成为主观表达最直接的方式,散文比有格律和形式要求的诗歌更为直接。 在20世纪20-30年代通过散文讨论社会政治议题的兴趣增加。--Liu Yangnuo (talk) 23:46, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Liu Yi 刘艺

- The banality of everyday life becomes conscious through becoming a literary topic, most commonly in the genre of everyday life, the essay.

- The De-ideologization of Chinese society. Today not the governmentally demanded affirmative texts stand at the forefront, but unpolitical essays, mostly dating from the Republican era, especially from the years 1923 to 1928. This observation is supported by the results of the mentioned statistical analysis. The mostly read political essays after 1949 are critical essays.[Ba Jin for example complains in "Remembering Xiao San" about the death of his wife in the 'Cultural Revolution'.]

平庸的日常生活因为变成了文学话题而变得有意思,最常见的就是日常生活体裁,即论文。--Liu Yi (talk) 13:46, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

日常生活的平庸性通过成为文学话题而变得有意识,最常见的是日常生活体裁,即论文。--Zhang Hui (talk) 14:10, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

-中国社会的去意识形态化。 今天,不是政府要求的平权文本站在最前列,而是非政治性文章,主要是共和时代,尤其是1923年至1928年。上述统计分析结果支持这项研究。 1949年后最受欢迎的政治文章是批判性文章。例如,巴金在“纪念萧三”中抱怨“文化大革命”中妻子的去世。--Liu Yi (talk) 13:46, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

中国社会的去意识形态化。 今天,不是政府要求的平权文本站在最前列,而是非政治性文章,主要是共和时代,尤其是1923年至1928年。这篇观察得到上述统计分析结果的支持。 1949年后最受欢迎的政治文章是批判性文章。例如,巴金在“纪念萧三”中抱怨“文化大革命”中妻子的去世。--Zhang Hui (talk) 14:10, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Liu Yiyu 刘怡瑜

- Regarding the compiling of essay collections: For the most often selected essays in the People’s Republic, Taiwan and Hong Kong, moral and aesthetic criteria seem to have underlain. This is a sign of the increasing independence of the editors of essay anthologies from governmental or ideological handicaps, and for the increasing commercialization of the publishing houses with an orientation toward customers (former: "readers").

- The criteria for essay best sellers in the P.R. of China are the following: In the most often printed essay "The Back View", filial piety is the driving factor, parallelistic and repetitive structures in the atmospherical nebulous "The Moonlit Lotus Pond", both written by Zhu Ziqing, whose style easily may seem mannerist to the Western reader. Nostalgic home feelings are the emotional identification element in "Wild vegetables of my home region" by Wang Zengqi. Therefore one can state, that moving essays form the top.

有关散文集的编纂:对于中华人民共和国(包括台湾和香港在内)的常选散文来说,其大部分的道德和美学标准似乎都有所隐藏。这是一个信号,意味着散文选集的编辑者在摆脱政府或者意识形态上的阻碍,独立性变得越来越强,也意味着出版社以客户(之前称之为“读者”)为导向,逐渐商业化。

中华人民共和国的畅销散文标准如下:常选印刷散文《背影》,孝顺主题是其畅销的主要原因。《荷塘月色》的内容氛围朦胧,文章结构具有平行性和重复性。这两本书的作者都是朱自清,他的写作风格对于西方读者来说易被视为矫揉造作。思家情绪是汪曾祺的《故乡的野菜》一文中的感情特征元素。因此可以说,畅销榜首均为感人散文。--Liu Yiyu (talk) 08:32, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Liu Yiyu

-关于文集的编纂:对于最常入选文集的中国(包括台湾和香港)散文,似乎存在着潜在的道德和美学标准。这是文集编辑越来越独立于政府或意识形态障碍的标志,也是出版社以客户(之前称之为“读者”)为导向,日益商业化的一个标志。 -在中国,畅销文集的标准是:常选印刷散文《背影》中,孝道是驱动因素,同样是朱自清作品的《荷塘月色》,氛围朦胧中的平行重复结构,在西方读者看来似乎很矫揉造作。怀旧的故乡情怀是汪曾祺《故乡野菜》中的情感认同元素。因此,我们可以说,感人肺腑的文章位居畅销榜首。--Xiao yining (talk) 16:35, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xiao Yining

Liu Zhiwei 刘智伟

- In the latter half of the 1990s, the master narrator himself seems to be lost within the subjectivity of individuals and everyday's profaneity and banality of a more and more formally organized but substantially empty citylife. Time loses worth, since more and more of the daily acctivities are filled with mechanical and autistic actions. In the 1990s, the essayistic culture of political criticism of the 1980s has vanished, the only political replique is the patriotism, for example expressed in the 1996 published monograph China can say no! – Possibilities for politics and emotions in the period after the cold war (No! 1996).

- The reason that we do not find post-modernist essays in the sense of post-modernist fiction lies in the directness of the essay: The essay as a genre is a chat between author and reader and not an object d'art which wants to give cause for different interpretations or which would depend on exceptional form or contents or even quotations of pre-modern characteristics in order to make it an distinguishable object d'art. “在九十年代后半期,主人公他似乎迷失在个人主体性、每天的亵渎和平庸中以及组织越来越正式而实质越来越空洞的城市生活中。越来越多的日常活动充斥机械化和孤僻的行为,时间便渐渐没有了价值。八十年代的政治批评主义在九十年代的文章中已经消失了,唯一留存的政治批评就是爱国主义,比如1966年发表的专著《中国可以说不——冷战后时代的政治与情感抉择》(1966)。

我们找不到后现代主义小说意义上的后现代主义散文的原因在于散文的直接性:作为一种体裁,散文是作者和读者之间的一种对话,而不是诠释不同的艺术目标,也不是一种为了使其与众不同而依赖于特殊的形式或内容甚至引用前年代主义特点的艺术目标。--Liu Zhiwei (talk) 08:30, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Lou Cancan 娄灿灿

Also trends like the use of ordinary language, which one finds in novels since 1993 (Jia Pingwa, Feidu; Gu Cheng, Yingger) and New Borderlessness[Xin zhuangtai xiaoshuo 新狀態小說 (new borderless fiction) with Chen Dong 韓東, Lu Yang 魯羊, Zhu Wen 朱文, Lin Bai 林白, Chen Liang 陳梁, Zhang Mei 張梅.] since 1995, cannot be proven in the essaywriting.[Post-colonialist thinking (Williams et al. 1994), which is to be seen as part of the social-political discourse, appears in essays, especially in the less critical political, but patriotic essays of the 1990s. Kafkaism helps us understand the essay "The nightmare", where Si Yu appears as a deconstructionist, the I-narrator even is drawn near to suicide.]

“还有一些趋势,如在1993年以后的小说中发现的日常语言的使用”("贾平凹",《废都》;“顾城”,《英儿》)和新无边界化【陈东,鲁羊,朱文,林白,陈梁,张梅新狀態小說(“新小说无国界”)】,自1995年以来,就无法在论文写作中得到证实。[后殖民主义思维(Williams et al. 1994),被视为社会政治话语的一部分,出现在散文中,特别是在20世纪90年代不那么具有批判性的政治但爱国主义的散文中。卡夫卡主义帮助我们理解了《噩梦》这篇文章,在这篇文章中Si Yu似乎是一位解构主义者,第一人称叙述的我甚至几乎自杀。--Lou Cancan (talk) 05:57, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

小说作品中还可找到一些趋势,比如1993年出现的日常用语的使用贾平凹,《废都》;顾城,《英儿》)以及1995年以来的新无边界派 [ 陈东,鲁羊,朱文,林白,陈梁,张梅的新状态小说 ] ,而这些趋势在散文中却未得到证实 [ 后殖民主义思维(威廉姆斯等,1994年)被视为社会政治话语的一部分,在散文中,特别是在20世纪90年代那些少有政治争议的爱国主义散文中,这种思维得以体现。卡夫卡主义可帮助我们理解“梦靥”这一散文作品,斯妤以解构主义的方式进行创作,第一人称视角近乎消失 ]。--Ouyang Ling

Luo Weijia 罗维嘉

- Also the fictional realism David Der-Wei Wang sees in Lao She, Mao Dun and Shen Congwen, proves helpful for the understanding of some essays, one being "The Small Dog Baodi", written by Ba Jin 1981, in which the author turns into a narrator who recounts the memories of the 'Cultural Revolution' in allegoric instead of in descriptive truth as before ("In memoriam of Xiao Shan II", Ba Jin 1984). Similar is the concept of imaginery nostalgia, as Wang calls the fictional truth in Shen Congwen's work (David Der-Wei Wang 1992), helpful for the reading of Wang Zengqi's "Rain in Kunming" as well as for Jia Pingwa's "Shanxi opera".[And maybe for Xie Bingxins reflections on her experience as one of the chosen voluntaries of the Wuhan military academy: She insisted to remain a lifelong "woman soldier" .]

王德威认为,老舍、矛盾以及巴金的虚构现实主义作品能让读者更好地理解其他文章。1981年,巴金写下《小狗包弟》,以讲述者视角、寓言般语言描述了文化大革命这段历史往事;而在《再忆萧珊》(1984年)中他却多用描述性语言。想象的乡愁概念也是如此。王德威认为沈从文作品中的虚构现实主义有助于阅读汪曾祺《昆明的雨》以及贾平凹《秦腔》。(或许这还有助于理解谢冰莹入选黄埔军校后对军旅生活的反思:立志当一名终生“女兵”。)--Luo Weijia (talk) 13:02, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Luo Yuqing 罗雨晴

- The Schwarcz' concept of personal grief expressed in a metaphorical discourse helps us to understand how Ba Jin was able to overcome the truth of being he was known for, only to reach a more convincing fictional truth through the metaphor of his dog Baodi.

-施瓦茨在“隐喻性话语”中所表达的“个人悲伤”的这一概念,有助于我们理解巴金是如何克服令他出名的“存在的真理”的,结果却通过分析巴金在《小狗包弟》中的隐喻,得到了一个更具说服力的“虚构真相”这一概念。--Luo Yuqing (talk) 09:28, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

DISCUSSION: IS THE GENRE OF THE ESSAY THE FORM OF LITERARY EXPRESSION IN 21ST CENTURY CHINA?

讨论:该文章的体裁是21世纪中国的文学表现形式吗?--Luo Yuqing (talk) 09:28, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Regarding the future of the Chinese literature, we can only speculate. But out the risk of being wild and provocative, I would like to suggest some questions for considering the place of the essay in the field of Chinese literature and literary studies.

关于中国文学的未来,我们只能推测。但是,冒着变得狂野与挑衅的风险,我想提出一些问题,以考虑这篇文章在中国文学和文学研究领域的地位。--Luo Yuqing (talk) 09:28, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Ma Juan 马娟

- People have less time for actions like reading, and get used to reduced visualized information through the Internet. Will the brevity of the essay make it the ideal medium?

- If the Chinese people are rediscovering their individuality, will the essay allow them to express individual thoughts more directly?

- Modern societies are characterized by TV culture, mass consumption, and the loss of consciousness of one's own tradition, often partly due to the American impact on national cultures. Is the essay less bound to the restrictions of tradition, especially compared to the poem and thus more adaptable to the modern phenomenon of mass consumption?


- 人们鲜有时间阅读,并且已经习惯于通过互联网来重复视觉化的信息。一篇散文很简洁,这就会使得它成为理想的媒介吗?

如果中国人不断发现他们的个性,那么散文会使得他们更加直接的表达他们的想法吗?

- 部分原因是美国这个国家文化的影响,现代社会最典型的的特点就是电视文化,大众消费以及个人自我意识的丢失。相较于诗歌,散文更少受到传统的约束因此会更符合现代的大众消费吗?--Majuan (talk) 11:22, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

-人们鲜有时间阅读,并且习惯通过互联网减少可视化信息。短文是否会成为理想的媒介? -如果中国人重新发现自己的个性,短文会让他们更直接地表达个人的思想吗? -由于美国对民族文化的影响,现代社会的特点是电视文化、大众消费以及传统自我意识的丧失。尤其是与诗歌相比,短文是不是少了传统的束缚,而更能符合现代的大众消费的现象呢?--Luo Weijia (talk) 13:16, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

-人们鲜有时间阅读,并且已经习惯于通过互联网减少可视化信息。简洁的散文是否会成为理想的媒介? - 如果中国人能重新发现自己的个性,那么散文能让他们更直接地表达个人的想法吗? - 现代社会的特点是电视文化和大众消费为主,同时传统自我的意识的丧失。相较于诗歌,散文是否会因为少了传统的束缚而更符合大众消费的现象呢?--Tang Bei (talk) 14:31, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Ma Shuya 马淑雅

- The alienation and the anonymity of citylife worldwide, in China is combined with a loss of traditional values like ideology, family, solidarity etc. in favor of the concept of profit for oneself, - if this has produced a longing for new orientation, will it possibly be filled by morally guiding essays or nationalistic thinking?

Source: Lecture at Harvard University, Cambridge, MA USA, March 14, 2000

REFERENCES

Ba Jin 1981 Ba Jin, "Xiao gou Baodi 小狗包第" (The small dog Baodi), in Tansuo ji 抻坰摩 (Inquiries), Hong Kong 香港 4.1981 [Series Suixiang lu 隨想錄 (Thoughts) vol. 2]

在全球范围内城市生活的疏远性与匿名性,则与意识形态、家庭、集体荣誉感等传统价值观的缺失相联系,是以个人利益至上的观念为基础的。如果其产生了对某种新方向的渴望,那它的内容会是引领道德观念的文章和民族主义思想吗? 来源:MA USA,剑桥,在哈佛大学的演讲,2000年3月14日。 引:巴金,1981,《小狗包弟》,抻坰摩,香港,1981,《随想录》。--Mashuya (talk) 17:51, 15 October 2020 (UTC)MaShuya

在中国,全球范围内都存在的城市生活的疏远性与匿名性,则与意识形态、家庭、团结等传统价值观的缺失相联系,这些价值观是支持个人利益至上的观念的。如果其产生了对某种新方向的渴望,那它的内容会是引领道德观念的文章和民族主义思想吗? 来源:MA USA,剑桥,在哈佛大学的演讲,2000年3月14日。 参考: 巴金,1981,《小狗包弟》,抻坰摩,香港,1981,《随想录》系列,卷2。--Lou Cancan (talk) 06:08, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

全球范围内城市生活出现疏远性与匿名性,在中国,这种疏远性与匿名性与意识形态、家庭、团结等传统价值观的缺失相联系,是支持个人利益至上的。如果这种状况促成了对新方向的渴望,那它会造成引领道德观念的文章和民族主义思想的迸发吗? 来源:MA USA,剑桥,在哈佛大学的演讲,2000年3月14日。 参考: 巴金,1981,《小狗包弟》,抻坰摩,香港,1981,《随想录》,卷2。--Ji Tiantian (talk) 11:15, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Ma Zhixing 马智星

Bolz 1992 Norbert Bolz: "Essay", in Walther Killy, ed., Literaturlexikon, 15 vols., München: Bertelsmann 1992

Butrym 1989 Alexander J. Butrym, "Introduction", in Butrym, ed., Essays on the Essay - Redifining the Genre, Athens etc.: The University of Georgia Press 1989

Denton 1996 Kirk A. Denton, ed., Modern Chinese Literary Thought. Writings on Literature 1893 - 1945, Stanford University Press 1996, 554 S.

Fan Peisong 1993 Fan Peisong 範培松, Zhongguo xiandai sanwen shi 中國現代散文史 (History of the Modern Chinese Essay), Nanking 南京: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe 江蘇教育出版社 (Paedagogic Press Jiangsu) 9.1993, 626 S.

Meng Ying 孟莹

Gálik 1966 Marián Gálik, "On the Influence of Foreign Ideas on Chinese Literary Criticism, 1898 1904", in Asian and African Studies, Bratislava: Department of Oriental Studies of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, 2 (1966) 38-48

玛丽安•盖利克.论外国思想对中国文学批评的影响:从1989到1904.亚非研究,1996(2):38-48.伯拉第斯拉瓦:斯洛伐克科学院东方研究系.

Hall 1984 Donald Hall, The contemporary essay, New York: St. Martin’s Press 1984, 488 pp [In this textbook, Hall has chosen a wide range of contemporary american essayists (34, each is presented with one text), among them many women writers like Alison Lurie, Frances FitzGerald, Diane Johnson and Annie Dillard. The authors presented with a short biographical overview. In his introduction, Hall applies for clear writing, and active reading.]

唐纳德•霍尔,1984.当代散文.纽约:圣马丁出版社1984:488. 在这本教科书中,霍尔介绍了很多当代美国散文家(34个散文家,每个人都用一篇文章介绍),其中也包含了很多女性散文家,如艾莉森·卢里、弗朗西斯·菲茨杰拉德、黛安·约翰逊和安妮·迪拉德。通过一篇篇简短的传记,霍尔一一介绍了这34位散文家。在他的介绍中,霍尔倡导清晰明了的书写方式和积极充分的阅读习惯。--Meng Ying (talk) 16:29, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Meng Ying

Mo Ling 莫玲

Jia Pingwa 1984 Jia Pingwa, "Qin qiang 秦腔" (Shanxi opera), in Renmin wenxue 人民日報 (Folksliterature) (5.1984)

Kubin 1995 Wolfgang Kubin, "Das aschene Herz oder Der Sieg des Lebens. Der Hongkonger Essayist Gaylord Leung (The Ashen Heart or The Victory of Life. The Hong Kong Essayist Gaylord Leung)", in minima sinica 1 (1995) pp. 100-114

Leiden 1988-90 A Selective Guide to Chinese Literature. 1900 - 1949, 4 Bde, Leiden 1988 - 1990 [Only on novels, fiction anthologies, poetry collections and drama.]

贾平凹 1984年,秦腔,人民日报,1984年5月版

沃尔夫冈·库宾,《灰心还是生命的胜利》,1995年,香港散文家梁家辉(灰心还是生命的胜利),《袖珍汉学》,第100-114页

莱顿,1988-1990《中国文学精选指南》,1900 - 1949,[仅限小说、小说选集、诗集和戏剧。]--Mo Ling (talk) 02:14, 16 October 2020 (UTC)Mo Ling


贾平凹. 《秦腔》, 人民日报, 1984.5.

沃尔夫冈·库宾. 《灰心还是生命的胜利---香港散文家梁锡华》,1995年,袖珍汉学,第100-114页

莱顿. 《中国文学精选指南1900-1949》. 1988-1990 [仅限小说、小说选集、诗集和戏剧。]--Song Jianru (talk) 14:45, 16 October 2020 (UTC)


贾平凹. 《秦腔》, 《人民日报》, 1984年5月.

沃尔夫冈·库宾. 《灰心还是生命的胜利---香港散文家梁锡华》,1995年,《袖珍汉学》,第100-114页

莱顿. 《中国文学精选指南 1900-1949》. 1988-1990年 [仅限小说、小说选集、诗集和戏剧。]-- Ouyang Ling

Mo Nan 莫南

Lin Yaode 1989 Lin Yaode 林耀德, Shuangmu he . shi nai de 雙目合.視乃得 (You need two eyes to see), in Guannian duihua 觀念對話 (Dialogue of ideas), Taipeh 臺北: Han'guang wenhua shiye gufen youxian gongsi 漢光文化事業股份有限公司 (Shining Chinese Cultureworks Corp.) 8.1989, 266 pp, p 49-77 [A very critical interview with the Taiwanese author Yu Guangzhong.]

Lu Xun 1933 [missing, will be added in a later edition] 林耀德. 双目合,视乃得, 对话台湾作家余光中[A],《观念对话》[M]. 台湾:汉光文化有限公司, 1989: 49-49. 林耀德. 双目合,视乃得, 对话台湾作家余光中[A],《观念对话》[M]. 台湾:汉光文化有限公司, 1989: 49-49. 林耀德. 双目合,视乃得, 对话台湾作家余光中[A],《观念对话》[M]. 台湾:汉光文化有限公司, 1989: 49-49. 鲁迅 1933(遗漏,将在下一版本完善)-Mo Nan

Nie Xiaolou 聂晓楼

Lu Xun 1934 Lu Xun, "Xiaopinwen de weiji 小品文的危機" (The crisis of the short literary piece), in Nanqiang beidiao ji 南腔北調集 (Mixed Accents) 1934[?] [Dated 1933. Lu Xun writes, "Sanwen 散文 (essay) and xiaopin 小品 (short literary pieces) are presumably more successful than novels, traditional operas and poems. They contain of course also struggle and fight. Because they often take English suibi 隨筆 (essays) as their example, they are also humorous and distinguished." Following Lee's 1985 :287 terminology, the title reads "The Crisis of the Literary Essay".]

鲁迅,(“小品文的危机”,收录在《南腔北调集》中),1934。(1933:鲁迅写道,“散文与小品文同小说、传统戏剧以及诗歌相比想必更为成功。散文与小品文当然也需费力去写,因为这两者经常引用英文随笔作为例子,并且这两者同样幽默、杰出。”)--Nie Xiaolou (talk) 03:05, 19 October 2020 (UTC)Nie Xiaolou

Ou Rong 欧蓉

Luo Dajing ca. 1240 Luo Dajing 羅大經 (? - after 1248), Helin yulu 鶴林玉露 (Forest of cranes and jade dew), in Baibu congshu 百部叢書 (Book series in 100 vols.) tao 套 14, ce 冊 1

Mansberg 1995 Anja Mansberg, Essays aus dem Exil: Liu Zaifu - ein chinesischer Intellektueller in Amerika, Schweden und Kanada (Essays from Exile: Liu Zaifu - a Chinese intellectual in America, Sweden and Canada), Ruhr University Bochum 1995 [Unpublished master thesis.]

罗大经. 《鹤林玉露》. 1240:百部丛书:第14套第一册.

安雅·曼斯伯格. 《刘在复流亡文集-一个在美国,瑞典和加拿大流亡的中国知识分子》. 波鸿鲁尔大学,1995.[未发表的硕士论文]--Ou Rong (talk) 02:34, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Ou Rong

Ouyang Jinglan 欧阳静兰

Margouliès 1949 Margouliès, G., Histoire de la littérature chinoise (prose) (History of the Chinese Literature (Prose)), Paris: Payot 1949 [Contains only a few pages on the essay.]

McDougall 1971 Bonnie S. McDougall, The Introduction of Western Literary Theories into China, 1919 - 1925, Tokyo: Center for East Asian Cultural Studies 1971 (East Asian Cultural Studies Series 14-15)

McNaughton 1974 William McNaughton, ed., Chinese Literature. An Antholo-gy from the earliest times to the present day, Rutland, Vermont, Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Co. 1974, 836 S. [Although it says "literature" in the title, it contains no essays, only "fiction" and "verse".]


马古烈 1949,马古烈,G。,“中国文学史(散文)(中国文学史)”,巴黎:柏姿 1949 [论文里仅含几页。]

麦克杜格尔,1971年邦妮·麦克杜格尔,“西方文学理论在中国的介绍,1919年至1925年,东京”:东亚文化研究中心,1971年,“(东亚文化研究丛书”第14-15页)

麦克诺顿 1974年,威廉 · 麦克诺顿编辑,“中国文学。一本从早期到现在的选集”,东京佛蒙特州拉特兰:查尔斯·塔特尔公司 1974,836S。[尽管标题中写着“文学”,但没有任何论文,只有“ 小说”和“诗歌”。] --OUYANGJINGLAN (talk) 16:02, 18 October 2020 (UTC)OuYang Jinglan欧阳静兰

Ouyang Ling 欧阳玲

Jiang/Wu 1996 Jiang Jian 姜建, Wu Weigong 吳為公, eds., Zhu Ziqing nianpu 朱自清年譜 (Biographical chronic of Zhu Ziqing), Hefei 合肥: Anhui jiaoyu chubanshe 安徽教育出版社 (Education Press Anhui) 5.1996, 361 pp.

Morohashi undated Morohashi, Tetsuji 諸橋轍次, Dai Kan-wa jiten 大漢和辭典 (Large Chinese Dictionary), Taipei 臺北 undated, vol. 1-13


姜/吴 1996年 姜建,吴为公《朱自清年谱》 合肥:安徽教育出版社,1996年5月,共361页

诸桥 无出版日期 诸桥辅次《大汉和辞典》 台北,无出版日期,第一至十三卷--Ouyang Ling


姜建,吴为公,《朱自清年谱》,1996,合肥:安徽教育出版社,共361页。 诸桥辅次,《大汉和辞典》,无出版日期,台北,第一至十三卷。--Nie Xiaolou (talk) 03:08, 19 October 2020 (UTC)Nie Xiaolou

Peng Dan 彭丹

Pollard 1985 David E. Pollard, "Lu Xun's Zawen", in Leo O. Lee: Lu Xun and his Legacy 1985, pp. 54-89

Průšek 1964 Jaroslav Pršek, "A Confrontation of Traditional Oriental Literature with Modern European Literature in the Context of the Chinese Literary Revolution", in Archiv Orientalni 32 (1964) 365-375. 卜立德.《鲁迅和他的遗产》,1985年,李里奥,第54-89页 雅罗斯拉夫• 普罗塞克 .《中国文学改革背景中传统东方文学和现代欧洲文学的冲突》,1964年,东方档案32,第365-375页--Peng Dan (talk) 07:30, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

《鲁迅杂文》,卜立德,1985;《鲁迅及其遗产》,李里奥,1985,54-89页

《中国文学改革背景中传统东方文学和现代欧洲文学的冲突》,雅罗斯拉夫• 普罗塞克,1964年,东方档案第32卷,365-375页。--Quan Meixin (talk) 14:52, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Peng Juan 彭娟

Si Yu 1995 Si Yu 斯妤, "Mengyan 夢魘" (The nightmare), in Si Yu 斯妤, Li Hong 李紅, eds., Dangdai nüxing sanwen suibi jingcui - qingxinxiang gao (sanwen juan) 當代女性散文隨筆精 粹—傾心相告(散文 卷) (Choice of Essays and Familiar Essays of Contemporary Women Authors - Opening One's Heart - Essay Vol.), Peking 北京: Zhongguo qingnian chubanshe 中國青年出版社 (Chinese Youth Press) 6.1995, 392 pp, 130-134 当代女性散文随笔精粹-倾心相告(散文卷)(选择的文章和当代女性作家的为人熟知的文章)1995年6月,北京中国青年出版社,共392页,截取自130-134页--Pengjuan (talk) 11:42, 18 October 2020 (UTC)pengjuan

Peng Ruihong 彭锐宏

Schmidt-Glintzer 1990 Hellwig Schmidt-Glintzer, Geschichte der chinesischen Literatur, Bern etc.: Scherz 1990, 686 pp. [Contains altogether only a few pages on the essay.]

Tam King-Fai [announced] Tam King-Fai, The Chinese xiaopinwen [working title], New York: Columbia University Press [This collection has been announced for 1999.]

Wagner 1996 Alexandra Wagner, Bildnisse des Selbst: die Neumondschule und der moderne chinesische Essay (Alexandra Wagner: Images of Self: The Crescent Moon Society and the Chinese Essay), Dortmund: Projekt Verlag 1996 [Reihe Edition cathay Bd 15]

Peng Xiaoling 彭小玲

Wang Bin 1992 Wang Bin 王彬, "Essay de youfa Essay的誘發" (The origin of the essay), in Beijing wenxue 北京文學 (Peking literature) (10.11.1992, issue 11) 66-68

Wang Zengqi 1993 Wang Zengqi 汪曾祺, "Dangdai sanwen daxi zongxu 當代散文大系總序" (Preface to the Compendium of the field of the contemporary essay), in Dangdai zuojia pinglun 當代作家評論 (Critical review of contemporary authors) (25.1.1993, issue 1) 8-9

Wu Zhihui [1934] Wu Zhihui as cited by Zhou Zuoren in Der Ursprung der modernen chinesischen Literatur (The Sources of Modern Chinese Literature) 1934, 71-72

Wang Bin 1992 Wang Bin 王彬, ""Essay de youfa Essay"的誘發" (散文的起源), 载于 "Beijing wenxue" 北京文學 (北京文学)(1992.11.10, 第11期)66-68

Wang Zengqi 1993 Wang Zengqi 汪曾祺, ""Dangdai sanwen daxi zongxu" 當代散文大系總序" (当代散文纲要序言), 载于 "Dangdai zuojia pinglun" 當代作家評論 (当代作家评论) (1993.1.25, 第1期) 8-9

Wu Zhihui [1934] 周作人在 "Der Ursprung der modernen chinesischen Literatur" (中国现代文学起源) 中引用吴志辉的著作 1934, 71-72--Peng Xiaoling (talk) 03:36, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Peng Yongliang 彭永亮

Zhou Zuoren 1921 Zhou Zuoren, "Meiwen 美文 (Belle lettre), in: Beijing chenbao fukan 北京晨報副刊 (Supplement to Peking Morning Post) (8.6.1921) ["It appears to me, that the English literature has had its greatest success in the field of the belle-lettre.", ibid.]

Zhu Jinshun 1990 Zhu Jinshun 朱金順, ed., Wusi sanwen shi jia 五四散文十家 (10 Essayists of the 'May-Fourth-Movement'), Peking 北京: Baihua wenyi chubanshe 百花文藝出版 社 (100 Flowers Literature and Art Press) 12.1990, 221 pp. ["1938 dao 1945, shi Zhou Zuoren zui bu guangcai de shiqi, zuo le hanjian 1938到1945是周作人最不光彩的時 期,做了漢奸", p. 59]


周作人 1921 美文 北京晨报副刊(1921.6.8) “在我看来,英语文学在美文领域取得了最大的成就。”,同上。

朱金顺 五四散文十家 北京:百花文艺出版社(1990.12)221页 “1938到1945是周作人最不光彩的时期,做了汉奸”,59页。--Peng Yongliang (talk) 05:08, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Peng Yuzhi 彭育志

Zhu Ziqing 1928 Zhu Ziqing, "Beiying 背影" (The back view), in Beiying 背影 (The back view), Shanghai 上海: Kaiming shudian 開明書店 (Kaiming Bookstore) (10.1928) 像1948

Yale lecture on the 20th Century Chinese Essay

A Survey of the Genre and New Insights Into the Essayists Ba Jin, Zhou Zuoren, Zhu Ziqing

朱自清1928 背影 上海 開明書店 (10.1928) 1948

耶鲁大学关于20世纪中国小品文的讲座

对小品文作家巴金,周作人,朱自清体裁和新解的总体研究--Peng YuZhi (talk) 10:20, 16 October 2020 (UTC)


朱自清1928年《背影》,上海開明書店 (1928年10月) 1948年

耶鲁大学关于20世纪中国散文的讲座

从流派和新视角探究散文作家巴金、周作和朱自清--Shi Diwen (talk) 11:40, 16 October 2020 (UTC)


朱自清1928《背影》,上海開明書店 (1928年10月) 1948--Wang Yu (talk) 01:42, 19 October 2020 (UTC) 耶鲁大学20世纪中国散文讲座 论散文家巴金,周作人,朱自清的体裁和新见解

Qi Kai 漆凯

The narrative established by literary histories[Hsia] and anthologies has drawn a distorted picture of 20th century Chinese literature: The genre of the essay was almost ignored. In my paper I will demonstrate, how the picture of three authors change, if we take into consideration also some of their esayistic work. Here I choose the example of the critical political essay. The essay tells us more about an author than fiction or poetry, because in this genre, we encounter the author himself without metrical restrictions.

文学史和选集所确立的叙事方式,勾勒出了20世纪中国文学的扭曲图景:文章的体裁几乎被忽视了。在我的论文中,我将展示三位作者的形象如何改变,如果我们也考虑到他们的一些遇作。在这里,我选择批评政治文章的例子。这篇文章告诉我们更多的是关于一个作家的,而不是小说或诗歌因为在这一体裁中,我们遇到的是作者本人,没有韵律的限制。--QiKai (talk) 11:45, 18 October 2020 (UTC)QiKai

文学史和文学选集所确立的叙事方式,为20世纪的中国文学描绘了一幅扭曲的画面:文章的体裁几乎被忽视了。在我的论文中,我将展示三位作者的形象如何改变,如果我们也考虑到他们的一些散文作品。这里我选择了政治评论文章的例子。这篇文章比小说或诗歌更能让我们了解一个作家,因为在这类作品中,我们可以不受韵律的限制地了解作者本身。--Gong Yumian (talk) 14:25, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Qu Miao 瞿淼

In 1927, when the writers were threatened by a massacre among leftists by the National People's Party in Shanghai, a whole generation of writers found a common base in communist ideology, formally expressed in 1930 in the foundation of the "League of Left-Wing Writers". 1927年,当作家们受到上海全国人民党进行的左翼作家大屠杀威胁之时,整整一代的左翼作家在共产主义的意识形态中找到了共鸣,并在1930年以“左翼作家联盟”为基础正式阐述了这一思想。--Qu Miao (talk) 16:57, 18 October 2020 (UTC)


1927年,正当上海国民党对左翼作家大肆屠杀之际,作家们深深感受到了威胁,于是整整一代的左翼作家在共产主义的意识形态中找到了共鸣,并在1930年以“左翼作家联盟”为基础正式阐述了这一思想。--Mo Ling (talk) 02:49, 19 October 2020 (UTC)Mo Ling

Quan Meixin 全美欣

Many writers had to define and often redefine their position and self-understanding in reaction to the changing political climate, often burying their own ideals, in the larger perspective for the seeming "needs" of society, which also claimed the author to be one of its products. This struggle of finding a position in a politicized environment is best documen¬ted in the essay --- "a genre of self-reflection". Moreover, by its very nature, the essay overcomes boundaries of form and content. Therefore there are more essays than there is fiction free from political thoughts. Some essayists even went a step further, deconstructed the master narrative of leftist ideology, like the three writers I will talk about today.

许多作家不得不定义或者经常重新定义他们的位置和应对政治环境改变的自我理解,经常隐藏自己的观点,最大程度迎合社会的“需求”,这个社会宣称作家是其产品之一。在一篇散文——“自我反省的类型”中记录了作家在这种政治环境中寻求一席之地的努力。同时,就其本质而言,这篇散文克服了形式与内容的障碍。因此,与小说相比,有更多的散文不受政治思想的约束。一些散文家甚至更进了一步,解构了左派意识形态中最重要的叙述技巧,我今天要谈论的三位作家就是如此。--Quan Meixin (talk) 13:52, 16 October 2020 (UTC) 许多作家不得不去定义甚至是重新定义他们的身份和自我认知以应对不断变化的政治环境,他们总是隐藏自己的理想,从更广阔的视角去看待社会的“需求”,其中作家被看作是这个社会的产品之一。在一篇名为《自省派》的文章中很好地记录了作家们在政治化的环境中寻求一席之地的挣扎。不仅如此,就其本质而言,这篇文章超越了形式和内容的界限。由此,越来越多的文章挣脱了政治思想的束缚。一些作家甚至更进一步地解构了左派意识形态中的主导叙事。今天我要谈论的三位作家便是如此。--Liubo (talk) 07:03, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Sagara Seydou

The master narrative of the offical literary history of the People's Republic on Zhou Zuoren is, that a sophisticated May Fourth genius "degenerated" and later became a national "traitor". Zhou's writings were officially considered bad literature, a total elimina-tion of his texts was only prevented, because of the fame of his brother, who became a state author posthumously through the valuing of Mao Zedong. Actually the reception of his essays reaches a new climax now, in the essay collections of the 1990s, his essays rank 3rd, as I was able to proof with a survey of 5000 essays. [] That makes clear that his political engagement had no effect on the brilliance of his literary works. 关于周作人的中华人民共和国官方文学史的主要叙述是,成熟的五四天才“退化”,后来成为民族“叛徒”。 周的著作被官方认为是不良文学,由于他的弟弟成名,他的名声被毛泽东post为国家作家,因此,彻底阻止了他的著作被全部废除。 实际上,现在他的论文的接受度达到了一个新的高潮,在1990年代的论文集中,他的论文排名第三,正如我通过对5000篇论文的调查所证明的那样。 []这清楚表明,他的政治参与对他的文学作品的辉煌没有影响。--Sagara Seydou 3 (talk) 13:53, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Shi Diwen 石迪文

[All rankings refer to the survey results published in my books on the Chinese essay: Martin Woesler, ed., The Modern Chinese Literary Essay - Defining the Chinese Self in the 20th Century - Conference Volume, Bochum: European University Press ²2003, 327 pp., ISBN 3-934453-15-5, € 35.79; Martin Woesler, ed., The Chinese Essay in The 20th Century - , Bochum: European University Press ²2003, 496 (xlii, 205, 229) pp., ISBN 3-934453-14-7, € 25.00; and in German: Martin Woesler (Hg., Übers.), Ausgewählte chinesische Essays des 20. Jahrhunderts in Übersetzung, Bo¬chum: Europäischer Universitätsverlag ²2003, 300 S.; ISBN 3-932329-05-8, € 15.29; Martin Woesler, Geschichte des chinesischen Essays in Moderne und Gegenwart (3 volumes), Bo¬chum: Europäischer Universitätsverlag ²2003, xiii, 900 S., 3-932329-04-X, € 46.00.]

【所有排名出自本人所著的关于中国文学作品的书籍,参考了上面的研究结果:吴漠汀著《中国现代文学散文集-定义20世纪的中国式自我-会议录》,波鸿市欧洲大学出版社2003年出版,327页,ISBN码3-934453-15-5,价格35.79欧元;吴漠汀著《二十世纪中国散文集》,波鸿市欧洲大学出版社2003年出版,496页(xlii, 205, 229),ISBN码3-934453-14-7,25欧元;吴漠汀著《翻译的二十世纪·中国的论文选集》,波鸿市欧洲大学出版社2003年出版,300页,ISBN码3-932329-05-8, 价格15.29欧元;吴漠汀著《中国近现代散文史》(三册),波鸿市欧洲大学出版社2003年出版,13,900页,ISBN码3-932329-04-X,价格46欧元。】--Shi Diwen (talk) 11:32, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Shi Haiyao 石海瑶

The official assessment of the People's Republic is that Zhou's work experienced a caesura in 1938 due to his "degeneration" and opposition against the patriotic campaign. Zhou kept trying to aesthetizise the little things of the everyday out of the subjective experience of his private space his whole life, only seven months after the incident at Marco Polo bridge he showed that it was again possible to write about a candy seller for which he had been critizised as "paralyzing" But there was indeed a caesura, namely the change in style and subject in his essays on literature, art etc. to zhèngjiang and xiánshì(essays for one’s own enjoyment).

中华人民共和国的官方评价是,由于周作人的“堕落”和对爱国运动的反对,他的作品于1938年戛然而止。出于他的一生对于私人空间的主观经验,周作人一直试图美化日常小事,卢沟桥事变发生仅7个月后,他表明,他可能又写了一个糖果商贩,因此被贬为“瘫痪”的人。但他文学、艺术类散文在风格和题材上的变化,实为中断,变成了个人享乐。--Shi Haiyao (talk) 09:20, 18 October 2020 (UTC) 中华人民共和国的官方评价是,由于周作人的“堕落”和对爱国运动的反对,他的作品于1938年戛然而止。出于他的一生对于私人空间的主观经验,周作人一直试图美化日常小事,卢沟桥事变发生仅7个月后,他表明,他可能又写了一个糖果商贩,因此被贬为“瘫痪”的人。但他文学、艺术类散文在风格和题材上的变化,实为中断,变成了正将和闲适(即个人享乐)。--Peng Dan (talk) 15:36, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Si Yu 司妤

But this change is located not before his outlawing through Mao Zedong (1942), and his arrest by the Guomindang (1945). Therefore not the Japanese suppressors should be made responsible for the retreat of this great writer, but his Chinese compatriots. So the first correction of the narrative is, that his literature was not effected by socio-political circumstances in quality, but in contents. And there is a second master narrative on Zhou Zuoren, which says that he was an apolitical author. Actually, he wanted his abstinence of political statement to be understood as a political statement by itself.

但是这种变化并不发生在遭到毛泽东的剥夺权益之后,以及发生于遭国民党逮捕之后。因此并不能说是日本压迫者导致了这位伟大的作家的倒退,而是他的同胞们。所以对这篇记叙的纠正应该是,他的文学在那时的社会政治状况下,质量没变,内容变了。有另外一篇记录周作人的优质记叙文,提到他实际上是个不关心政治的作家。实际上,他想让自己对政治的无视被理解为一种政治立场。--Si Yu (talk) 12:32, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

但是这种变化并不存在于他被毛泽东(1942)放逐和被国民党逮捕之前,因此并不能说是日本压迫者导致了这位伟大的作家的退步,而是他的同胞们。 所以对这篇记叙做的第一次纠正是,当时的社会政治环境并没有影响他文学的质量,而是影响了其内容。同时还有另外一篇叙述周作人的著作,书中提到他是个不关心政治的作家。实际上,他是希望自己对政治立场的无视能被理解为他的一种政治立场。--Fang Jieling (talk) 15:00, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Song Jianru 宋建茹

For him, literature was a mean not for revolution, but for resistance[ (Zhou 1929:180-181).]. In the modernizing society, he advocated the liberation of women and asked to "treat children as full subjects with their own external and internal lives" and to "make children the essence of children's literature"[(Zhou 1923).], literature should make the society more humane.

对他来说,文学不是革命的途径,而是反抗的手段(周 1929: 180-181)。现代化社会中,他提倡妇女解放,要求要把孩子当作有外在生活和内在生活的完整主体看待,使孩子成为儿童文学的实质(周 1923),文学应该使社会更人性化。--Song Jianru (talk) 14:19, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

对他来说,文学不是革命的手段,而是抵抗的手段[(周1929:180-181)]。在现代化的社会中,他主张妇女的解放,要求“把儿童作为一个完整的主体,有其自身的外在和内在的生活”,“使儿童成为儿童文学的精华”[(周1923),文学应该使社会更人性化。--XiaoXi (talk) 02:22, 17 October 2020 (UTC)Xiao Xi

对他来说,文学不是革命的手段,而是反抗的手段[(周1929:180-181)]。在现代化社会中,他提倡解放妇女,要求“把儿童当做有着外在生活与内在生活的完整主体来看待”,“让儿童成为儿童文学的本质所在”。--Luo Yuqing (talk) 09:42, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

对他来说,文学不是革命的手段,而是反抗的手段[(周1929:180-181)]。在现代化社会中,他提倡妇女解放,要求“把儿童当作完整主体,有其外在与内在生活”,并且“让儿童成为儿童文学的精髓”,文学应该让社会更加人性化。--Shi Haiyao (talk) 08:51, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Su Lin 苏琳

The second example, where a reading of some of his essays lets us rediscover the author is Ba Jin: He is known for his practical essays with anarchistic and communist background in the 1930s and 40s, for his opportunistic self-criticism, self-censorship[(The Family in 1951)] and the accusation of a writers' collegue during the cultural revolution. After the 'Cultural Revolution' he seemed to emerge as a righteous character[(1982 Yi pian xuwen).], when he claimed to have done all this under pressure. He then devoted his essays to the working up of the trauma of the 'Cultural Revolution', for example in the self-accusing essay series Random Thoughts.[(Suixianglu) The essays of the 1980s are more autobiographical, and deal with literature and questions for society nowadays. Due to the very nature of the essay, we can look through his "Random Thoughts" into the soul of Ba Jin..] 第二个例子是阅读巴金的文章能使我们对巴金有新的认识:他以二十世纪三十年代和四十年代下具有无政府主义和共产主义背景的实用文章,机会主义的自我批评,自我审查(1951年《家》),以及在文革时期对同事的指控闻名。“文革”之后,他似乎成为了一个正直的人(1982年 《序跋集》)。他声称自己当时是出于所有的压力才做这些事的。此后他的散文致力于“文革”的创伤,如随想系列自诉散文。(《随想录》)二十世纪八十年代的散文更具有自传性,涉及了文学和当今社会的问题。由于散文本身的实质,我们可以透过巴金的“随想”窥见巴金本人的灵魂。--Su Lin (talk) 15:28, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Tan Xingyue 谭星越

Since they were seldom reprinted, two of Ba Jin’s critical essays "Independent Thoughts" and "Writers’ Courage and Sense of Duty", dating 1956 and 1962 were overlooked. With them, Ba Jin turns out to be a lifelong independant writer. The two essays were criticised. He had to deny their contents and later they were censored. Even nowadays, these texts are not easy to find in anthologies and dictionaries in the P.R.C. and Taiwan.

由于很少再版,巴金于1956年和1962年撰写的两篇评论文章《独立思考》和《作家的勇气与责任心》被人们所忽视。巴金凭借这两篇文章成为了一个终生独立的作家。但因为文章受到批评,他不得不否认其文章内容,并在之后接受对文章的审查。即使在今天,这些文本在中国,或者说在台湾地区的文集和词典中也很难找到。--Tan Xingyue (talk) 08:00, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Tan Xinjie 谭鑫洁

"Independant Thoughts" dated 1956, propagates the freedom of the individual and of thoughts. This essay was written in the '100-Flower-Movement', when criticism was induced officially. Ba Jin corresponded only to the 'mainstream', although his criticism was unusually sharp. Much more distinctly directed against the 'mainstream' was the second text, which I want to introduce shortly. 《独立思想》始于1956年,宣传个人自由和思想自由。这篇文章是在“百花运动”中写的,此时批评被正式提出。巴金只回应了“主流”,尽管他的批评异常尖锐。更显著地反对“主流”的是第二个文本,我想简单地介绍一下这个文本。--Tan Xinjie (talk) 09:35, 18 October 2020 (UTC)


《独立思想》写于1956年,该书宣传个人自由和思想自由,那时正处于“百花运动”期间,文章收到官方批评。巴金只回应了“主流”,尽管他的批评异常尖锐。更显著地反对“主流”的是第二个文本,我想简单地介绍一下这个文本。--Si Yu (talk) 12:45, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

《独立思想》作于1956年,这本书宣传个人自由和思想自由。此时"百花运动"正在开展,于是这篇文章收到了批评。巴金只回应了“主流”,尽管他的批评异常尖锐。更显著地反对“主流”的是第二个文本,我想简单地介绍一下这个文本。--Qu Miao (talk) 17:02, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Tan Yuanyuan 谭媛媛

"Writers’ Courage and Sense of Duty", a speech at the second Shanghai congress of writers and artists in early 1962, has later been censored at seven striking places. In it, Ba Jin"judges very hard about himself and his collegues: At different campaigns against literary works they would have followed the political demands opportunistically and therefore were traitors. The second target of Ba Jin's criticism were the censors and critics, who would posess more power than the writers and that without legitimation. Ba Jin interpreted Mao's Yan'an speeches on art and literature in the way, that writers should themselves take over responsibility.

1962年初第二届上海作家和艺术家大会上巴金的演讲“作家的勇气和责任心”,后来在七个地方被审。 在这个演讲中,巴金对自己和他的同行进行了批判:在反对文学作品的各种运动中,他们投机地响应了政治要求,因而可称为叛徒。巴金批判的第二个对象是审查员和评论家,他们不按规定,拥有比作家有更大的权力。巴金用这样的方式诠释了毛主席在延安关于艺术和文学演讲中的精神,即作家应该自己承担责任。--Tan Yuanyuan (talk) 02:48, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

1962年初,巴金在第二届上海作家和艺术家大会上关于“作家的勇气和责任心”的演讲,不久之后便遭到七个地方的审查。 在演讲中,巴金对自己和同行进行了批判:在各种反对文学作品的运动中,他们投机地响应了政治要求而可称为叛徒。巴金批判的第二个对象是审查员和评论家,因为他们可以违背律法,拥有比作家有更大的权力。巴金以这样的方式诠释了毛主席在延安关于艺术和文学演讲中的精神,即作家应该自己承担责任。--Peng Xiaoling (talk) 04:07, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Tang Bei 汤蓓

"The Small Dog Baodi" as a metaphorical discourse on Ba Jin's personal grief

Although Ba Jin is regarded together with Bing Xin as one of the representatives of Republican literature, the more important part of his essayistic work seems to lie after 1949[ (Random Thoughts 1978-86, see Ba Jin 1988).]. Publishing from Hong Kong since 1979, he has spoken out loudly in opposition and in trying to help ease the trauma associated with the 'Cultural Revolution'.


《小狗包弟》是关于巴金个人悲伤的隐喻话语。

尽管巴金和冰心被视作为中国文学的代表人物,但巴金更重要的散文作品似乎是出版于1949年后[(见巴金1988出版的关于其1978年到86年间写的《随想录》)]。自1979年起,巴金就在香港出版了其作品,他在作品中大力反对“文化大革命”并试图借助作品来减轻“文革”带给他的创伤。--Tang Bei (talk) 08:13, 18 October 2020 (UTC)


《小狗包弟》:关于巴金个人悲伤情感的隐喻性话语。 巴金和冰心被视为共和国文学的代表人物,但巴金更重要的散文作品似乎于1949年后出版[(见巴金1988出版的关于其1978年到1986年间写的《随想录》)]。自1979年起,巴金就在香港出版了其作品,他在作品中大力反对“文化大革命”并试图借助作品来减轻“文革”带给他的创伤。--Tan Xingyue (talk) 08:46, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Tang Ming 唐铭

One of this essays is the story-like "Small Dog Baodi". Written in 1980, the author remembers his dog, which he had received two decades ago from a Swedish person and which he loved after a while. When the 'Red Gards' raged, the dog was in danger. Ba Jin describes in detail the fate of the animal and his own resignation, when he learned that he could not protect the dog. In order to save him from a torturous death, he finally submitted the dog in 1966 for medical experiments. Revisiting his garden after the 'Cultural Revolution', he remembers painfully how his wife had played here with the dog. I would like to show six points of interpretation: 其中有一篇故事式散文《小狗包弟》。这篇文章写于1980年,作者借此怀念他的狗。这只小狗是他20年前从一个瑞典人那里收到的,并在一段时间后就喜爱上了。可当红警肆虐时,那只狗就有危险了。巴金详细描述了这只狗的命运和当他得知自己无法保护这只狗时的无奈。为了挽救小狗免于痛苦的死亡,巴金最终在1966年将这只狗献给医学实验。“文化大革命”后,他再次回到自己的花园,他痛苦地回忆起妻子与小狗打闹玩耍的情景。在这里我要给出六条解读: --Tang Ming (talk) 00:38, 19 October 2020 (UTC)Tang Ming

Tang Yiran 汤伊然

1, The dog is a metaphor. In the beginning Ba Jin seems to report the fate of a dog with relevance only to his owner. But soon it becomes clear that Ba Jin actually mediates to the reader the cruelty of the 'Cultural Revolution'. The reader wonders, "if they did this with an innocent dog, what did they do with men, whom they considered guilty?" Ba Jin analogizes himself with the dog, when he sees himself liying on the dissection table. Even Baodi's death is useful, he serves science - could a man be more altruistic?

Tao Ye 陶冶

2, Ba Jin expresses the pain of the loss of his wife through the dog. Not before the very end of the essay, Ba Jin mentions his wife in painful remembrance, who became ill and died during those ten years. In the essay "In Memoriam Xio Shn",which appeared earlier in the collection, he had confessed severe feelings of guilt regarding her death, what haunted him into his dreams. He claimed, that they had withwithhold her medical treatment because of him.

3, The essay is an accusation of the 'Cultural Revolution'. The not-mentioning of the 'Cultural Revolution' as the reason for his wife's death makes the pain the more accusatory, especially in front of the comparable unimportant doglife. His terrifying awareness is the powerlessness - he was not able to protect his dog nor his wife. Ba Jin actually wants to illustrate the powerlessness of the individual in front of collective cruelty. 通过描述这只狗,巴金表达了他的丧妻之痛。在这篇文章结尾之前,巴金写到,在回忆里的那十年里,她的妻子痛苦不堪,她病得很重,并最终去世。在写于这篇合集之前的文章《怀念萧珊》中,巴金承认了自己对妻子之死强烈的愧疚感,而这种愧疚让他不得安睡。巴金说,那些人是因为他才少给妻子用药的。 3.该文章是对文化大革命的控诉。巴金没有把文化大革命作为他妻子之死的原因,让这篇文章给读者的疼痛更加深刻,特别是通过与不那么重要的狗的生命相比。巴金潜意识里恐惧的是无力感——他既无法保护他的狗,也无法保护他的妻子。事实上,巴金想例证在集体暴力的面前人是软弱无力的。--Tao Ye (talk) 00:19, 19 October 2020 (UTC)Tao Ye

Wang Meiling 王美玲

4, The significance of this way to deal with the 'Cultural Revolution'. If one compares the mentioned essay with others of the year 1979, it lied within the common trend of criticizing the 'Cultural Revolution'. But there were also authors like Bing Xin denied the 'Cultural Revolution' - soon after its end, she used similar titles for her books than before - in order to pretend continuity. Wang Meng worked up the 'Cultural Revolution' in a humoristic way - Ba Jin's essays stand out of these, because of their relentlessness and confessing character.

用这种写作手法处理“文化大革命”的意义所在。 拿这篇文章与1979年的其他文章作比较,会发现它也在“文化大革命”的批判大流中。但也有像冰心这样的作家“文化大革命”持否定态度——“文革”结束后不久,她用了和以前颇为相似的书名来假装为书的续集;还有王蒙,他则以幽默风趣的手法来阐述“文化大革命”;而巴金的散文之所以能脱颖而出,是因为其文章内容残酷无情,直叙无晦。--Wang Meiling (talk) 02:19, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Wang Xuan 王轩

5, The use of rhetorical means. Ba Jin pretends to be a simple documentarist "I expect from literature [...] that it tells the truth.". In fact he is known for his direct and accusing truth, sometimes his literary style is critizised as too direct and too less artful (a reproach from Hong Kong students). In "The Small Dog Baodi" he is using literary means to create emotion in his readers. He uses composition and rhetoric means like animation. The dog Baodi allegorically shows the injustice and inhumanity of the 'Cultural Revolution'. Here, Ba Jin turns into a narrator who recounts the memories of the 'Cultural Revolution' in allegoric instead of in descriptive truth as before[ ("In memoriam Xiao Shan").]. He is longing for a fictional truth, instead of the truth of being in the sense of Thomas Aquinas. The fictional realism Wang Der-wei sees in Lao She, Mao Dun and Shen Congwen, proofs helpful for the understanding of this piece.[ Similar is the concept of imaginery nostalgia, as the fictional truth in Shen Congwen is called (David Der-Wei Wang 1992), helpful for the reading of Wang Zengqi's "Rain in Kunming" as well as for Jia Pingwa's "Shanxi opera"..]

修辞手法的使用。巴金自称是纪实小说家:“我希望从文学中获取事实的真相。”确实,巴金的文字也是出了名的犀利、直接,甚至有时他的文学风格受到批评,说是太直接而缺乏艺术性(一位香港学生提出的质疑)。在巴金的小说《小狗包弟》中,他用了一些文学方法来让读者产生共鸣,比如小作文的形式和动漫插图这样的手段。借用包弟这只小狗,以寓言的方式,深刻揭露了“文化大革命”的不公与残酷。在文中,巴金一改作者身份,以寓言和反讽的形式,化为一名叙述者,平静地回忆起“文革”的事情,而非如往常的文章一样,平铺直述真相。(《怀念萧珊》)巴金太渴望寻求一种小说的真相了,而非托马斯·阿奎那式的真相。王德威在作家老舍、茅盾和沈从文的作品中看到的一种小说现实主义证明了对我们理解巴金这篇文章有所帮助。(类似情况还有沈从文提出的想象思乡这一概念,对于理解汪曾祺的《昆明的雨》和贾平凹的《秦腔》也是很有帮助的。)--Wang Xuan (talk) 07:48, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Wang Xuan

Wang Yu 王煜

6, Ba Jin's personal grief is much more persuading in the metaphor of the dog than in his direct accusing essays. As Vera Schwarcz (1996) points out "To speak too much of grief is to blunt its edge. It might even make us deaf to the cry that sparked discourse about suffering in the first place. A cold, calculating intelligence cannot grasp the rough contours of grief. [...] To preserve the significance of personal suffering in public life we need a more indirect approach; one that accepts and, indeed, nourishes AMBIGUITY. This, in the words of Cynthia Ozick, is the discrete province of METAPHOR, "the reciprocal agent, the universalizing force that makes it possible to envision the stranger's heart." [...] 相比在直接指控的文章中,巴金的个人悲痛在小狗的隐喻中更具有说服力。正如舒衡哲提出的“诉说太多的悲伤就是在淡化它。它甚至可能会让我们对最初引发关于痛苦的讨论的呼喊声充耳不闻。冷漠又有心计的人是无法大致理解这种悲痛的。[……]为了保留个人悲痛在公共生活中的意义,我们需要一种更婉转的办法;一种承认并确实可以助长歧义的办法。用辛西娅·欧芝克的话说,即隐喻的离散省,“互惠的代理,这种普遍力量使我们展望陌生人的感情成为可能。--Wang Yu (talk) 01:26, 19 October 2020 (UTC)”

Wang Yuan 王源

She also mentions that "[...] absence of talk -- or, rather modest use of metaphorical discourse -- serve us better in the presence of massive grief."

To sum up, Ba Jin turns out not to be the self-censorer, who tried to make his literature fit into the communist ideology. Instead he was a lifelong fighter for the freedom of speech and the independancy of literature from politics, who spoke out whenever he had the opportunity without endangering himself. He also no longer appears as the "uneducated" writer of simple truth, as he leads us to believe. Yet he has achieved a high rhethoric of fictional truth and is able to transmit his personal grief even more persuadingly in a metaphorical discourse throught the metaphor of the dog Baodi.

她也提出:“无言或适度使用隐喻性话语,能更好的体现巨大悲痛。” 总的来说,巴金没有成为一个自我检讨者而去让自己的文学作品去适应共产主义意识形态。相反,他是一名战士,终其一生都在为言论自由和文学独立于政治体系之外而奋斗。在不涉险的情况下,任何时候他都会抓住机会发声。他看起来也不再是其引导我们相信的那样,一个追求简单真理的“没文化”作家。实际上,他实现了虚构事实的高度修辞化,同时将个人悲痛在隐喻性话语中以更令人信服的方式,转化到小狗包弟这一隐喻中。--Wang Yuan (talk) 08:50, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Wei Honglang 韦洪朗

A third example, where an author shows another face in his essays is Zhu Ziqing. He is known as the author of the most often reprinted story-like Chinese essay "Back View" (Beiying), a standard school text. The success of this essay lies in the fact, that it applies to filial pity. From the reported fare-well scene with his father at the train station, he learned that his father loved him and that he had grown-up too now. This self-reflective essay helped Zhu to find himself through the observation of the other (here his father).

第三个例子,在文章中展示出另一种面孔的作者,朱自清。他以被转载最多的叙述性中国文章“后视图”《背影》著称,这是一篇标准的学校教材。这篇文章的成功之处在于其对子女孝心的普遍适用性。从文章中记录的他与他父亲在车站离别的情景,他意识到父亲多么爱他同时自己也收获了成长的事实。这种自我反射的文章帮助朱自清通过对他人(他父亲)的观察来找回自身。--Wei Honglang (talk) 06:09, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

第三个例子是在文章中展现出另一面貌的作家,朱自清。他以创作中国重印次数最多叙述散文《背影》而著称,《背影》也被选入学校教材。这篇文章的成功之处在于对子女孝心这一情感的共鸣性。从文章中记录的他与父亲在火车站离别的场景,他意识到了父亲的爱,同时也收获了自己的成长。这种自我反思类的文章,让朱自清通过别人(他父亲)的视角来找寻自我。 --Xiao Ting (talk) 08:32, 17 October 2020 (UTC)Xiao Ting

第三个例子是在文章中展现出自己另外一面的作家,朱自清。他因其文章被重印次数最多而出名,例如纳入标准学校教材的文章--《背影》。这篇文章的成功之处,在于作者在文中对无法报孝之憾与读者产生共鸣。文章中,他与父亲于火车站离别这一著名场景,作者意识到他的父亲爱他并且如今自己也长大了。这篇发人深省的文章帮助朱自清通过观察别人(指他父亲)来找寻自我。--Wang Yuan (talk) 02:29, 19 October 2020 (UTC)

Wei Yafei 魏亚菲

The 2nd often printed essay is also from Zhu. Parallelistic and repetitive structures are the driving factor in the atmospherical nebulous lyrical landscape desription "The Moonlit Lotus Pond", whose style easily may seem mannerist to the Western reader.

Zhu Ziqing supposedly opposed all political engagement and, wrote about unspectacular things. In Taiwan he became a type of substitute for the categorically refused state writer of the People’s Republic, Lu Xun, mainly because of Zhu’s supposed political independence.

I would like to show with three examples that Zhu had absolutely clear political ideas: He had taken part in the demonstration March 18, 1926, which ended in a massacre. Zhu described this in "Report On the Massacre of the Government"[(Zhizhengfu da tusha ji).].

第二本经常印刷的文章也来自朱自清。 平行和重复的结构是大气雾状抒情景观《荷塘月色》的动机,西方读者很容易看到它的风格。

据称,朱自清反对一切政治参与,并写了一些不引人注目的事情。 由于朱自清的政治独立,导致他在台湾成为了被彻底拒绝的中国作家鲁迅的代替品。。

我想用三个例子来说明朱基具有绝对明确的政治思想:他参加了1926年3月18日的示威,这次示威以大屠杀告终。 朱在《执政府大屠杀报告》中描述了这一点。 --Weiyafei (talk) 02:57, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Weiyafei

第二篇经常印刷的文章也来自朱。平行和重复的结构是驱动《荷塘月色》大气的朦胧抒情景观的因素,其风格很容易被西方读者接受。

据称,朱自清反对一切政治参与,并写了一些不引人注目的事情。 由于朱自清的政治独立,导致他在台湾成为了被彻底封杀的大陆作家鲁迅的代替品。。

我想用三个例子来说明朱具有绝对明确的政治思想:他参加了1926年3月18日的示威,这次示威以大屠杀告终。 朱在《执政府大屠杀报告》中描述了这一点。 --Peng Yongliang (talk) 05:17, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Wen Sixing 文偲荇

Shots were still being fired, and the entrance of the east gate was packed with people. [...] Pushing and shoving, we climbed over them with great effort. We must have lost our senses then, not seeing, to our shame, the grotesqueness of our action. [...] I was still walking on top of the people. No one dared to miss a single step, filing through the gate that divided safety from danger, one that would give us life or take our lives away. [...] My efforts finally brought me down to the ground, sealing my fate as I rolled down from the human pile. [...] I learned later that some of the people by the gate were dead, killed by the pistol squad firing from the other side of the gate. When I recall stepping over dead bodies, I cannot help but tremble with fear. [...]

枪声仍在继续,东门的入口处站满了人...推推搡搡,我们尽力爬到了人群上,我们一定是失去了理智,没有看到自己行为的怪诞不经,这十分耻辱...我仍在人群顶上游走,没人敢落下哪怕一步——为了穿过那扇隔开生与死的大门,那扇会使我们获得生机,也可能(直接)夺去我们的生命的大门...我的努力最终使我回到了地面,当我从人堆上滚下来时,我的命运就尘埃落定了...后来我才知道那扇门边的一些人已经死了——是被大门另一边的手枪打死的 ,(自此)每当我会想起自己踏过死尸的情景,我都会禁不住害怕得发抖... --Wensixing (talk) 12:49, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Wen Xiaoyi 文晓艺

From this experience, Zhu addresses directly the repsonsible political leaders: Duan Qirui[ 段祺瑞.], you must think about it! [...] How could we explain this to the world? [...] Granted, Duan Qirui and others could commit such atrocities without a thought; but how could we, the people of China, face the world with such a shameless government? [...] We, [...], must ask, „So many were killed—what should we do?“ 对于这个经历,朱自清直接向当局政治领导人段祺瑞致辞。 [...]我们如何向世界解释这一点? [...]当然,段启瑞和其他人可以不加考虑地犯下这种暴行;但是,作为中国人民,我们如何面对如此卑鄙的政府呢?我们必须问:“有那么多人被杀害,我们该怎么办?”--Wen Xiaoyi (talk) 14:02, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Wu Kai 吴恺

In contrast, Lu Xun has portrayed the same massacre with sighing undertone and Zhou Zuoren bitter-humorously in his "Ways to die"[ (Si fa).] - in which he finds "to be shot" the best method to die. The supposedly less politically engaged Zhu shows here more engagement.

相比之下,鲁迅在叹为观止的惨剧中描绘了同样的大屠杀,而周作人在他的《死亡之道》中悲惨地描绘着,他发现“被枪杀”是最好的死亡方法。 据说政治上较少参与的朱同志在这里表现出更多的参与。--Wu Kai (talk) 14:23, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

The essay "Facing the New China"[(Xin Zhongguo zai wang zhong).] is Zhu's political manifest: He asks for democracy, enlightenment and an increase of the education level.

《面向新中国》是朱同志的政治宣言:他要求注重民主、启蒙和提高教育水平。--Wu Kai (talk) 14:23, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

China has to be born again through democratization. [...] The people should express their own will, concentrate on their own strength. Every level of administration should build up on the expressed will and strength of the people and struggle for the majority and its greatest happiness. This means that the people govern, the people own, the people enjoy.

中国必须通过实现人民民主来重生。……应该要保障人民自由表达自己的意愿,团结人民的力量。各级行政机关都要以人民的意志和力量为基础,为多数人及其最大的幸福而奋斗。这意味着人民当政监督,人民当家作主,人民享有幸福。--Wu Kai (talk) 14:23, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Wu Qi 吴琪

A few weeks before his death, he demanded in the speech "Today's duty of the Intellectuals"[(Zhishifenzi jintian de renwu).] the participation of the intellectual in the struggle for a better society. 在去世前的几个星期,他在一场演讲上对“知识分子今天的任务”提出要求,知识分子应该为社会变得更加美好而奋力努力。--Wu Qi (talk) 02:42, 16 October 2020 (UTC) 在他逝世的几周之前,他在“知识分子今天的任务”这一演讲中提出要求:建设一个更加美好的社会需要知识分子的参与。--Wu Yilu (talk) 12:39, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

With only a handful of essays I have demonstrated, that the picture of these three authors changes substantially, if we read carefully also their less known essayistic work. Imagine now how the picture of 20th century Chinese literature might change, if the literary histories and anthologies would not only tell the history of drama, fiction and poetry, but would also grant the essay its proper place. The following part of my paper are results of my monograph on the 20th century Chinese essay. 我只展示了几篇文章,如果我们仔细阅读他们不太出名的散文作品,这三位作者的形象会发生很大变化。现在想象一下,如果文学历史和作品选集不仅能体现戏剧、小说和诗歌的历史,还能赋予这篇散文合适的地位。那么20世纪中国文学的图景将会如何变化。本文接下来的部分是我的专著中关于20世纪中国散文的结论。--Wu Qi (talk) 02:42, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Wu Qiong 吴琼

The essay boom as a mirror reflecting growing individuality, participation in the public sphere, and the giddy-paced character of modern Chinese society 散文的流行犹如一面镜子,反映出日益增长的个性、公共领域的参与度以及现代中国社会的步调节奏。--WuQiong (talk) 03:29, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

散文的流行犹如一面镜子,反映出人们日益增长的个性、公共领域的参与度以及现代中国社会令人眩晕的快节奏。--Wang Xuan (talk) 08:11, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Wang Xuan


Acquiring an overview of the essay and assessing its essence has required extensive research in bookstores and libraries, in the People's Republic of China(including Taiwan and Hong Kong) and the United States for available resources in the form of essay book collections as well as secondary literature dealing with the essay. 要理解论文概述并评估其本质,需要在中国(包括大陆、台湾、香港)和美国的书店及图书馆进行大量研究,以获取论文集和二手文献等可用资源。--WuQiong (talk) 13:19, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

要理解论文概述并评估其本质,需要在书店,图书馆,中华人民共和国,(包括台湾和香港)和美国境内,获取论文集和二手文献,借助可用资源进行广泛研究。--Gan Fengyu (talk) 03:59, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

要理解论文概述并评估其本质,需要在中国大陆、中国台湾、中国香港的书店、图书馆和美国的书店、图书馆进行大量研究,以此获取与论文相关的文集和二手文献资源。--Wang Xuan (talk) 08:11, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Wang Xuan

想要读懂这篇论文的综述并理解其内涵,我们需要在中国境内外以及美国的书店和图书馆获取与本论文相关的论文集和二手文献,利用可用资源开展广泛研究。--Guan Qinqing (talk) 14:41, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Wu Xiang 邬香

I built a database for a statistical analysis to rank more than 5000 essays and 1400 essayists. It turned out that out of the top 60 most famous Chinese essays only 14 had been translated into English so far. The forthcoming collection of Tam King-fai adds 4 and my own one the remaining 42. 我建立了一个用于统计分析的数据库,对5000多篇论文和1400名散文家进行排名。结果发现,在60篇最著名的中国散文中,到目前为止只有14篇被翻译成英文。接下来将收录谭景辉的四篇文章及我剩余42篇文章中的一篇。

Analysis reveals a general increase in essay publication after 1979 with two peaks immediately after the 'Cultural Revolution'. The publications apparently reaching a new height in 1990. The first increase came about in the 1920s and 1930s, after which the essay's role was eclipsed by the genre of the report[(baogao wenxue) (Klaschka 1998).]. 分析显示,1979年以后,中国的散文出版量普遍增加,文革后出现了两个增长高峰。这些出版物在1990年显然达到了一个新的高度。第一次增长大约出现在20世纪20和30年代,此后散文的作用为报告所取代。【(报告文学),克拉普1998年译 】--Wu Xiang (talk) 11:01, 16 October 2020 (UTC)


我建立了一个统计分析数据库用来对5000余篇论文和1400篇论文的作者进行排名。 事实证明,迄今为止,在中国最著名的60篇论文中,只有14篇被翻译成英文。 即将出版的谭景辉的收藏增加了4个,我自己的收藏增加了42个。 分析表明,自1979年以来,论文发表总体有所增加,在“文化大革命”之后立即出现两个高峰。 这些出版物1990达到了一个明显的峰值。在1920年代和1930年代出现第一次出版数量的增长,在此之后,报告功能替代了散文功能用【(报告文学),克拉普1998年译 】 --Weiyafei (talk) 03:08, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Weiyafei

Wu Yilu 吴一露

The flourishing of essay publication in the 1920/30s and 1980/90s was helped in part by the appearance of new magazines that existed chiefly as vehicles for contemporary essayists, and numerous essay bookseries[sanwen congshu 散文叢書.].

The reason for the increase in essay production, which we can date right after the clear-cutting of the ‘Cultural Revolution’ has been the backlog of demand, which is reflected in 1 million copies of essay collections being printed between 1980 and 1982 - only counting the collections contained in the sampling of 130 ‘representative’ books I was able to collect for the survey. There are three reasons for the increase in Chinese essay production and popularity in the mid-1990s: 二十世纪二三十年代和八九十年代散文出版繁荣兴盛,部分是因为出现了新的杂志,而这些杂志的存在成了当代散文家和许许多多散文丛书发文的渠道[散文丛书] 1980年至1982年之间有一百万份散文集印刷出来,这个数字只包含了我调查中能够收集到的130本具有代表性的书籍样本,反映了散文出版增加的原因是需求得不到满足,而这一原因我们可以追溯到文化大革命的肃清时期。在20世纪90年代中期,中国散文创作的增加和流行有三大原因。--Wu Yilu (talk) 12:32, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Wu Zijia 吴子佳

1, The giddy-paced nature of current Chinese society with its demands for diverting and short texts, as Hall has put it: “[...] we live in an age of exposition”[(Hall 1984:xiii).].

1.当代中国社会变化翻天覆地,对翻译文本与短文本的需求日益增多,正如霍尔所说:“我们身处一个清晰明了的时代。“

2, The increasing consciousness of individuality for which the essay is the most direct form of subjective expression, even more direct than the poem with its metrical and formal demands.

2.越来越多的人认为文章是表达主观印象最直接的形式,甚至比那些要求形式韵律押韵的诗歌是个更直接。

3, A revival of interest in discussing socio-political issues through the medium of the essay, as was the case in the 1920s/30s.

3.仿佛回到20世纪2、30年代,又掀起了一阵在文章中探讨政治社会的潮流。--Wu Zijia (talk) 04:56, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Wu Zijia

Xiao Shuangling 肖双玲

If we look carefully at essay collections not only published in the United States, but also in Hong Kong, Taiwan and the People’s Republic, we find the following three reasons for the under- and overestimation of single essayists or essays which correspond to regional differences:

1, EXOTIC In the United States, essays are often chosen according to Western taste and totally unknown authors are given as much space as established ones.


如果我们仔细研究那些不仅是在美国出版的散文集,同样也研究在香港、台湾和中国内地出版的散文集,我们发现,与地区差异相对应的个体散文家或散文被低估或高估的原因有以下三个:

1.外部原因:在美国,散文通常根据西方人的品位来选择的,完全不知名的作家和知名的作家享有同等的待遇。--Xiao Shuangling (talk) 09:01, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xiao Shuangling


如果我们仔细研究那些散文集,包括美国出版的,香港、台湾和中国内地出版的,我们会发现个体散文家或散文被高估或被低估的原因与地区相对应的有以下三个:

1.外部原因:在美国,散文通常根据西方人的品位来选择的,完全不知名的作家和知名的作家享有同等的待遇。--Zhao Xiaoyan (talk) 13:38, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Xiao Ting 肖婷

2, SOCIO-POLITICAL In Taiwan, Lu Xun has been banned for a long time, but today, as the mentioned survey proofs, he ranks 12th among modern authors there. Wang Meng has been overestimated in the People’s Republic of China due to his political post.

3, PERSONAL Hong Kong literature on Yu Guangzhong has been censored by his disciple Huang Weiliang in favor for Yu.[(see Lin Yaode 1989:50).] Having named reasons for the essay boom and for the support for and the suppression of different actors in the cultural field of the essay, I would like to finish my paper by naming a few trends of the essay as they appear at the eve of the century.

2.社会政治原因。鲁迅的作品在台湾被禁读很长一段时间了,然而,如上述提及的调查证明显示,他在台湾近代作家排名12位。王蒙因其政治文章在中国一直受到过度吹捧。 3.个人原因。香港余光中的作品,在其弟子黄维梁的审查后并得到了颂扬。 在列出了文坛繁荣的原因和为什么有些作家在文坛受吹捧,而有些却遭到贬低之后,我将以介绍上世纪末散文发展的几个趋势作为文章的结尾。--Xiao Shuangling (talk) 09:35, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xiao Ting

2.社会政治原因: 在台湾,鲁迅曾被封禁过很长一段时间。但如今,正如上述调查证据所示,他名列台湾现代作家第12位。王蒙由于其在中国的政治地位,一直受到过度追捧。

3.个人原因:为了支持余光中,其弟子黄维梁对有关余光中的香港文学作品进行了审查。 在列举了散文繁荣的原因,以及散文文化领域对不同行动者的支持和打压之后,我想通过列举本世纪初散文出现的几个趋势来完成我的论文。--Xiao Shuangling (talk) 09:35, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xiao Shuangling

2.社会政治原因 鲁迅的作品在台湾被禁读了很长一段时间。但如今,正如所提及的调查证实的那样,鲁迅在台湾现代作家排行榜中位列第十二。王蒙因其政治性的文章在中国一直被人高看。--Zhao Xi (talk) 16:34, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

3.个人原因 为支持余光中,他的弟子黄维梁对其香港文学作品进行了审查。在介绍了散文繁荣发展的原因,以及在散文文化领域对不同作家的支持和打压后,我想在论文结尾部分介绍关于上世纪末散文发展出现的一些趋势。--Zhao Xi (talk) 16:34, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Xiao Xi 肖茜

The topical development of political essays sees a shift from the enlightenment-educational essay, which emerged in 1907, to the daily-political essays in the 1920-30s, further to anti-Japanese propaganda in the 1940s and ideological propaganda in the 1950s and 1960s. Whilst the 1980s saw a revival of political issues in terms of discussion on the best system of society, (also in literature in general and in film) to a mere unpolitical and again more philosophical-moral theme spectrum in the 1990s, where essayists define their role, first of all to counterpart the consumer-orientation of the masses. The essay seems to be the only genre in China which has kept its educational claim with the exception of essays which claim to be "art pourt l'art". 政治散文的主题发展经历了从1907年的启蒙教育散文到1920-30年代的日常政治散文,再到40年代的抗日宣传和50 - 60年代的意识形态宣传的转变。而1980年代的复兴政治问题的讨论社会的最好的体系,(一般也在文学和电影)在1990年代,主题的范围是非政治的而又有更多哲学道德的,散文家定义了他们的角色,首先是与以消费者为导向的大众相对应。在中国,散文似乎是唯一保留其教育主张的体裁,除了那些声称是“艺术为了艺术”的散文。--XiaoXi (talk) 15:16, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xiao Xi

摘要政治散文的专题发展是从 1907 年兴起的启蒙教育散文向 1920-30 年代的日常政治散文的转变,进一步发展到 1940 年代的抗日宣传和 20 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代的思想宣传。20 世纪 80 年代,在讨论社会的最佳制度时,政治问题又出现了复苏,(也包括在一般的文学和电影中) 在 20 世纪 90 年代变成了纯粹的非政治性和更具哲学性的-道德主题,在那里,散文家定义了他们的角色,首先是要与大众的消费取向相对应。这篇文章似乎是中国唯一保留其教育主张的体裁,但声称是“艺术院”的论文除外。--YangHui (talk) 01:00, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Xiao Yining 肖伊宁

The topical development of the unpolitical essay starts with the everyday-topics of Zhu Ziqing ("On dreams"["Shuo meng 說夢" On dreams in: Zhu Ziqing 1928.]) and Zhou Zuoren from 1917 ("My own garden"[9.1923.], "The Fly"[1924.], "Reading on the Toilet"[1936.]), with a caesura 1927, when the political essays became the main stream, until the late 1930s, when the unpolitical essay was eliminated totally by the anti-Japanese movement. 非政治性文章主题的发展始于1917年的朱自清(《说梦》 [1928])和周作人的(《我的花园》[ 9.1923]《苍蝇》 [1924]和《茅厕阅读》[1936]),并于1927年搁置了一阵子,当时政治论文成为主流,直到1930年代末,非政治性散文完全被抗日运动淘汰掉了。

It didn't recover until the 1970s, when life turned back to normality and normal things became topics of interest because of their long absence. Again in the 1990s, the unpolitical essay boomed also due to less interest in political issues and the need for a new orientation in the newly encountered world of mass consumerism. 直到20世纪70年代,它才恢复过来,那时生活恢复了正常,因为长期没有正常的事物,所以正常的事物也成了人们感兴趣的话题。同样由于人们对政治问题的兴趣减少,以及在新遇到的大众消费主义世界中需要一个新的方向,非政治性文章在20世纪90年代蓬勃发展。--Xiao yining (talk) 15:49, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xiao Yining

Xie Fan 解帆

In the end of this century not the governmentally demanded affirmative texts stand at the forefront, but unpolitical essays, mostly dating from the Republican era, especially from the years 1923 to 1928. This observation is supported by the results of the mentioned statistical analysis. Among the upper list places of the political essay after 1949 there are critical essays. For the most often selected essays in the People’s Republic, Taiwan and Hong Kong, moral and aesthetic criteria seem to have underlain.

站在本世纪末前沿的不是政府要求的权威文件,而是与政治无关的散文,这些文章大多可以追溯到民国时期,尤其是从1923年到1928年间。上述统计分析证实了这一观察结果。在1949年以后的政论文中,居于前列的是批评散文。在中国,包括台湾地区和香港地区在内发表的选集,似乎都以道德和审美标准为基础。--XieFan (talk) 07:41, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

在本世纪末,站在前沿的不是政府要求的有积极影响的文章,而是与政治无关的文章,这些文章大多数可以追溯到民国时期,尤其是1923年至1928年。这一个观察结果可由上述提到的统计分析证实。在1949年的以后的政论文中,居于前列的是批评文。在中国,包括台湾和香港在内发表的选集,似乎都以道德和审美为标准。--Wu Xiang (talk) 11:22, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Xie Ziyi 谢子熠

A sign for the increasing independence of the editors of essay anthologies from governmental or ideological handicaps, and for the increasing commercialization of the publishing houses with an orientation for customers (former: "readers"). Following the emotional essays of Zhu Ziqing who rank 1st and 2nd, nostalgia is the element of emotional identification in "Wild vegetables of my home region" by Zhou Zuoren, which ranks 3rd[Compare to Jia Pingwa's "Moon traces", which ranks 11, and Ba Jin's "Paradise for Birds", which ranks 19.]. Therefore one can state, that moving essays form the top.

这标志着文集编辑越来越独立于政府或意识形态的阻碍,也标志着以客户为导向的出版社越来越商业化。怀旧是继排名第一和第二的朱自清的情感小品之后,周作人的《家乡野菜》排名第三(与排名11的贾平凹的《月亮痕迹》和排名19的巴金的《鸟的乐园》相比)的情感认同元素。因此,我们可以说,感人的散文是最重要的。--Ishikami (talk) 15:49, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

这标志着散文选集的编辑越来越不顾政府或意识形态的阻碍,也标志着以客户为导向(过去是以读者为导向)的出版社越来越商业化。就怀旧主题而言,排名前二的是朱自清的书怀抒情散文,周作人的《故乡的野菜》中的怀旧是情感认同的元素,该作品位列第三。贾平凹的《月迹》排名第11位,巴金的《鸟的天堂》排名第19位。由此可见,感人的散文是最重要的。--Yuan Yuchen (talk) 01:10, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

这标志着散文选集的编辑越来越不顾政府或意识形态的阻碍,也标志着以客户为导向(过去是以读者为导向)的出版社越来越商业化。就怀旧主题而言,排名前二的是朱自清的抒怀抒情散文,然而周作人的《故乡的野菜》中的怀旧是情感认同的元素,该作品位列第三。贾平凹的《月迹》排名第11位,巴金的《鸟的天堂》则排名第19位。由此可见,感人的散文是最重要的。--Wu Kai (talk) 14:31, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Xu Jia 徐佳

In 1927, Chinese literature took the form of 'engaged literature'. In the 1980/90s, the discussion of politics in daily interest form a smaller part than in the 1920/30s. In the 1980s all genres including poems and essays were used for the critic against the master narrative of Communism or the Maoist understanding of art as serving ideology.

1927年,中国文学出现了“介入文学”的形式。到了20世纪八九十年代,文学作品中对政治问题的关注和讨论比二三十年代要少,那时包括诗歌和小品文在内的所有文学体裁都在抨击共产主义和毛派艺术思想,因为这些内容的宣扬都是为意识形态服务的。--Xu Jia (talk) 09:22, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xu Jia

1972年,中国文学出现了一种文学形式——“介入文学”。到了二十世纪八九十年代,文学作品中对政治问题的讨论相较二三十年代要少很多。那时,包括诗歌和散文在内的所有体裁都是为意识形态所服务的,它们都在抨击共产主义以及毛派艺术思想。--Yang Yue (talk) 13:16, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

1927年,中国文学出现了“参与文学”的形式。 与二十世纪二三十年代相比,在二十世纪八九十年代,有关日常利益的政治讨论只占很小的一部分。 在1980年代,包括诗歌和散文在内的所有流派都被批评家用来反对共产主义的主要叙事,或者反对毛派艺术思想。--Liu Yi (talk) 13:53, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

1927年,中国文学出现新形式,那就是“钦定文学”。二十世纪八九十年代的人对于日息政治学的议论不如二十世纪二三十年代人那么多。二十世纪八十年代,包括诗歌和散文在内的所有文学体裁,都用于批判一种主流宣传,那就是共产主义或者毛泽东思想视角所理解的所谓“艺术服务于意识形态”。--Yuan Tianyi (talk) 14:36, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Xu Jing 许晶

In the later half of the 1990s, the master narrator himself seems to be lost within the subjectivity of individuals and everyday's profaneity and banality of a more and more formally organized but substantially empty citylife. In the 1990s, the essayistic culture of political criticism of the 1980s has vanished, the only remiscent element left is the patriotism.[Trends like the use of ordinary language, which one finds in novels since 1993 (Jia Pingwa, Feidu; Gu Cheng, Yingger) and New Borderlessness since 1995, cannot be proven in the essaywriting. The reason that we do not find post-modernist essays in the sense of post-modernist fiction lies in the directness of the essay: The essay as a genre is a chat between author and reader and not an object d'art which wants to give cause for different interpretations or which would depend on exceptional form or contents or even quotations of pre-modern characteristics in order to make it an distinguishable object d'art.]

在20世纪90年代后半期,主叙述者本人似乎已经迷失在个人的主观性和日常的亵渎和平庸中,苟活于一个越来越正式实质却很空荡的城市。80年代政治批评的散文文化已经消失殆尽,唯一幸存的就是爱国主义了。[诸如使用普通语言的趋势,在1993年以来的小说(贾平凹,《废都》;顾城,《英儿》)以及1995年以来新无边界文学中都能发现,但在散文写作中无从考据。我们之所以无法从后现代主义小说意义上找到后现代主义散文,就在于散文的直接性:作为一种体裁,散文是作者与读者之间的交流,而不是一种想为不同的解释而表明原因的借口,也不是借助不同形式,内容,甚至是前现代特征来区分不同内容的对象。]--Xu Jing2 (talk) 02:35, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Xu Jing 许静

References

Vera Schwarcz 1996, Vera Schwarcz, "The pain of sorrow: public uses of personal grief in modern China", in Daedalus: Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (Winter 1996)

Ba Jin 1982,Ba Jin:"Yi feng huixin"(A response letter(26.10.1982)), in:Bing zhongji(On the sick-bed),Hongkong 1984(?)(Reihe Suixiang lu(Thoughts) Bd 4),147 pp.,in the following:Ba Jin:On the sick-bed 1984,reprinted in:Ba Jin: Thoughts under time 1978-1986,vol.4 On the sick-bed, S.19-23

参考文献

Vera Schwarcz 1996, Vera Schwarcz, "The pain of sorrow: public uses of personal grief in modern China", in Daedalus: Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (Winter 1996)

巴金1982年,巴金:《一封回信》(1982年10月26日),载于:《病中集》,香港1984年(?)(随想录Bd 4),147页,以下:巴金:《病中集》,1984年,转载于:巴金。 巴金:《再思录》1978-1986,第4卷,《病中集》,第19-23页。

Xu Mengdie 徐梦蝶

Ba Jin 1982a, Ba Jin: "Yi pian xuwen" (A preface) [dated 1982.9/10], in: Ba Jin:On the sick-bed 1984

Ba Jin 1956,Ba Jin:"Duli sikao"(Think independantly),in:Li Jisheng, Li Xiaolin (eds):Ba Jin liushi nian wenxuan (1927-1986),Suixiang lu, zagan,sanwen, xuba, yanjiang, shuxin (Ba Jin. Selected Works from 60 years (1927 - 1986), Thoughts, mixed feelings, essays, prefaces, speeches, letters),Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe(Literature and Art Press Shanghai), 1986.12,S.461-462 [Dated 1956.] 巴金1982年 “一篇序文”[1982.9/10] :《病中集》1984 巴金 1956年 “独立思考”,李济生,李小林(编):60年文选(1927-1986),随想录,杂感散文,序跋,演讲,书信(巴金 60年文选选文(1927-1986),随想,杂感,散文,序言,演讲,书信),上海:上海文艺出版社, 1986.12,S.461-462 [日期 1956.]--Xu Mengdie (talk) 15:19, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xu Mengdie

Xu Pengfei 许鹏飞

Ba Jin 1962, "Zuojia de yongqi yu zerenxin" (Encouragement and responsibility of the writer)1962;the essay of Zhou Zuoren:"Wenxue tan"(On Literature),has been published in:Tan long ji(On Dragons. A collection), Shanghai:Kaiming shudian(Kaiming Bookstore)1927.12,reprint:Hongkong:Shiyong shuju(Practical Press)1972.1,310 S.,S.165-167

巴金 1962,“作家的勇气与责任心”1962;周作人的文章“文学谈”初版于《谈龙集》,上海开明书店1927年12月,再版于香港实用书局1972.1,310 S.,S.165-167--Xu Pengfei (talk) 14:59, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xu Pengfei

巴金 1962,《作家的勇气与责任心》1962;周作人的文章《文学谈》初版于《谈龙集》,上海开明书店1927年12月,再版于香港实用书局1972.1,310 S.,S.165-167--Yang Hairong (talk) 09:35, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Zuoren 1919, Zhou Zuoren, "Zuxian chongbai 1919 (Ancestor Worship)," in Early Essays, op.cit., pp. 7-8

周作人1919,周作人,“祖先崇拜1919”,收录于《早期散文集》op.cit., pp. 7-8--Xu Pengfei (talk) 14:59, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xu Pengfei

Yang Chenting 杨晨婷

Zhou Zuoren 1920:Zhou Zuoren, Xin wenxue de yaoqiu"(The demand of the New Literature) [lecture],in Beiping shaonian xuehui (Beiping youth conference)1920.1.6,in:Zhang Ruoying:Xin wenxue yuandong shi ziliao(Material on the history of the New Literature movement),Shanghai:Guangming shuju (Guangming bookstore)(1934.9 ²1936.9, 291-296

周作人 1920:周作人,新文学的要求(新文学的要求),北平少年学会(北平少年学会),1920.1.6:张若英:《新文学运动史资料》(《新文学运动史资料》), 上海:光明书局(光明书局)(1934.9-1936.9, 291-296)--Yang chenting (talk) 09:18, 16 October 2020 (UTC)Yang Chenting

Yang Hairong 杨海容

Zhou Zuoren 1923, Zhou Zuoren: Yanzhicao ba (Preface to Yu Pingbo's Yanzhicao), in: Yongri ji (Book of Eternal Day), Shanghai: Beixin shuju 1929, 180-181

Zhou Zuoren 1929, Zhou Zuoren: Ertong de shu (The books of children), in: Chenbao fukan (1923.8.17)


周作人,1923年,周作人:《燕子草》(于平伯《燕子草》序),发表于:《永日记》,上海:北新书局1929,180-181--Yang Hairong (talk) 09:28, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

周作人1929年,周作人:《童书》(儿童书籍),载于:陈宝福刊(1923.8.17)--Yang Hairong (talk) 09:28, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Yang Hui 阳慧

Zhou Zuoren yuanliu, Zhou Zuoren: Zhongguo xin wenxue de yuanliu (Sources of New Chinese Literature), p 71

Zhou Zuoren 1932, Zhou Zuoren: Lun baguwen 1932, in: Kanyun ji p. 148

Source: NEAAS annual meeting 10/09/1999 New Haven (Yale University)

周作人,周作人:“中国新文学源流”,第 71 页。

1932 年 周作人,周作人: 1932 年的伦八国文,收录:《看云记》,第148页。

资料来源: NEAAS 第 10/09/1999 次年会 (耶鲁大学)。--YangHui (talk) 00:52, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

周作人:《中国新文学的源流》第71页。

周作人 1932:1932年作《论八股文》,选自《看云集》第148页

资料来源:1999年9月10日纽黑文市耶鲁大学NEAAS年会--Wu Qi (talk) 09:23, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

周作人:《中国新文学潮流》,第71页 周作人,1932:《论八股文》,收录:《看云记》,第148页 资料来源:1999年9月10日NEAAS年会--Yang chenting (talk) 09:29, 16 October 2020 (UTC)Yang Chenting

Yang Yi 杨逸

Appendix: Translation

Lu Xun (1881 - 1936)

Lu Xun fought with his zawen for intellectual freedom, but in 1930 joined the leftist movement when he founded the "League of Leftist Writers". Despite this, his posthumous glorification as a communist writer by Mao Zedong goes too far. 附录:翻译 鲁迅(1881-1936) 鲁迅用他的杂文为知识自由而斗争,但是在1930年他加入了左派运动并成立“左派作家联盟”。尽管如此,毛泽东在他死后称赞他为共产主义作家有些过头了。--Yang Yi (talk) 06:58, 16 October 2020 (UTC) “附录:翻译 鲁迅(1881-1936)” 鲁迅以杂文为知识自由而斗争,但是,他却在1930年参与左翼运动并成立“左派作家联盟”。尽管如此,在他死后,毛泽东仍称他为共产主义作家,这一赞誉就有些过头了。--Yi Huan (talk) 13:02, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Yang Yue 杨悦

Let us put an end to the far dispersed translation of zawen as "critical essays" by reconstructing Lu Xuns own understanding of the term zawen, which he invented from zagan: He includes also dialogues, fables and essay poems in it. Therefore a more adequate term for zawen is "miscellaneous essays".

让我们通过重构鲁迅自己对“杂文”一词的理解,来结束“杂文”作为“评论性散文“的散乱翻译。“杂文”一词出自鲁迅的《杂感》,其中还包括对话、寓言和散文诗。因此,用”杂文“一词来称呼较为合适。--Yang Yue (talk) 13:06, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

让我们通过重构鲁迅对“杂文”这一术语的理解,来结束“杂文”作为“批判性散文”的胡乱翻译。“杂文”一词出自鲁迅的《杂感》:鲁迅也把对话、寓言和散文诗包括到杂文的范畴里。因此,用“混杂的散文”来称呼“杂文”这一术语更合适。--Zhou Siqing (talk) 14:02, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

让我们通过重构鲁迅自身对“杂文”这一名词的理解,来结束“杂文”作为“批评性散文”的散乱翻译。“杂文”一词出于鲁迅的《杂感》,鲁迅(同时)也把对话、寓言和散文诗一起包括到了此范畴里。因此,用“混杂文章”这一术语来称呼“杂文”更为适宜。 --Wensixing (talk) 13:00, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Yang Ziling 杨子泠

Two observations in his late essays shall be mentioned here: Lu Xun mainly consciously uses the rhetoric mean of digression. His essays of his last two years are more conciliatory again: He uses an unctious style (Leung 1981 even called it metrical) like before in his essay on Liu Zhenhe. In his last essay collection, which might be his best one (here I agree with Pollard 1985 81, Lee 1987 125), Lu Xun appears detached. Here he writes in a xiaopin wen style (”Flying over”, Lu Xun 1939) - similar to that one of his younger brother, develops understanding and sympathy for an actress being driven to suicide (“On the saying ‘Rumors are frightening’ ”, Lu Xun 1937a), even Confucius finds mercy in front of the graceful eyes of the old Lu Xun (”Confucius in contemporary China”, Lu Xun 1937b), who has been aware of his coming death, since he made his will a few months before his death ("Death", Lu Xun 1957 VI:496, trans. quoted from Yang/Yang 1961 4:291-296).

观察他的晚期作品,我们可以发现:鲁迅使用的主要修辞手法是离题。他最近两年的文章再次变得委婉:像以前写刘振和的文章一样,他采用了朴实的风格(1981来翁甚至称其为韵律)。在他最后的也是最好的作品集中(这里我同意波拉德1985 81和李198 125的说法),鲁迅再次离题。在这里,他以“小品文”的风格写作(“飞越”,鲁迅1939)——类似于他的弟弟,对一位被逼自杀的女演员充满了理解和同情(俗话说“谣言另人恐惧” 鲁迅1937a),甚至孔子在年迈的鲁迅先生深邃的双眸中都窥到了怜悯(“新中国的孔子”鲁迅1937b)。鲁迅先生此刻已经意识到死神快要降临,并逝世前的几个月立下了遗嘱(“死亡”鲁迅1957 VI:496,)。--Yang Ziling (talk) 03:05, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Yao Cheng 姚诚

I seem to have thought out quite a few items for my family, among which were:

1.​Don't accept a cent from anyone for the funeral. This does not apply to old friends.

2.​Get the whole thing over quickly, have me buried and be done with it.

3.​Do nothing in the way of commemoration.

4.​Forget me and look after your own affairs if you don't, you are just too silly.

5.​When the child grows up, if he has no gifts let him take some small job to make a living. On no account let him become a writer or artist in name alone.

6.​Don't take other people's promises seriously.

7.​Never mix with people who injure others but who oppose revenge and advocate tolerance.

我似乎已经为我家人考虑了很多问题,其中包括:

1.不接受任何人的葬礼礼金。 这一点不适用于老朋友。

1.不收任何人给的丧事礼金,除了老朋友。--Wu Zijia (talk) 05:05, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Wu Zijia

2.迅速完成整个葬礼,把我埋了就完事了。

3.不做任何纪念活动。

4.把我忘了然后照顾好自己。如果不这样做,那就太傻了。

4.忘了我然后关注自己的事情。否则,就太傻了。--Yang Ziling (talk) 03:11, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

4. 忘了我,专心去做自己的事情。不然,就太傻了。--Xu Jia (talk) 12:16, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Xu Jia

5.孩子长大后,如果他没有任何天赋,就让他从事一些小工作来谋生。 绝对不要让他去做作家或艺术家。

5.孩子长大后,如果他没有任何天赋,就让他干点活来谋生。 绝对不要让他成为名义上的作家或艺术家。--Yang Ziling (talk) 03:11, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

6,不要认真对待别人的诺言。

6. 不要轻信别人的诺言。--Yang Ziling (talk) 03:11, 18 October 2020 (UTC)


7,切勿与伤害他人但反对报仇和提倡宽容的人混在一起。--Yao Cheng (talk) 10:06, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

7. 不要与伤害他人的人厮混,而要与反对仇恨提倡宽容的人结交。--Yang Ziling (talk) 03:11, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Yao Jia 姚佳

There were other items, too, but I have forgotten them. I remember also that during a fever I recalled that when a European is dying there is usually some sort of ceremony in which he asks pardon of others and pardons them. Now I have a great many enemies, and what should my answer. be if some modernized person asked me my views on this? After some thought I decided: Let them go on hating me. I shall not forgive a single one of them either. 还有一些其他的问题,但是我想不起来了。我还记得在发烧的时候,我忆起当一个欧洲人濒死的时候,通常会有某种仪式,他会请求别人的宽恕并且宽恕其他人。现在我的敌人很多了,如果有现代化的人问我对此的看法我该如何回答呢?经过一番思考,我决定:让他们继续恨我吧。我也不会原谅他们中的任何一个人。--Yao Jia (talk) 01:28, 18 October 2020 (UTC)


还有一些其他的事情,我不记得了。但我还记得的是,有一次我发烧的时候,想起欧洲人在即将离世的时候,通常会有某种仪式,那就是请求别人的宽恕,同时也会宽恕其他人。目前我的敌人很多了,倘若有现代化的人来我问如何看待此事我该如何回答呢?细想一番,我想,就让他们继续恨我吧,当然了,我也不会原谅他们任何一个人。--Xu Jing2 (talk) 02:44, 18 October 2020 (UTC)


还有一些其他的事情,我想不起来了。但我还记得的是,有一次我发着烧,想到欧洲人在即将离世时,会通过某种仪式来请求别人的宽恕,同时也宽恕其他人。眼下我的敌人太多了,倘若某个有着现代化思想的人来我问如何看待此事,我该怎么回答呢?细想一番,我想,就让他们继续恨我吧,当然了,我也不会原谅他们任何一个人。--Xu Jia (talk) 12:30, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Xu Jia

Yi Huan 易欢

No such ceremony took place, however, and I did not draw up a will. I simply lay there in silence, struck sometimes by a more pressing thought: If this Is dying, it isn't really painful. It may not be quite like this at the end, of course; but still, since this happens only once in a lifetime, I can take it.... Later, however, there came a change for the better. And now I am wondering whether this was really the state just before dying: a man really dying may not have Such ideas. What it will be like, though, I still don't know. 然而,并没有举行那样一场仪式,我也没有起草遗嘱。我只是躺在那里,静默不语,一种更为压迫的想法不时地冲击着我:如果这就是将死之际,那确实也并非让人悲痛欲绝。当然,最后真正的死亡可能并不是如此,但一生也只经历一次死亡时刻,我也仍能 这样想象。但是后来情况有所好转。现在我正思索着:一个真正垂死之人并不会有任何想法,这是不是就是死亡前的真实状况呢。尽管,死亡将会是怎样,我仍然搞不清楚。--Yi Huan (talk) 12:31, 16 October 2020 (UTC) 然而,这样的仪式并没有举行,我也没有立遗嘱:。我只是躺在那里,静默不语,一种更为压迫的想法不时地冲击着我:如果死亡是这样的话,那也不算是真正的痛苦。当然,最后可能不会是这样;不过,既然这种事一辈子只有一次,我倒可以接受……然而后来情况有所好转。现在我正思索着:一个真正垂死之人并不会有任何想法,这是不是就是死亡前的真实状况呢。不过,死亡究竟会是什么样子,我还不知道。--Su Lin (talk) 16:42, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Yi Zichu 义子楚

Regarding the influence of Lu Xuns essayistic work, there are four things to state: His essays were bestsellers during his lifetime. They were regarded as masterpieces for a whole generation of essayists. They were posthumously embraced by Mao Zedong, who called Lu Xun in succession of the discredited Confucius "wise man of the present" (Mao 1970 5:281), and who used his essays for propanda purpose. They outnumber by far the publications of other essayists until the 1990s, consequently, Lu Xun must be considered as the most important essayist of 20th century China.

关于鲁迅文学作品的影响力,有四件事要说:他一生中所写的文章都十分畅销,都被认为是那一代文学家之中的著作。毛泽东推崇他死后的作品,并称鲁迅为继孔子之后的“当代智者”,也使用他的文章来进行宣传。直到20世纪90年代,他的文章在数量上仍远远超过其他作家。鲁迅被认为是中国20世纪最重要的作家。--Yi Zichu (talk) 03:57, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

关于鲁迅文学作品的影响力,这里提四点:他的文章在那个时代十分畅销;他的文章被认为是那整整一代文学家之中的典范;鲁迅去世后,毛泽东称其为继孔子之后的“当代智者”,对他的作品十分认可,并用于政治宣传;20世纪90年代以前,他的文章出版数量远远超过其他作家。基于上,鲁迅当之无愧为中国20世纪最重要的作家。--Xu Jing (talk) 11:57, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

You Yuting 游雨婷

Lu Xun’s strength lies in his ability to affect people effectively. A good example of his ability is the essay ”On ‘Fraternal Nations Are Shocked’ ”, in which he recounts recent well known political events and stirs people’s patriotism through rhetorical figures like sharpening and exaggeration, and through appeal to solidarity in front of a picture of horror drawn by himself. Since I found an acceptable translations already existing, we did not take the translation into this collection, but mention, where the reader may find these texts both in Chinese and English.

鲁迅的力量在于他能够有效地影响人们。展现他能力的一个很好的例子是他写的“关于‘兄弟国家都震惊了’”这篇文章,在这里他叙述了最近众所周知的政治事件,并通过尖锐和夸张的修辞手法煽动人们的爱国主义,通过自己画的一幅恐怖的画而呼吁团结。由于我已经找到了一个可接受的译本,所以我们没有把它放进这个合集,而是提到读者在哪里可以找到这些中文和英文的文本。--You Yuting (talk) 03:06, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

鲁迅的力量在于他能有力地影响人们。文章《“友邦惊诧”论》就体现了他的这一能力。他在这篇文章里讲述了当时广为人知的新近政治事件,并通过尖锐和夸张的修辞手法、通过在他画的一幅恐怖画前呼吁团结,来煽动人们的爱国主义。由于我已经找到了一个可行的译本,所以我们没有在这个合集里再放出译本,而只是提醒读者在哪里可以找到这些中文和英文的译本。--Yang Yi (talk) 07:21, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Yu Ni 余妮

Another Lu Xun, the philosophical thinker, appears in the second essay ”Commemorating to forget”. Lu Xun essays are the ones which are read most often until today. The fact that most of his essays are available in English translation already, shows his international acceptance as the greatest Chinese essayist of the first half of the 20th century.

Lu Xun (1881 - 1936)

Weile wangque de jinian 7./8.2.[1932]

Commemorating to Forget

另一方面,鲁迅的 《为了忘却的纪念》表现了他作为哲学家一面。即使到了今天,鲁迅的作品都是读者最多的。事实上,他的很多作品都已有英文译本,这足以说明他是20世纪中国最伟大的散文家。--Yu Ni (talk) 01:18, 19 October 2020 (UTC)

Yuan Shiqi 袁诗琦

I have long wanted to write something, to commemorate those young writers. This is merely out of the sorrow and indignation that has been afflicting me for the past two years. I wish, with my words of remembrance, I could shake off my grief and relax. To speak frankly, I would try to forget them.

我一直想写点东西来纪念那些年轻的作家。这仅仅是出于过去两年来一直折磨我的悲伤和愤慨。我希望,通过我的回忆,我可以摆脱自己的悲伤然后放松自己。坦白地说,我会试着忘记它们的。--Yuan SHiqi (talk) 13:59, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

我一直想着写点什么来纪念那些年轻的作家。这只是出于我过去两年的悲伤和愤慨。我希望,通过用文字来回忆,我可以摆脱悲伤,放松下来。坦白讲,我会尽力忘记他们。--Xu Mengdie (talk) 15:43, 15 October 2020 (UTC)Xu Mengdie

我早就想要写点什么去纪念那些青年作家。仅仅是出于悲伤和愤慨而想去写,这些情绪两年来一直折磨着我。我希望,写下纪念之词后,我会得以解脱,不再悲伤,放松下来。坦白说,我会试图忘掉这些痛苦的回忆。--Zhu Suyao (talk) 09:28, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Yuan Tianyi 袁天翼

This time two years ago, that is, the late night of February 7th or the early morning of 8th, 1931, was the time when our five young writers were murdered simultaneously. At that time, newspapers in Shanghai did not dare to report the murder. Or perhaps they did not want, or did not care, to report it. There were only some noncommittal words in Literature and Art News. In its 11th issue (May 25th), Mr. Lin Mang wrote an article entitled Impressions on Bai Mang, in which he said:

两年前的现在,也就是1931年2月7号深夜或者8号早晨,我们的五位年轻作家同时遭到谋杀。当时,上海报社不敢报道谋杀消息。也可能是他们并不想报道,亦或是不屑于报道。只有《文学与艺术新闻》对其进行了一些含糊的评论。在此杂志第11期(5月25号)上,林莽写了一篇标题为《白盲印象》的文章,提到:--Yuan Tianyi (talk) 14:36, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Yuan Yuchen 袁雨晨

”He wrote many poems. He also translated several poems of the Hungarian poet Petöfi. Lu Xun, the editor of Torrents, obtained his manuscripts and wrote to him to ask for a meeting. But he did not feel like meeting famous people. Therefore, Lu Xun came to find him in person, and made great efforts to encourage him on literary work. But he could not just sit in room writing, so he went off on his way again. Shortly, he was arrested once more…"

“他做了很多诗,也翻译了匈牙利诗人裴多菲的几首诗。时任《奔流》的编辑鲁迅收到了他的投稿后写信请他见一面。但他不愿意去见名人,因此鲁迅只好亲自去找他,并极力鼓励其继续文学创作。但他始终不能只坐在房间里写作,因此他又走了,不久后,他再次被捕。……”--Yuan Yuchen (talk) 01:05, 16 October 2020 (UTC)


“他做了很多诗,也翻译了匈牙利诗人裴多菲的几首诗。时任《奔流》编辑的鲁迅收到了他的投稿后写信请他见一面。但他不愿意去见名人,因此鲁迅只好亲自去找他,并极力鼓励其继续文学创作。但他始终不能拘在房间里写作,因此他又回到老样子,不久后,他再次被捕。……”--Tan Yuanyuan (talk) 02:54, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Fangyuan 曾芳缘

Our relations described in this article are not in fact accurate. Bai Mang was not that proud. He did come to my home, but not because I asked to meet him. I was not proud either, to rashly write to summon an unacquainted contributor. The reason for our meet was very common. The article he contributed, Biography of Petöfi, was a translation from German. I wrote to ask for the original, which was published in the front of a poetry anthology. It was not convenient to mail the anthology, so he delivered it himself. He looked in his twenties, with a decorous face and a swarthy complexion. I could not remember our talks, except that he said his last name was Xu, born in Xiangshan. I asked him why the lady who took care of his mail had such a strange name (I forget in what way it was strange). He said she liked the strange romantic name, and that he was not getting along well with her any more. This is the only episode I can remember.

这篇文章所描述的我们的关系并非事实。白莽并没有那么傲慢,他曾经到过我的住所,但并不是因为我要求与他会面;我也没有那么高傲,对于一个素未相识的投稿者,会轻率的写信召集他来我的住所。我们见面的原因很简单,那时他投稿的《彼得斐传》是由德语译成的,我便写信求它的原文。而原文是刊登在诗集里的,邮寄不便,于是白莽亲自送来了。他看起来二十多岁,面容端正,肤色黝黑,与他的对话我不记得了,只想起他说自己姓徐,象山(浙江省宁波市象山县)人。我问他为何给他代收信的女士名字如此奇怪(我忘了是怎么个怪法),他说自己喜欢奇怪又浪漫的名字,还说当时与那位女士的关系不再亲密了。这是我唯一能回忆起的画面。--Zeng Fangyuan (talk) 01:05, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Liang 曾良

At night, I roughly compared the translation with the original. In addition to several errors, there was a purposeful twist in his translation. It seemed that he did not like the word "nationalist poet", all of which he changed into "people's poet". The next day I got a letter from him, saying that he regretted to have met me, because he spoke a lot while I spoke very little and coldly, so that he felt suppressed. I promptly wrote back to explain that it was common for people not to talk much at their first meet. I also told him that he should not have distorted the original based on his own preferences. Since his book was left with me, I gave him two books in my own collection and asked him whether he could translate several more poems. He did make some translations and brought them to me. We talked a little more than the first time. The biography and the poems were published in volume 2 (5), the last book, of Torrents.

晚上,我将译文和原文进行了粗略的比较。除了几个错误外,他有意将他的译文转换了一下。他似乎不喜欢“民族主义诗人”这个用词,所以他用“人民诗人”来替换。第二天我收到他的一封信,信中说到他后悔与我见面,理由是他说得太多,而我说得很少,表现得很冷淡,让他感到压抑。我立马给他回信解释说,人们在初次见面时不怎么说话是很常见的。我还告诉他,他不应该根据自己的喜好歪曲原著。因为他的书留给了我,我把自己收藏的两本书给了他,问他是否能再翻译几首诗。他的确做了一些翻译并把它们带给了我。这次我们比初次见面时多聊了一点。传记和诗歌发表在托雷茨的最后一本书的第二卷第五节。--Zeng Liang (talk) 04:01, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

晚上,我粗略地把译文和原文作了比较。除了几个错误外,他有意在译文中做了一处改动。他似乎不喜欢“民族主义诗人”这个词,把它都改成了“人民诗人”。第二天我收到他的信,信中说他很后悔与我见面,因为他说了很多话,而我说得很少,表现得很冷淡,让他感到压抑。我立刻回信解释说,人们在初次见面时不多说话是很常见的。我还告诉他,他不应该根据自己的喜好歪曲原著。因为他的书是留给了我,所以我把自己收藏的两本书给了他,问他能不能再翻译几首诗。他确实翻译一些并给我带来了。我们比初次见面时多聊了一点。传记和诗都发表在《激流》的最后一本书第二卷(5)中。 --Zhang Ling (talk) 13:25, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Xinyuan 曾心媛

The third time we met was on a hot day. There was a knock at the door and I went to answer it. It was Bai Mang, in a thick gown, sweating. We could not help laughing together. Only then did he tell me that he was a revolutionist, just arrested and released. All of his clothes and books were taken away, including the two books I gave him. The gown he wore was borrowed from a friend. He must wear a gown, but did not have a thinner one, so he had to sweat like that. I think this may be the " arrested again" mentioned in Mr. Lin Mang's article. 我们第三次相遇是在炎热的一天。听到有人敲门,我准备去开门。门外站着身着厚重长袍,满身大汗的白莽。我们止不住地相互笑了起来。他在那时告诉我,他是一名革命者,不久前才被捕,之后又被释放。他所有的衣服和书籍,包括我给他的两本书都被拿走了。他现在身上的这件长袍是他朋友的。他得穿件外套,但没有薄外套,因此他只好大汗淋漓地穿成这样了。我想这也许是林莽先生文章里提到的“再次被捕”的事。--Zeng Xinyuan (talk) 03:19, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Zeng Xinyuan

我们第三次见面是在一个大热天。有人敲门,我去开了门。门外正是白莽,穿着一件厚大褂,流着汗。我们忍不住一起笑了起来。直到那时他才告诉我,他是一个革命家,刚刚被逮捕又被释放。他所有的衣服和书,包括我给他的那两本书都被拿走了。他穿的衣服是从朋友那里借来的。他必须要穿一件长袍,但是找不到薄的,所以他不得不大汗淋漓地穿着它。我想这可能就是林莽先生文章中提到的“再次被捕”的事。--OUYANGJINGLAN (talk) 16:12, 18 October 2020 (UTC)OuYang Jinglan欧阳静兰

Zeng Yanhu 曾雁湖

I was happy about his release and paid his contribution fee at once so that he could buy a thin gown. Meanwhile I lamented my books, which fell into the hands of the police; they were really pearls thrown into darkness. The two books, one essay and another poem collections, were quite ordinary. The German translator claimed that he made the collections. There was nothing as comprehensive as these even in Hungry. They are printed in Reclam's Universal-Bibliothek, very widespread and barely worth a dollar in Germany. For me, however, they are very precious. Because 30 years ago when I loved Petöfi, I asked Wanshan Bookstore to buy them from Germany. At that time, I was very nervous when making the request, afraid that they would refuse me due to the low price. Later, I just brought them with me, but passions changed with experiences and I had no desire to translate them. This time I decided to give them to a young man who loved Petöfi's poems just as I had done, so that the books could find a good niche. Therefore, I seriously asked Rou Shi to take them to him. It is so bad that they fell into the hands of those ignorant cops.

我对他的释放感到很开心,并且马上付了他的会费,这样他就可以买一件薄罩衫.同时我也向他抱怨了一下我的书,它落入了警察手中,就像珍珠掉进了黑暗中.两本书,一篇散文和另外一些诗集,它们本来是非常普通的,但是一位德国翻译学家却声称他收集了这些拙作.即便是食不果腹,也没有什么比这些书于我来说更重要. 它们印在Reclam的Universal-Bibliothek中, 在德国泛滥成灾却几乎只值不到一美元.然而,对我来说,它们是非常珍贵的.因为30年前当我沉迷于Petöfi的时候,我曾请求万山书店从德国购入这些诗. 那时,当我提出这些请求的时候我是非常不安的,担心他们会因为价格的原因而拒绝我.后来,我一直随身带着这些诗,但是因为经历的原因,我的激情慢慢退却,也没有想要翻译它们的欲望了.这次我打算将它们赠与给一位像曾经的我一样热爱Petöfi诗的年轻人.也算给这些诗找了一个好的归宿.因此 ,我严肃地请求柔时将这些诗带给那位年轻人.但是如今,它们已经落入了那些愚昧的警察手中.--Fancy (talk) 10:02, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Hu 张虎

The reason why I never invite to meet contributors is not only out of modesty, but also to save the trouble. From my experiences I know that young people, especially literary young people, are mostly sensitive and self-esteemed. Misunderstandings could arise easily, so I would rather avoid meeting them, still less entrust them with personal matters. However, there was one person in Shanghai whom I not only could talk and laugh freely with, but also dare to entrust my personal matters to. That was Rou Shi, who delivered my books to Bai Mang.

Zhang Hui 张慧

I cannot remember when and where I first met Rou Shi. He seemed to have said that he had attended my lectures in Peking. That should be eight or nine years ago. I also forget how we started to have dealings. He lived in Jingyunli, four or five gates away from my home. Somehow we started to have contact. Perhaps in our first meeting he said his last name was Zhao, first name, Pingfu [fourth tone]. He also talked about the overbearing bullies of his hometown. A local despotic gentry ordered him to stop using his name because it would be a good name for that gentry's son. Therefore, I suspect that his original name was Pingfu [second tone], meaning steady and blissful, which would be to the liking of that gentry, who may not be so interested in the word "fu" [fourth tone]. His hometown was Ninghai, Taizhou, which was revealed by his hard-boned spirit of Taizhou. He was also a little pedantic, which could sometimes suddenly remind me of a similar famous writer, Fang Xiaoru.

我记不得我第一次见到石柔是在何时何地了。他似乎说他参加了我在北京的演讲。那应该是八九年前。我也忘记了我们是如何开始交往的。他住在离我家四五公里的景云里。我们不知何故开始联系。也许在我们第一次会议上,他说他姓赵,叫平富。他也谈到了家乡的令人难以忍受的霸凌行为。一个当地专制的士绅命令他停止使用他的名字,因为那对于他儿子来说是个好名字。因此,我猜测他原来的名字是平福,意思是稳定而幸福,这可能是那个士绅喜欢的,他可能对“富”这个字不那么感兴趣。他的家乡是台州宁海,这从他顽强的台州精神中可以看出来。他还是个书呆子,有时会突然令我想起一个类似的著名作家,方孝孺。--Zhang Hui (talk) 14:02, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

我记不得我第一次见到石柔是在何时何地了。他似乎说他参加了我在北京的演讲。那应该是八九年前。我也忘记了我们是怎么开始有了交集。他住在离我家四五公里的景云里。不知怎么地,我们开始联系。也许在我们第一次会议上,他说他姓赵,叫平富。他也谈到了家乡的令人难以忍受的霸凌行为。当地一个的霸道乡绅在给儿子取名字的时候看上了他的名字,就迫使他改了名字。因此,我猜测他的原名应该是是平福,意思是稳定而幸福,这可能是那个乡绅喜欢的,他可能对“富”这个字不那么感兴趣。他的家乡是台州宁海,这从他倔强的台州性子中可以看出来。他有点像个书呆子的样子有时会让我猛然想起一个跟他有相似之处的著名作家,方孝孺。--Zhou Yiwen (talk) 15:32, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

我不记得我第一次见到柔石是在何时何地。他似乎说过他曾在北京听过我的讲座。那应该是八九年前的事了。我也忘了我们是怎么开始有交集的了。他住在离我家有四五个门远的景云里。不知怎么地,我们开始有联络了。也许在我们第一次见面时,他说他姓赵,名平复。他还谈到了家乡乡绅的霸道行径。一个当地的乡绅强迫他改名,原因竟然是乡绅想给自己儿子取这个好名字。因此,我怀疑他的原名是平富,意思是平安又幸福,这应该是乡绅所喜欢的。他们可能对“复”这个字不那么感兴趣。他的家乡是台州宁海,这可以从他坚韧不拔的台州精神中看出来。他也有点迂腐,这有时会让我突然想起类似的著名作家,方孝孺。--Zhu Xu (talk) 10:26, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Ling 张玲

He hid at home, writing and translating. We had contacts for some time and became quite agreeable. Then we established Zhaohua Publishing House with several other congenial young people. The aim was to introduce the literature of east and north Europe and foreign woodblock painting, because we all considered it necessary to foster powerful, plain literature and arts. Following this theme, we proceeded to print Zhaohua Bimonthly, Modern World Short Story Anthology, Art and Literary Zhaohua. Only one of the works, Selected Works on Luguhonger, was printed to attack the "artist" of Shanghai, that was, a paper tiger as Ye Lingfeng.

他隐居在家里写作和翻译。我们接触了一段时间后相处变得十分融洽。后来我们又和几个志趣相投的年轻人创办了朝华出版社,主要介绍东欧、北欧的文学和外国的木版画,因为我们都认为有必要培养强有力且朴素的文学艺术。围绕这一主题,我们着手出版了《朝华》双月刊、《现代世界短篇小说选集》、《朝华艺术与文学》。其中只有一个作品《卢古洪格尔选集》是为了抨击上海的“艺术家”,那就是叶灵凤这样的纸老虎。 --Zhang Ling (talk) 13:15, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

他隐居在家中写作,翻译。接触了一段时间后我们的相处变得十分融洽。后来我们又和几个志趣相投的年轻人创办了朝华出版社,主要介绍东欧、北欧的文学和外国的木版画,因为我们都认为培养强有力且朴素的文学艺术很有必要。围绕这一主题,我们着手出版了《朝华》双月刊、《现代世界短篇小说选集》、《朝华艺术与文学》。其中只有《卢古洪格尔选集》这一作品是为了抨击上海的“艺术家”,也就是像叶灵凤这样的纸老虎。--Yao Jia (talk) 01:52, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Peiwen 张佩闻

Rou Shi, however, did not have any money. He borrowed over 200 yuan. In addition to buying paper, he carried on most editing and chores such as contacting Printing Bureau, drafting and proofreading. But he was often not satisfied with his work, knitting his brows when talking about it. His old works had some flavor of pessimism, but in fact he believed that humans are basically good. When I sometimes said how humans can cheat others, betray friends, suck blood, he would, his forehead glistening, widen his near-sighted eyes and protested, "Is it true? Are they really so bad to do it?…" 然而柔石却身无分文。他借了200多块钱。除了买报纸,他还承担了大部分编辑工作,比如联系印刷局、起草和校对。但他常常对自己的工作不满意,一谈起工作就皱起眉头。他之前的作品充满悲观主义的味道,但实际上他相信大部分人都是向善的。有时我说到人们如何欺骗他人、背叛朋友、吸食残血时,他的前额闪闪发光,睁大了近视眼,抗议道:“这是真的吗?”他们真有那么坏吗?”--Zhang Peiwen (talk) 07:45, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Qi 张琪

Unfortunately, Zhaohua Publishing House went bankrupt shortly. I do not want to mention the reasons. In sum, Rou Shi's idealist head bumped into the wall. Aside from wasted energy, he had to borrow 100 yuan to pay for paper costs. Later, he had less doubt on my assertion of "human hearts are dangerous." Yet he sometimes would sigh, "Is it really true?…" However, he still believed that humans are basically good.

  不幸的是,朝华出版社很快便面临破产。 我不想提及原因。 总之,石柔的理想主义算是撞了南墙。 除了浪费的资源,他还得借100元钱来支付纸张费用。 后来,他对我“人心是危险的”的想法不再那么怀疑。 但是有时他也会叹息:“这是真的吗?……”然而,他仍然相信人类总体是向善的。--Zhangqi (talk) 02:43, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

不幸的是,朝华出版社不久就破产了。 我不想提及原因。 总之,柔石的理想主义者的头撞到了墙上。除了浪费能源外,他还得借100元钱来支付纸张费用。后来,他对我关于“人心是危险的”的主张毫不怀疑。然而他有时会叹息:“这是真的吗?……”不管怎样,他仍相信人类基本上是善良的。--Zhou Shuyao (talk) 02:51, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

不幸的是,朝华出版社不久就破产了。我不想提及原因。 总之,柔石的理想主义算是碰了钉子了。不仅废了心力,他还得借100元来支付纸张费用。后来,我“人心险恶”的观点不再让他那么怀疑。然而他有时会叹息:“这是真的吗?……”不管怎样,他仍相信人类基本上是善良的。--Meng Ying (talk) 16:39, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Meng Ying

Zhang Weihong 张维虹

To get some money back, he sent his share of the books from Zhaohua Publishing House to Mingri Bookstore and Guanghua Bookstore. Meanwhile, he did his utmost to do translations in order to pay back the loans. Hence came the works sold to Commercial Publishing House, Short Story Collection of Denmark and Gorky's The Work of the Artamonovs. I guess that these translations were burned by the cops last year.

他于是一面将朝华社的书本送至明日书店与光华书店,以拿回一些钱;一面尽力做翻译,以还贷款。因此,他卖给商务印书馆《丹麦短篇小说集》和高尔基的《阿尔莫诺夫之事业》。但我想,这些译作也许去年已被军火烧掉了。

为了拿回一些钱,他一面将朝华社的书本送至明日书店与光华书店,一面做翻译还债。因此,她还把他《丹麦短篇小说集》和高尔基的《阿尔莫诺夫之事业》卖给了商务印书馆。但我想,这些译作也许去年已被军火烧掉了。--Yu Ni (talk) 01:25, 19 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Xueyi 张雪仪

His pedantry gradually changed a little. Finally he dared to walk along with his female town folks or friends, but the distance between them would be at least three or four feet. This was not good at all. Whenever I met him on the street and saw a young pretty woman three or four feet from him, I would suspect it was his friend. But when he walked together with me, he would be very close, virtually holding me by the arm, for fear that I be killed by a bus or trolley. I would also worry about his near-sightedness while he was taking care of me. Thus, both of us had to worry all the way. Therefore, if I could, I would avoid going out together with him. Seeing him exhausting made me exhausted too.

他的迂腐渐渐改变了一些。最后,他敢和他的女性同乡或者朋友走在一起,虽然他们之间的距离至少有三四英尺。这其实一点都不好。每当我在街上遇着他,看见一个年轻漂亮的女人在他三四英尺远的地方,我就会怀疑那是他的朋友。但是每当他和我走在一起,他就会和我贴得非常近,几乎抱着我的手臂,生怕我会被公车或者电车撞死。所以如果可以,我会避免和他一起出去。看到他筋疲力尽,我也心力交瘁。--Zhang Xueyi (talk) 12:35, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Yinliu 张银柳

No matter from old morality, or new morality, he would select and carry on whatever may harm himself to benefit others.

At last, he decided to change. Once he clearly told me that he should change the content and style of future works. I said it might be difficult. For example, was it possible for a man accustomed to using knives to switch to using sticks? He answered plainly: I can learn to do it!

无论是从旧道德观念还是新道德观念看,他总是选择做那些损己利人的事。 最终,他决定做出改变。一次,他明确地告诉我,他应该改变自己将来工作的内容和工作方式。我说那可能会很困难。比如,对一个习惯了用刀的人,你让他换成用棍子,这有可能吗?他直截了当的说,我可以学!--Zhang Yinliu (talk) 13:58, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

无论是从旧道德观念还是新道德观念看,他总是选择做那些损己利人的事。 最终,他决定做出改变。 Once he clearly told me that he should change the content and style of future works.有一次,他明确地告诉我他要改变自己作品的内容和风格。 我说那可能会很困难。比如,对一个习惯了用刀的人,你让他换成用棍子,这有可能吗?他直截了当的说,我可以学!--Li Luyi (talk) 03:20, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

无论是旧道德还是新道德,他总是选择做那些损己利人的事。 最终,他决定做出改变。一次,他明确地告诉我,在以后的作品里他要改变内容和风格。我说那可能会很困难。比如,对一个习惯了用刀的人,你让他换成用棍子,这有可能吗?他直截了当的说,我可以学!--You Yuting (talk) 03:11, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Yu 张瑜

He was not saying empty words; he truly started to learn. He brought a friend to visit me, Ms. Feng Jian. We --Zeng Fangyuan (talk) 01:29, 16 October 2020 (UTC)had some talks, but I was still unfamiliar with her. I suspected that she was a little romantic, too eager to gain success. I also suspected that Rou Shi's recent plan to write big novels was out of her initiative. But I also suspect myself: perhaps Rou Shi's previous determined answer revealed my scar of laziness, so I unconsciously work off my anger on her. In fact, I was no better than the sensitive and self-esteemed literary youth whom I was afraid to meet.

She was weak in constitution, and not pretty.

他没有说假话,他真的开始学习了。他带了一个朋友来看望我,她是冯剑女士,我们交谈了几句,但我仍然对她感到很陌生。我怀疑她有一些富于幻想、急于求成;我也怀疑柔石最近写小说的计划超出她的预期;但是我也怀疑我自己:或许柔石之前肯定的回答显得我很懒惰,所以我下意识地消除了自己对她的怒火。事实上,我和那些我害怕遇到的文学青年一样敏感、一样自大。

她体质弱,其貌不扬。--Zhang Yu (talk) 15:11, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

柔石说的不是空话,他真的开始学习了。他还带了一个朋友来拜访我,她便是冯铿女士,我们交谈了几句,但我还是与她不交心。我怀疑她有点富于幻想、急于求成;我也怀疑柔石最近计划写长篇巨作的想法是出于她的主张;但是我也怀疑我自己:或许柔石之前坚定的回答揭露了我懒惰的伤疤,所以我不自觉地迁怒于那位女士身上。事实上,我和那些我害怕遇到的文学青年一样敏感、一样自大。

她体质弱,其貌不扬。 --Zeng Fangyuan (talk) 01:29, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Yujie 张毓婕

Not until the establishment of the Leftist Alliance did I realize that the Bai Mang, whom I had already known, was the Yin Fu who wrote poems for Pioneers. Once in a conference I brought a book to give him. It was a German translation of a China travels written by an American journalist. I had intended nothing but for him to practice his German with this book. However, he did not come. So I had to ask Rou Shi to deliver it again to him.

Before long, they were arrested together. My book was seized and fell into the hands of the idiot pigs again.

左派联盟建立后我才知道,我所认识的白芒竟然是给革命先驱写诗的银付。有次开会我给他带了本德文书,那是位美国记者写的中国游记,我只想着他用这本书去练练德语。但那次开会他却没有来,我便只好让柔石带给他了。 不久,他们两人皆被捕,而我的书也被没收,又落到那些白痴手中去了。--Zhang Yujie (talk) 05:54, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

左派联盟建立后我才知道,我所认识的白莽竟然是给革命先驱写诗的殷夫。有次开会我给他带了本德文书,那是位美国记者写的德国译本的中国游记,我只想着他用这本书去练练德语。但那次开会他却没有来,我便只好让柔石带给他了。 不久,他们两人皆被捕,而我的书也被没收,又落到那些白痴手中去了。--Chen Jingjing (talk) 07:40, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Chen Jingjing

Zhang Yuxing 张宇星

Mingri Bookstore planned to publish a magazine and invited Rou Shi to be an editor. He accepted it. The bookstore also wanted to print my translation, and dispatched him to inquire about royalty. I gave him a copy of the contract that I had made with Beixin Bookstore. He stuck it into his pocket and hurried away. It was the night of January 16, 1931. Who would expect this to be our last meet, our parting forever!

明日书店计划出版一本杂志,并邀请柔石当杂志编辑,柔石接受了。书店也想印我的译本,便派他去打听我的版税问题。我给了他一份我和北新书店签订的合同,他把它塞进口袋,匆匆离去,那是一九三一年一月十六日的晚上。谁能料到这是我们最后一次见面,我们永远的分别!--Zhang Yuxing (talk) 08:58, 18 October 2020 (UTC) 明日书店要出版一种期刊,请柔石做编辑,他答应了。书店还想印我的译著,委托柔石来找我征询版税问题。我手抄了一份与北新书店所订的合同给他。柔石将合同往衣兜里一塞就匆匆地离开了。没有想到,正是这一天,1931年1月16日的晚上,竟然成了永诀!--Tan Xinjie (talk) 09:51, 18 October 2020 (UTC) 明日书店打算出版一本杂志并且邀请柔石担任翻译.他接收了.书店也想印刷我的译本,并且派遣他去询问版税.我给了他一份我与北新书店签订的合同的复印件.他将它塞进口袋,匆匆离开了.那是1931年1月6日的晚上.谁又能想到那是我们最后一次见面,那次之后竟成了永别.--Fancy (talk) 10:13, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhao Xi 赵茜

The second day, he was arrested in a meeting, with my printing contract in his pocket. It was said that the police was searching me. The contract was very clear, but I did not want to explain in those unclear places. I remember there was an eminent monk in Biography of Yue, who "nirvanaed" when the searching guys just arrived at the gate of his monastery. The maxim he left behind, "?? came from the east, while I go to the west," was the only good approach for a slave to escape from misery, since it would be hard to have a "swordsman" to help him. I was not an eminent monk, without the ability to nirvana but having the desire to live, so I escaped.

第二天,他在会议上被逮捕,口袋里装着我的打印合约。据说,警察正在搜寻我。 这合约非常清晰,但我不想在不清不楚的地方做解释。我记得在《岳的自传》中有位高僧,当搜查的人就在寺院门口时,他也逃走了。 “??从东边来,那我要去西边。”这句他所留下的格言,对一个奴隶来说,是摆脱痛苦唯一可行的方法,因为很难会有个“剑客”去帮助他。我并不是一位高僧,没有涅槃重生的能力,但有求生的渴望,所以我逃走了。--Zhao Xi (talk) 15:56, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

第二天,他在开会时被逮捕了,口袋里还有我的打印合同。据说警察正在搜捕我。合同写得很清楚,但是我不想在那不明不白的地方解释。我记得在《岳传》中有一位高僧,搜查人员刚到寺院门口,他就逃离了。他留了一句格言:““你们从东边来,那我去西边”于奴隶而言,这是逃脱苦难的唯一好办法,因为很难有一个“剑客”会来帮助他。我不是高僧,没有涅槃重生的能力,但有求生的欲望,所以我逃了出来。--ZHOUYUJUAN (talk) 05:51, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

第二天,柔石在一次会议上被捕,口袋里还装着我的印刷合同。据说警察正在搜查我。合同写得很清楚,而那些不清楚的地方,我也不想解释。我想起《岳传》里一位高僧,从搜查人员到达寺院门口时,他“涅槃”了。他留下名言“我从东方来,往西方去“,这是奴隶摆脱苦难的唯一好办法,因为很难有一位剑客来帮助他们。我并非高僧,无法超脱一切,但想要生,所以我逃了出来。--Zhang Yuxing (talk) 09:15, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhao Xiaoyan 赵晓燕

That night, I burned my friends' old letters and fled to an inn with my wife and child. After a few days, rumors came that I was arrested, or killed. There was, however, very little news about Rou Shi. Some said he was brought by the cops to Mingri Bookstore and asked whether he was an editor; others said he was brought to Beixin Bookstore to confirm his identity. He was handcuffed, which indicated the severity of the case. But nobody knew what a case it was.

When he was in jail, I saw two of his letters addressed to his town folks. The first one was as follows:


当天晚上,我烧掉了朋友之前给我寄的一些信件,然后和妻子孩子逃到了一家旅馆。 几天后,流言四起,说我已经被逮捕或是被杀害了。 然而,却没有几条石柔的消息。 有人说他被警察带到了明日书店,问他是不是一名编辑;还有人说他被带到了北新书店去验证身份。警察给他带上了手铐,这足以说明事情的严重性。 但是没有一个人知道这件事是什么。

当他入狱的时候,我看到了他写给家乡人的两封信,信的内容如下:--Zhao Xiaoyan (talk) 13:27, 15 October 2020 (UTC)


当天晚上,我烧掉了朋友之前给我寄的一些信件,然后和妻子孩子逃到了一家旅馆。 几天后,流言四起,说我已经被逮捕或是被杀害了。 然而,却没有几条石柔的消息。 有人说他被警察带到了明日书店,问他是不是一名编辑;还有人说他被带到了北新书店去验证身份。警察给他带上了手铐,这足以说明事情的严重性。 但是没有一个人知道这件事是什么。

当他入狱的时候,我看到了他写给家乡人的两封信,第一封信的内容如下:--Zhang Yinliu (talk) 14:02, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

Zheng Huajun 郑华君

"35 prisoners and I (including 7 females) arrived in Longhua yesterday. We were handcuffed last night, which breaks the customs that political offenders should not be handcuffed. This is a big case, and I'm afraid I won't be released very soon. Please take care of my bookstore business for me. The situation is OK; I can learn German from Yin Fu. Please tell this to Mr. Zhou and tell him not to worry. We're not tortured. For several times the police asked for Mr. Zhou's address, but how do I know it! Don't worry for me. Best regards, Zhao Shaoxiong 1/24."

These are the words on the front.

"Please bring me two or three iron bowls. If you're not allowed to see me, please let them be delivered to Zhao Shaoxiong."

These are the words on the back.

“我和35名犯人(包括7名女性)昨天抵达龙华。我们昨晚被戴上手铐,这打破了政治犯不应该戴手铐的惯例。这是个大案子,恐怕我不能很快被释放。请帮我处理书店的生意。我(目前的)情况还可以,可以跟尹福学德语。请告诉周先生这个情况,让他不要担心。我们没有被折磨。警察好几次问周先生的住址,可我怎么知道呢!别为我担心。祝你好运,赵少雄1月24日。” 这是前面的字。 “请给我拿两三个铁碗来。如果他们不让你见我,就把它们交给赵少雄吧。” 这是背面的字。--Zheng Huajun (talk) 08:04, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Luoping 周罗平

His spirit did not change. He worked even harder on German; he was thinking of me, just like we walked together in the street. But there were some mistakes in his letter. Political offenders being handcuffed was not started from them. He had been thinking highly of the government, believing that civilization ended at, and cruelty started from, them. It was in fact wrong. Indeed, his second letter was a lot different, with very bitter words and the report that Ms. Feng's face had been swollen. It is a pity that I did not copy down the letter. Many rumors popped up, saying that he could be ransomed, or he had been sent to Nanking. Nothing was confirmed, while there were more and more letters to inquire about me. My mother fell into illness in Peking due to anxiety. I had to reply to those letters to clear my situation. This lasted for about 20 days. 他的精神没有变化。他更加努力学习德语;他一直想着我,就像我们一起走在街上。但在他的信中有一些错误。政治犯戴上手铐并不是从他们开始的。他对政府一直有很高的评价,认为文明结束于他们,残暴开始于他们。事实上,这是错误的。其实他的第二封信已有很大的不同,措辞相当尖锐,还说冯小姐的脸肿了。很遗憾我没有把这封信抄下来。谣言四起,有的说他能被赎回释放,有的说他被送到南京了。没有一件得到证实,有越来越多的信件来问询我的情况。我的母亲因为焦虑在北京病倒了。我必须回复那些信件来澄清我的情况,这持续了有20天。--Zhou Luoping (talk) 02:20, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

他的精神没有改变。他更加努力地学习德语;他一直想着我,就像我们一起在街上散步一样。但是他的信中有一些错误。给政治犯戴上手铐并不是从他们开始的。他一直对政府评价很“高”,认为文明结束于他们,残酷开始于他们。这实际上是错误的。确实,他的第二封信就(与之前)大不一样了,上面的字眼十分刻薄,还谣传冯女士的脸已经肿了。很遗憾我没有把那封信信抄下来。很多谣言骤然四生,说他可能会被赎金,或者他已经被送到南京。没有一个(谣言)得到证实,但却有越来越多的信来询问我。我母亲因焦虑在北京病倒了。而我不得不回信以澄清我的情况,这状态大概持续了20天。--Zheng Huajun (talk) 08:27, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Shiqing 周诗卿

It turned colder and colder. I wonder whether Rou Shi had quilts in prison. We had them. Did he get the iron bowls?… Suddenly, some reliable news came that Rou Shi, together with 23 other people, had been killed in Longhua Police Station at he night of February 7th or the morning of the 8th. He was shot with 10 bullets.

So that's how things stood! 天气越来越冷了。我不知道柔石在监狱里面是不是有被褥。我们盖了被子。他拿到铁饭碗了吗?。。。。。。突然,一些可靠消息传来,柔石和其他23人于2月7号晚上或8号上午在龙华警察蜀被杀。身上被射杀10颗子弹。 --Zhou Shiqing (talk) 10:06, 16 October 2020 (UTC)Zhou Shiqing 天气越来越冷了。我不知道柔石在监狱里面是不是有被褥。我们盖了被子。他拿到铁饭碗了吗?。。。。。。突然,传来一些可靠消息,2月7号晚上或8号上午在龙华警察蜀,柔石和其他23人被杀,柔石本人身中10颗子弹。 实际情况就是这样。--Yao Cheng (talk) 10:19, 16 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Shuyao 周书尧

In a late night, I stood in the yard of an inn, junk surrounding me. People were all sleeping, including my wife and child. I, with a heavy heart, feel that I have lost very good friends, and China has lost very good youth. I turned silent out of sorrow and indignation, but my old habits arise from silence, and I compose the following words:

在一个深夜里,我站在一个旅馆的院子里,周围是垃圾。包括我的妻子和孩子,人们都在睡觉。我深刻地感受到我失去了很好的朋友,中国失去了一位非常好的青年。我从悲伤和愤慨中转为沉默,但我的旧习惯源于沉默,我写下了以下几句话:--Zhou Shuyao (talk) 02:32, 18 October 2020 (UTC) 在一个深夜,我站在旅馆的庭院里,周围都是垃圾。人们都睡着了,包括我的妻子和孩子。我想到我失去了非常要好的朋友,中国失去了非常好的青年,我的心情就很沉重。我因悲伤和愤怒变得沉默,但我的旧习惯是由沉默所致,于是我写下了下面几句话:--Zhou Luoping (talk) 02:37, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Siqing 周思庆

Accustomed to spending spring at night,

I, with greying temples, flee with my wife and child.

In dreams are my mother's tears,

While the government flags switch on the city wall.

习惯了在夜晚度过春天, 我,灰色的庙堂旁,带着妻儿逃离。 梦中萦绕着母亲的热泪, 当政府的旗帜挂上城墙。--Zhou Siqing (talk) 13:46, 15 October 2020 (UTC)


鬓角已渐花白的我

习惯了在春天的黑夜

携着妻儿逃离

梦中

是母亲的眼泪

城墙上

是变幻的旗帜--Zhou Yuanqu (talk) 03:28, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Yiwen 周艺文

Enduring the pain that my friends turn into ghosts,

I indignantly compose poems, facing the forest of swords.

But there is nowhere to write, and I had to lower my brows,

The moonlight is shining on my black clothes.


忍受着失去朋友的痛苦,

我愤慨地写诗,面对剑林。

却无处可写,无奈低头,

月光正照在我的黑色衣服上。--Zhou Yiwen (talk) 15:05, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

友人丧命,我万般痛苦。

利剑林立,化愤慨为诗。

无处可写,我双眉频蹙。

唯有月光,将我那衣裳照拂。--Zhang Yujie (talk) 06:18, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

挚友皆逝,独忍悲痛,

临此困境,悲愤作诗。

无处落笔,只得俯首,

月光四溢,黑衣尽染。--Ding Daifeng (talk) 06:52, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Yuanqu 周园曲

But in China, there is nowhere to write; things are shackled tighter than a tin. I remember that Rou Shi went back to his hometown at the end of that year and lived for quite some time. His friends blamed him after he came back to Shanghai. He said to me with sadness and anger that his mother had been blind and wanted him to stay for a few more days. How could he leave right away? I understand the blind mother's affection to her son, and the son's attachment to his mother. When Beidou was initiated, I had wanted to write something about Rou Shi. But I could not, so I had to select a woodcut by Madam Käthe Kollwitz. It was entitled "Sacrifice," which depicted how a mother sadly offered her son. Only I know this was a commemoration to Rou Shi.

但是在中国,当时是无处可写的,禁锢得比罐头还严密。我记得柔石在那年年末回到了老家,在老家待了一段时间。后来回了上海,朋友对他颇有责怪。他悲愤地跟我说道,他的母亲双眼失明了,要他在家多住几天,他怎能马上就走呢?我十分理解柔石的盲母对儿子的不舍,以及儿子对母亲的挂念。当《北斗》发表的时候,我想写些有关柔石的东西,但是我不能够。于是,我只好选了一副柯勒惠支夫人(Käthe Kollwitz)的木刻,名为《牺牲》,是一位母亲悲哀地献出她儿子去的。只有我知道,这其实是对柔石的纪念。--Zhou Yuanqu (talk) 03:02, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Yujuan 周玉娟

Among the other four writers murdered, Li Weisen was the one I had never met; Hu Yepin I only met once in Shanghai, and we had a little talk. A more familiar one was Bai Mang, also named Yin Fu, who had written to me and contributed to my magazine. But I cannot find his letters anywhere. Perhaps they were all burned on the night of the seventeenth, when I did not know that Bai Mang had also been arrested. The Petöfi Poetry Anthology is still with me. I looked through it and found nothing special except a four-line translation in pen beside a poem Wahlspruch:

在被谋杀的其他四位作家中,李伟森是我从谋面之人。我在上海只见过胡也频一面,我们聊了一会儿。还有一个比较熟悉的人叫白莽,也叫殷夫。他给我写过信,也给我的杂志投过稿。但是我到处都找不到他的信。大概在17号晚上都被烧毁了吧,当时我还不知晓白莽也被捕了。我拿着佩托菲诗集,浏览了一下,除了一首名为“ Wahlspruch”诗旁边的四行笔译之外,没发现什么特别之处。--ZHOUYUJUAN (talk) 02:20, 16 October 2020 (UTC) 受害者还有其他四位作家。其中,我从未见过李伟森,我与胡也频也仅在上海有过一面之缘,不过只是立谈之间。比较熟一点的就是白莽了,也叫殷夫。他给我写过信,也给我的杂志投过稿,但我都找寻不到了,大概都在17号晚上烧毁了吧。当时我还不知晓白莽也被捕了,拿着佩托菲诗集,浏览了一下,除了一首名为“ Wahlspruch”诗旁边的四行笔译文之外,没发现什么特别之处。--Kang Haoyu (talk) 01:54, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhu Meimei 祝美梅

"Life is precious, while love is even more valuable.

But both I can give up, for the sake of freedom."

On the second page was written "Xu Peigen", which I suspect to be his real name.

“生命诚可贵,爱情价更高。

若为自由故,两者皆可抛。”

第二页写着徐佩根 (音译),我猜想这是他的真实名字。--Zhumeimei (talk) 14:03, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhu Suyao 朱素瑶

This day two years ago, I was hiding in an inn while they were marching towards the execution ground. This day last year, I fled to the British Concession, while they had long been buried nowhere. This day this year, I am sitting in my old home, while everyone is sleeping, including my wife and child. Once again, with a heavy heart, I feel that I have lost very good friends, and China has lost very good youth. I turned silent out of sorrow and indignation, but my old habits arise from silence, and I compose the above words.

两年前的这天,他们走向刑场之时,我躲在一家小旅馆里。去年的这天,我逃去了英国租界,而他们的尸骨却长久以来都没有安葬之地。今年的这天,我坐在我的老房子里,此时包括我的妻子和孩子们,他们都在睡觉。我又一次感到心里沉重,我失去了一群非常好的朋友们,中国也失去了一批大好青年。尽管我悲伤愤怒之时不喜言辞,但也是由于沉默我养成了写字这个老习惯,于是我写下了以上这些话。--Zhu Suyao (talk) 08:33, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

两年前的今天,当他们走向刑场时,我正躲在一家旅馆里。去年的今天, 我逃往英租界,而他们却一直无处安葬。今年的今天,我坐在我的老房子里,其他人都睡着了,包括我的妻子和我的孩子,再一次,我带着沉重的心情,意识到我已经失去了很多好朋友,中国失去了很多优秀的青年。悲伤愤慨之后,我变得沉默,而我写作的老习惯源于沉默,所以我写下了上面这些话。--Kong Yanan (talk) 14:24, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Zhu Xu 朱旭

It is hard to write in current China. When I read Xiang Ziqi's Remembering the Past in my youth, I was wondering why he only wrote a few lines, just beginning and yet ending immediately. Now I understand.

文人在当下的中国很难写作。我年轻时读向子期的《思旧赋》,我不明白为什么他只写了短短几行,只开了个头就马上结束。现在我明白了。--Zhu Xu (talk) 10:02, 18 October 2020 (UTC)

Zou Xinyu 邹鑫雨

It is not that the young are writing commemoration for the old. During the past thirty years, I had witnessed many young people shed their blood, which has accumulated such that I cannot breathe under it. The only thing I can do is to use my pen to write a few lines. This is like digging a hole from the mud to sustain my last gasps. What kind of a world this is! The night is long, so is the way. I had better forget and be silent. I believe, however, even if it is not me, somebody will remember them and talk about them in the future….

February 7th-8th

年轻人不是在为以前的人作祭。在过去三十年里,我亲眼看到许多年轻人流血,看了好多次后,我有点喘不上气。我唯一能做的就是用笔写下寥寥数语。这就像我从泥里钻个孔来存住最后一口气。这是个什么样的世道啊!长夜漫漫,道阻且长。我最好忘记并保持沉默。但我相信即便不是我,将来也会有人想起这些人,说起这些人。

2月7日—8日--Zou Xinyu2 (talk) 08:58, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Zou Xinyu

不是年青的为年老的写记念,而在这三十年中,却使我目睹许多青年的血,层层淤积起来,将我埋得不能呼吸,我只能用这样的笔墨,写几句文章,算是从泥土中挖一个小孔,自己延口残喘 ,这是怎样的世界呢。夜正长,路也正长,我不如忘却,不说的好罢。但我知道,即使不是我,将来总会有记起他们,再说他们的时候的。…… 2月7日—8日 --Zhang Weihong (talk) 14:10, 18 October 2020 (UTC)Zhang Weihong