Cixi

(Picture: The Empress Dowager Cixi)

I have never thought of myself as a woman. As a child, I would often dream of what it would be like to ride to war and fight for twelve years in the guise of a man like Hua Mulan did so long ago. Certainly, I was clever enough to fool all of the men, and I would not do as Hua Mulan did and return quietly home to live as a woman once more, but I would continue my ascent to even greater heights. When my mother found me swinging my father's sword in the back garden one fateful day, she shrieked and dragged me angrily into the house so that I feared I would be beaten. She did not strike me however, but sat me in front of a mirror and began applying a rosy pink blush to my cheeks. "A woman's greatest weapon is not a sword, my daughter," she told me as she dabbed gently at my cheeks. "A woman's greatest weapon is her looks, which can control any man, no matter how powerful."

I stared at the mirror, and a beautiful young woman stared back at me.

"You are beautiful my daughter. I will find you a good husband,and you will use every weapon in your arsenal to win the war against him."

The very next week I was told that I was to become one of Emperor Xianfeng's concubines, and I knew I was being given an opportunity to rewrite my fate; the chance to fight as a man like Hua Mulan. But first I must fight as a woman. I will tell you upfront that my mission succeeded. I followed my mother's advice and became adept at all the womanly arts of war. Once I had risen above all the men in the land, I completed the dream that neither my mother nor Hua Mulan dared to dream, and became a man myself. I had everyone address me as they would a man, and my subjects referred to me fondly as Lao Fo Ye (The Old Buddha) in my later years. I even required my adopted son Guanxu to call me "father", for that was what I was to him (Liu 151). I could not care for and tenderly nurture Guanxu as a mother should, I had to guide him with the hard hand of a father so he would understand that his place was beneath me. Would I had been born a man. You can have no idea how many times I have had this thought. I thought it the first night I was presented to the emperor Xianfeng, the day I was forced to rid China of Tongzhi, my worthless son, and again the day before my death when I ordered Guanxu poisoned so that he wouldn't further corrupt and erode my beautiful empire in my absence. If I had not been born a wretched woman, I would not have had to bloody my hands so. If I had been born to my rightful role as emperor, I would not have had to watch as one worthless fool after another wrought disaster upon China. If I had only been born a man, China would have joined together to successfully vanquish the Western threats and the emperors of China would now be ruling on high over the whole world as is our right, as would have been our destiny.

I was born on November 29, 1835, to a distinguished Manchu lineage, the Nehonala clan, though my father was only a minor official (Perkins 93). Even as a child, I had been discontent with my position in life, so when I was named a consort of the Emperor Xianfeng in 1851 at the age of 16 (Perkins 93), I gladly accepted the role to escape from the drudgery of my life. I ascended through the ranks of Kianfeng’s consorts until I became a favorite in 1856 for having born him his only living son, Tongzhi (Perkins 93). However, ascending to the rank of empress Dowager was no easy task, as I soon discovered. I did not find palace life as exciting as I had expected. I enjoyed the luxuries the the palace had to offer, but the life was decidedly dull. I was kept even more out of sight than I had been in family's household. The emperor didn't take much notice of his newest concubine for a long time. I decided that it was best to use my long hours of boredom to their best advantage and I studied diligently the arts of calligraphy and painting until I became remarkably adept at them (Pakula 40). When the emperor finally noticed my beauty and talents, I worked doubly hard to be pleasing to him, and my efforts paid off almost immediately. I love the theater exceedingly, and have always prided myself that I was able to act as well as anyone I saw on the stage; “I can make people hate me worse than poison, and I can also make them love me. I have the power” (Perkins 18). All of China was my stage, and it was simple work to act my way into the emperor's good graces, for he had a simple mind and was an exceptionally easy audience to read. Seeing that I showed great interest in his affairs, the emperor readily allowed me to read official documents and discussed his most important policy matters with me. It was thus that I became highly literate and knowledgeable about the ways of government, and thus that I became even more unsatisfied with my meager role. I began to take a more active part in state affairs and realized how much more suitable I was to rule than so many of the inept officials that the emperor kept by his side. China had been steadily falling into a state of disarray. I could not understand why officials were allowing Westerners to cross into our empire with their foreign religions and tainted ideas to corrupt our people. This is not to say that I was not interested in the many wonders that the West had to offer. At some point, right under the sleeping noses of the Manchu officials, countries such as Britain and the United States had surpassed us in technology. I saw the opportunity to utilize Western technology and to surpass it.

After constant visits to the emperor's chambers, my efforts finally came to fruition. When I felt the baby in my womb, I began to hatch a scheme around that small life. I prayed to my ancestors every day that it might be a son so that it would be heir to the throne. I prayed that this infant would be the means through which I could unify China once more. With grand visions forming in my mind, I waited patiently through the troubles and annoyances of pregnancy. When the baby was finally born and pronounced a boy, I cried for joy: I was to be free from my frustration at last. Or so I thought; life is never that simple and many hurdles would arise before I could assume the throne. I was promoted to the rank of Imperial Consort Yi immediately after the birth of my son,who was named Tongzhi. Before long, I was further promoted to Noble Consort Yi , second only to the empress (West 498), although I was prized by the emperor more than the empress Cian because I had done what she could not. I was finally able to convince the emperor to name my son the legal successor to the throne when Tongzhi was six years of age (Pakula 41).

China was crumbling pitiably under Xianfeng's rule.He could not even quell the Taiping Rebellion which was led by a madman who claimed to be some sort of Western God, and the rebellion stretched on from 1850-1864 (Paludan 209). In 1860, during the Second Opium War, I was even forced to flee with my emperor from our Summer Palace in Beijing to our summer resort in Jehol because of an attack from British and French troops (Paludan 209). The humiliation from the capture of Beijing, coupled with his cowardly flight, left Xianfeng too embarrassed to return to the capital or even speak with his own officials (Paludan 209). In shame, the emperor died in 1861(Perkins 93), and I prepared for the new role that I was to play without an emperor to rule over me. Before Xianfeng died, he made his eight most conservative advisers joint regents over my son, Tongzhi, and I was given the rank of the empress dowager (Perkins 93). I conspired to gain power with Prince Gong, and successfully arrested the eight regents standing in my way, executing three of them (Perkins 93). I became co-regent with the legitimate wife of Xianfeng, the empress consort Cian (Perkins 93). Cian was ignorant about anything concerning politics and could neither read nor write, and so was only too happy to leave state affairs to me (Pakula 41).

(Pictures: The Emperor Xianfeng on the left. The Emperor Tongzhi on the right.)

After I began my rule as the Dowager Empress, I discovered how few friends I truly possessed in court when I found myself the constant recipient of blame and criticism whenever something went awry. There was one instance for which I was unjustly blamed that I simply cannot forget, it was so embarrassing and unjust an accusation. I was blamed for the use of navy funds in the rebuilding of the Summer Palace which had been destroyed after Emperor Xianfeng and I had fled in 1860, and for the restoration of a fantastic marble barge which had suffered the same fate (Seagrave 181). I, However, had not known, that funds were appropriated from anywhere because the project had been entirely in the hands of Prince Chun and Viceroy Li HongZhang who had hoped to gain my favor through this extravagant gift (Seagrave 181, 500-501). Due to Prince Chun's and Vieceroy Li's foolishly timed and ill carried out attempt at recommending themselves, we suffered a ridiculous and humiliating defeat at the hands of the Japanese because our navy was in such disarray (Seagrave 181). So distressed was I over this blunder, that I cancelled my 60th birthday celebration, for I had no desire to spend lavishly when my navy had no ships to sail in (Seagrave 501).

(Pictures: The Summer Palace on the Left. The Marble barge for lake-viewing on the right)

Despite my many critics, I was not completely alone and wanting for allies. I still had many by my side who supported and admired me. I was very fond, for instance, of many of my eunuchs who made it their business to amuse and pamper me. My head eunuch, Li Lianying, in particular, was a special friend to me who I could never consider as a mere servant. Li Lianying came at a time when I was in deep distress because none of my eunuchs could comb and style my hair properly. Like a gift from heaven, Li offered, in his ever pleasing and humble manner, to try his hand at styling my hair. When I doubtfully acquiesced, he began to deftly comb and twist my hair until, when I looked in the mirror, not a hair was out of place ("history.cultural-china.com"). As I admired my reflection from various angles, I heard Li Lianying inquire how I liked it. From the mirror, I could see a small smile that showed that he knew I approved. Turning sharply, I asked him if he thought it became me. With a small bow, he replied that it became me beautifully, but he was afraid that his clumsy fingers could never do my beauty justice. I ordered the eunuch to raise his head, and when he did, I saw his pert little smile accompanied by a wry twinkle in his dark eyes. I considered for a second if I should get angry at his insolence, but this eunuch intrigued me. He was not afraid of me like so many others. And he did not look down on me and mock me. He simply complimented me with that subtle smile that told me that he understood me and that I intrigued him too. It would not be so bad having such a man by my side, I thought, and smiled back at Li Lianying. "No doubt your fingers can never do me justice, but they will have to try," I told him and his eyes twinkled all the brighter, "for from this day out, you are to fix my hair. Come, show me another style." Some said that Li Lianying's words were simply empty flattery, but he was one man who treated me well. So many looked at me with scorn and said that I was acting above my station as a woman; that I was only a consort. Even if it was only flattery, who cares as long as he did it well? Li Lianying treated me with kindness and compassion, and I, in turn, rewarded him by giving him much power over the operations of my court ("history.cultural-china.com").

(Picture: The Head Eunuch Li Lianying)

Tongzhi turned out to be a natural hedonist, a trait that I fear he inherited from me. He would amuse himself with the eunuchs and would often visit various brothels in a clumsily made disguise (paludan 212). I admit to encouraging my son a little in his childish outings. As long as Tongzhi was happily occupied within the confines of the palace with his drink and playthings, I was free to enact my policies without an undo amount of interference. The time came when it was expected that Tongzhi should wed and produce an heir, so in 1872, I chose from the most suitable Manchu lineages, a young bride by the name of Alute (Perkins 93). I knew that my regency would end when my son married, so I had hoped to find Alute a malleable figure, but to my dismay, she began to have an increasingly powerful influence over Tongzhi's mind and he proceeded to defy me. Tongzhi contracted smallpox, and knowing that he was already in ill health from his interminable drinking of alcohol and from a venereal disease (which he had contracted from his frequent visits to the brothels as well as from his many eunuch friends) (Paludan 212), I began to search for an heir in the event that Tongzhi's weak constitution led him to fall prey to a disease that killed so many.It wasn't long before my eyes rested on my nephew, Guanxu, who was the son of my sister and Xianfeng's brother (Paludan 213). Guanxu was not even 4 years old (Paludan 213), so if he were installed on the throne, I would regain my position. I had already constructed a China with me as regent, so it disturbed me when I heard that, despite the odds, my son was beginning to recover (Paludan 213). This was just like Tongzhi; pretending to bend to my will, then stabbing me in the back. Having tasted the sweet juice of imperial power once, I could not allow the second cup to be wrenched from my grasp having only sniffed its sweet spice. I had Tongzhi poisoned (Paludan 213). It was written in the records that Tongzhi had perished tragically of smallpox in 1875, at the age of 19, and I didn't mind when the rumor circulated that the real cause of his premature death was exhaustion from a life of overindulgence, for it was in no small way true (Perkins 93).

My selection of Guanxu as heir didn't pass without opposition because my daughter-in-law happened to be with child at the time (Paludan 213). I was met with further opposition on the grounds that because Guanxu was of the same generation as Tongzhi, he wouldn't be able to perform the various duties of ancestor worship that were necessary to bring Tongzhi's soul to rest (Perkins 93). I was able to convince the officials to accept Guanxu as heir by assuring them that Guanxu's eventual son would be named true heir to the throne and he would perform the filial duties due to Tongzhi (Courtauld & Holdsworth 125). I could not let any child of Alute ascend the throne, so I had to rid myself of the possible rival resting in her stomach: I persuaded the girl to commit suicide by eating gold dust two month after Tongzhi's death (Pakula 41). I knew that her death, such a short period after Tongzhi's, would incite suspicion, but she was a cunning and spiteful girl and I could not risk her bearing a son and usurping my power.

(Picture: The Emperor Guanxu)

Guanxu came of age in 1866, but I did not give up my regency until he married in 1889 (Perkins 93), when I was forced by propriety to declare my regency ended and retire to the Summer Palace ("Cixi"). Even then, I was able to maintain some degree of control, due more to the fact that Guanxu dared not defy me than to any real claim I had to the power. I made decisions and appointments which my nephew couldn’t veto and I read all of his official documents (Perkins 93). You must understand that neither Guanxu nor Tongzhi was as fit to rule as I. Guanxu especially, was afraid of me. It was my intention that my adopted son live in proper awe of my presence, but it was quite amusing at times how he used to quake in fear as a child and hide behind the skirts of his nursemaids whenever he was in my presence, as if I were some ravenous animal come to tear him to shreds (Paludan 213-214). I wonder if I really had such a hungered look on my face as I looked down on him, envying his birthright and planning how to best claim it for my own. Guanxu grew no better as he aged. He was a chronically ill wisp of a man with a voice that was ‘light and thin like a mosquito,’and I believe that he never quite got over his dread of me (Paludan 213-214). Guanxu had not the temperament, nor the talents to rule a great nation under constant threat. Being faced with such a pathetic excuse for an emperor, I could not give up my power willingly. I had studied law for much longer and had amassed more experience than Quanxu or Tongzhi, and I was doing only what I saw as necessary in order to protect the empire I held so dear.

More and more, foreign forces were threatening my great empire, especially the states that traditionally brought tribute to China. France took control of the vassal state of Vietnam, and an ever advancing Japan took over Burma and the Ryukyu Islands, and then proceeded to threaten Korea, and conquer Port Arthur, Taiwan, and the Pescadore Islands (Perkins 94). As if these travesties were not enough, in 1898, Guanxu issued a foolish set of progressive edicts spurred on by the poisonous words of Kang Youwei and his ever faithful fanboy, Liang Qichao, in what was called the Hundred Day Reform ("Hundred Days of Reform"). I had been waiting quietly in the Summer Palace, pretending to support the emperor in his many reforms, but his progressive actions began to greatly alarm me as to the degree in which they would weaken the Qing government (Perkins18-20). Guanxu, ever anxious about my interference, ordered me arrested and imprisoned (Perkins 20). Unfortunately for my nephew, he trusted the wrong man. General Yuan Shikai, the agent whom he entrusted with the order for my arrest, was in fact a loyal pawn of mine (Perkins 20). I reversed Guanxu's thwarted plan on him; eunuchs captured the emperor in his chambers and escorted him to the Ocean Terrace, an island in a lake near the Forbidden City (Perkins 20). I quickly and decisively proceeded to arrest and execute the officials responsible for the corruption of the emperor's mind, and within five days, I had revoked all of the edicts that Guanxu had tried to put in place (Schoppa 44). I rewarded Yuan Shikai for his usefulness in this affair by giving him governorship of the province of Shandong (Perkins 94). To my great disappointment,Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao escaped my grasp by fleeing to their beloved Japan ("Kang").

I had an edict sent out declaring that I would resume my regency do to the emperors ill health (Perkins 20). This edict and knowledge of the coup d'état caused many rumors to circulate in China and abroad that the emperor had been executed (Perkins 20). Some Western governments threatened that they would act against us if the emperor were executed, going so far as to insist that a doctor be allowed to see Guanxu so as to ascertain his state of health. I acquiesced to this request, but the Chinese people were outraged at the audacity of the foreigners' demands, causing several anti-foreign riots to break out (Perkins 20). Here I will admit that my mind had begun to process the idea that Guanxu had become more of a nuisance than an asset. I had perhaps been too sluggish in reaching this conclusion, no doubt do to some foolish attachment I felt towards Guanxu because he was my own flesh and blood and my adopted son. Having at last reached the decision to terminate the barrier to China's restoration, I could not let anyone deter me from my path. I had the windows in Guanxu's chambers walled off (Paludan 214), and waited patiently for the foreign states to forget about his existence and move on with their own affairs.

China was growing weaker because of rapidly expanding European influences. Foreign missionaries came in great numbers to convert my people so that even the emperor himself had become corrupted. Word began to spread of a secret society known as the Yihequan (Righteous and Harmonious Fists) that practiced martial arts and claimed to have super natural powers that would make them resistant even to the strike of a bullet ("Boxer Rebellion"). The Yihequan were determined to restore China to its former glory, free of foreign taint, and hearing that the voices of my people were behind them, I gave my consent in 1898 to what is now called the Boxer Rebellion (Paludan 214). Unfortunately, China had fallen too far already, and I was forced to flee from the western troops with Guanxu to a temporary capital in Xi’an (Paludan 214). Guanxu resisted my orders for him to flee disguised as a peasant. When I discovered that his defiance was brought about by the urging of his favored lover the Pear Concubine, I had the girl thrown into a well (Paludan 214). I understood my nephew; he always needed someone to rely on, and with the source of his borrowed power gone, he quickly gave in to his long held fear of me, and reverted to his malleable self. When I saw that the battles were not going in our favor, although I was greatly ashamed, I decided it was best to live to fight another day and signed the Boxer Protocol which forced China to pay a great indemnity of 200 Million ounces of silver, placed a ban on the making of armaments, punished many for war crimes, stopped the imperial examinations, and forced the lease of land for mines and railways, among other demands (Perkins 95, Pakula 43). I was then able to return to the capital and continue my reign in 1902, although I had to reenact many reforms that I had abolished (Perkins 95). I had to watch quietly as many of my citizens went to study in America and as many western-style schools were built (Perkins 95).

I was disappointed with the state of the empire, which I had inherited on the verge of its death. I wished that I could have been born in one of the many thousands of years of prosperity that China had enjoyed. Yet, In spite of everything, I pushed on. I have always been adaptable, not like Xianfeng or either of my sons who allowed themselves to lose to their despair. So it was that I began to play the foreigners' game, confident that I could still somehow manage to come out on top. Unfortunately, my body was beginning to fail me. The body that had once been so young, so beautiful, so full of life, was now old, lined, and feeble. Oh how I wished to turn back the clock. I knew that this was one scheme that no matter how hard I planned, could not succeed. But even if I could not be victorious, I could at least make it so that I was not the only one defeated. I could never stand losing, so I turned my thoughts to my final enemy, and hatched my final scheme. Guanxu must die. Guanxu, who had pushed China past its breaking point, Guanxu, who was waiting for my death to be restored to power: it was my duty to remove this evil which I myself had placed on the throne so many years ago. Guanxu's death didn't need any planning, it was as simple as waving one of my faithful servants over to my bedside and telling him to poison the emperor,and it was done. Guanxu died of arsenic poisoning at the age of 36 in November 1908 (Arsenic). Game set and match.

(Pictures: Emperor Puyi as a child on the left. Emperoro Puyi as an adult on the right.)

I died of a stroke at the age of 73, one day after my nephew’s death (Paludan 216). Before I died, I selected my grand-nephew, the 3 year old Puyi as the successor to the throne (Perkins 95). When I chose Puyi as heir, I was neither thinking of China, nor her future. No, I was dreaming one last dream of what it would be like if I could only live another 10 years, or even five. If the God that the Westerners held so dear was to grant me just five more years, I am sure I would have made China great again. I did not want China to continue on without me. If I, Lao Fo Ye, should fall, then China should fall with me. I am Cixi, the last empress of China.

(Picture: The Empress Dowager Cixi)

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