20201123 trans

Cao Runxin 曹润鑫

History of Chinese Studies

国际汉学史

Martin Woesler 吳漠汀 (Witten/Herdecke University, Peking Normal University 德國維籐大學，中國北京師範大學)

Abstract: The roots of Chinese Studies lie as early as Chinese people started to reflect on parts of Chinese culture, which was as early as Chinese culture emerged. Especially foreign people defined Chinese culture distinctly in separation of their own culture, like ancient Greek philosophers and early delegations from the Roman Empire.

摘要：汉学的根源可以追溯到中国人开始对中国文化进行反思的时候，也可以追溯到中国文化出现之初。尤其是一些外国人，如古希腊哲学家和罗马帝国的早期代表团，他们定义下的中国文化是与自己本土文化完全分开的。

Chang Huiyue 常慧月

From the very beginning, Western Scholars of Chinese Studies were closely cooperating with Chinese partners, so that Chinese Studies cannot be limited to Overseas Chinese Studies. Merchants went beyond their trade business and created travel reports and first translations of Chinese literature. Missionaries for the first time studied systematically the Chinese language and culture, translated the Chinese Classics and Four Books into Latin. 起初，研究汉学的西方学者与中国伙伴密切合作，所以汉学研究并不局限于海外汉学研究。商人不仅从事商业贸易，撰写旅行游记，并且首次翻译了中国文学。传教士第一次系统研究了中国语言和文化，将中国文学名著和四书译成拉丁语。--Chang Huiyue (talk) 01:29, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Han 陈涵

Their idealized descriptions of China stimulated the Chinoisérie and the positive reception of China among philosophers of the enlightenment, which saw China as a secular empire. Then, the China-image turned to the worse with Western scholars ascribing China a static nature creating the so-called “Great Divergence”.

他们对中国的理想化描述促进中国风形成以及促使启蒙哲学家对中国的积极接受，这种变化已然是把中国看作一个世俗帝国。随后，中国形象恶化，西方学者把中国定性为静态，形成了所谓的“大分流”。--Chen Han (talk) 13:48, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Hui 陈惠

This narrative was challenged in the early 1980s with the start of the Opening and Reform Policy. Finally colleges and professorships were established first in the West and then in China. Today, Chinese Studies in the West and in China are enriching each other and are inseparably connected.

Key Words: Chinese Studies, Sinology, Hanxue, Guoxue, delegations, philosophers, merchants, travel reports, translations, missionaries, enlightenment, Chinoisérie, Great Divergence 上世纪80年代初，随着改革开放政策的开始，这种说法受到了挑战。最后，学院和教授职位首先在西方建立，然后在中国。今天，西方的中国学与中国的中国学相互 促进，密不可分。

关键词:汉学、汉学、汉学、国学、代表团、哲学家、商人、游记、翻译、传教士、启蒙、中国文化、大分流--Chen Hui (talk) 08:07, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Chen Hui

Chen Jiangning 陈江宁

Definition 定義

Chinese Studies, also called Sinology (in German: Sinologie) or China Studies (in German: Chinawissenschaften, Chinakunde), is the academic discipline to study China in its geography, history, society, culture(s), language(s), literature(s) etc. It is mainly divided into the study of ancient and premodern China and of modern and contemporary China. 定义 Definition 汉语研究是一门研究中国地理、历史、社会、文化、语言等的学术科目，人们也称之为汉学（德语叫做 Sinologie）或者叫中国研究（德语叫做 Chinawissenschaften,Chinakunde）。汉语研究主要分为中国古代和近代研究，以及中国现当代研究。--Chen Jiangning (talk) 03:40, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

定义

汉语研究也称作汉学（德语叫做 Sinologie）或中文研究（德语叫做 Chinawissenschaften,Chinakunde），这是一门研究中国地理、历史、社会、文化、语言等各方面的学科，并主要分为中国古代研究、中国近代研究，以及中国现当代研究。--Shi Haiyao (talk) 03:17, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Jiaxin 陈佳欣

In the Chinese language, internationally the term “Hanxue” is used (first used in Japan as kangaku漢學/汉学, parallely to the term “Hanyu” 漢語/汉语 for Chinese). The term is not meant discriminative against non-Han minorities, since we have terms like “Hanyu” or “Germanic Studies” (the Germans were an ethnic tribe of many in todays Deutschland). In Chinese, domestically more often the terms “guoxue” 國學/国学 or “Zhongguo xue” 中國學 etc. are used. 在中文里，“汉学”这一词在国际上被广泛使用（它最早在日本被称为汉学，类似中文被称为“汉语”)。这一词语并不意味着排斥非汉人的少数群体，因为我们也有类似于“汉语” 或“日耳曼研究” （日耳曼人是指在当今德国占数较多的一个的民族)的词语。中国国内“国学”或“中国学”等词更为广泛使用。By Chen Jiaxin --Jessie Chen (talk) 06:44, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Jingjing 陈静静

There is a trend to divide Chinese Studies in sub disciplines dealing with traditional or modern China, while the term “Sinology” is more often applied to the traditional part. In quantity, scholars dealing with traditional China become less and those dealing with modern or contemporary China more. Of course, there are other exotic terms for phenomena related to China or Chinese people, like the term “Tang People Street” 唐人街 for Chinatowns.

汉语研究之下往往又分为不同的子学科，致力于研究中国古代或现代，然而“汉学”这一术语更适用于中国古代。在数量上，研究中国古代的学者越来越少，而研究中国现代或当代的学者则越来越多。当然，还存在一些与中国或中国人相关现象的外来词，如“Tang People Street” 即唐人街。--Chen Jingjing (talk) 12:10, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Chen Jingjing

Chen Sha 陈莎

Some Chinese scholars interpret the term “Hanxue” as reserved for the study of China by foreigners, implying often that the real “guoxue” could only be conducted by Chinese scholars, arguing you need to grow up in China in order to understand it. However, confronted with the case of overseas Chinese scholars or Western scholars growing up and working in China, the limitation of this racist distinction becomes obvious.

Chen Sunfu 谌孙福

Although in history we have rare examples of foreigners who were able to study China without Chinese partners (starting with language teachers) or without visiting the country, and Chinese Studies today often is conducted by mixed teams of domestic and foreign scholars.

尽管有史以来，外国人不结交中国伙伴或是没去过中国就研究中国的例子鲜少出现。如今研究中国的通常都是都是由国内外学者组成的团队。--Chen Sunfu (talk) 06:39, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

虽然在历史上，我们很少有外国人能够在没有中国伙伴的情况下(这些伙伴开始会是语言教师)或在没有访问过中国的情况下研究中国的例子，但如今的中国研究往往是由国内外学者以混合团队的形式进行的。--Ding Daifeng (talk) 09:45, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

尽管在历史上我们很少有外国人能够在没有中国伙伴（从语言老师开始）或没有访问中国的情况下来中国学习的例子，但是今天的中国研究通常由国内外学者组成的混合团队进行。--Cao Runxin (talk) 12:55, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Yongxiang 陈永相

The discipline itself, as established at universities, had a natural focus on language and literature (philology). Today, we have a broad range of sub disciplines like Chinese literature [epigraphy], language, culture, philosophy/ethics/aesthetics, history, political science, sociology, economy) 中国文学[金石学]，语言，文化，哲学、伦理学、美学、历史、政治学、社会学、经济学

Cheng Yusi 成于思

Emergence Although the first university professorships as we know them today were established only in the 1814, we find the origins of Chinese Studies in early descriptions of China by philosophers. That the empires knew early about each other is proven by delegations, exchanged even two thousand years ago between the Roman Empire and China.

Deng Jinxia 邓锦霞

Later we have records and first translations of travelling merchants (Marco Polo lived in the 13th century and travelled on land and by ship) and then by missionaries (starting with the 16th century). Later we have western philosophers (like Leibniz) and reports in journals dedicated to China.

后来，我们有了旅行商人的记录和第一批翻译作品（13世纪的马可·波罗（Marco Polo）在陆地和海上旅行），然后有了传教士（从16世纪开始）。 再后来，我们有了西方哲学家（例如莱布尼兹（Leibniz）），他们在研究中国的期刊上进行报道。--Deng Jinxia (talk) 03:33, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

后来出现了行商的记载和第一批翻译作品（13世纪的马可·波罗（Marco Polo）在陆地和海上航行），之后出现了传教士（始于16世纪）。 再后来，出现了西方哲学家（例如莱布尼兹（Leibniz）），以及他们探索中国所留下来的有关记载。--Zhang Yu (talk) 08:55, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Ding Daifeng 丁代凤

The first scholarly view on China had the Christian missionaries, who studied Chinese language and culture in China. Therefore, the first translations of Chinese classics were done into Latin. The term “sinology” since the Latin term “sina” for China seems to point to the Qin Dynastie since 221 BCE. The main purpose of the missionaries was to baptize and therefore they also translated the bible into Chinese and reported on the so far mostly unknown China to Europe, reports which met a huge interest and demand in Europe.

基督教传教士是最早对中国持有学术观点的人，他们在中国研究中国语言和文化。因此，第一批翻译的中国经典著作也就翻译成了拉丁文。汉学“sinology”一词源于拉丁语中的“sina”，意指公元前221年以来的秦朝。传教士的主要目的是施洗，因此他们也将《圣经》翻译成中文，并向欧洲报道迄今几乎不为人知的中国，这些报道满足了欧洲巨大的兴趣和需求。--Ding Daifeng (talk) 09:23, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Fang Jieling 方洁玲

Resources 资源

There are a lot of national histories of Chinese Studies so far, but no detailed international or global history (see references). The Overseas Chinese Studies Center 海外漢學研究中心 at Peking Foreign Language University 北京外語大學 under the leadership of Zhang Xiping張西平 has been renamed in the 2010s to Research Center for the Study of Chinese Culture 中國文化研究中心#. Here a list of works on the History of Sinology:

Gan Fengyu 甘奉玉

First contacts: Trade (without written documents)

Genetic evidence shows that there were trade relations from Mesopotamia to Europe and China as early as 11000 BCE (cows, horses) and 10000 BCE (crops). China very early became an export region, as we can trace the genes of animals back to China 10000 BCE (pigs), 8000 BCE (chicken), and of silk cloth 5000 BCE.

首次接触：贸易（无书面文件）

基因证据表明：早在公元前11000年了，美索不达米亚就和欧洲，中国有牛羊贸易关系，公元前10000年，就有了农作物贸易关系。追溯到公元前1000年的猪和公元前8000年的鸡身上的动物基因，以及公元前5000年的丝绸来看，中国很早就是个出口地区了。--Gan Fengyu (talk) 02:03, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

首次接触：贸易(无书面文件)

遗传证据表明，早在公元前11000年(出现如像牛、马等动物贸易)和公元前10000年(出现农作物的贸易)，美索不达米亚与欧洲和中国之间就有贸易关系。追溯到公元前10000年猪的贸易和公元前8000年鸡的贸易，从中发现的动物基因，以及公元前5000年所交易的丝绸来看，中国很早就成为了一个出口地区。--Lei kuangxi (talk) 03:18, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Lei Kuangxi

遗传学证据显示，早在公元前11000年美索不达米亚就和欧洲就有了牛马贸易往来；早在公元前10000年，美索不达米亚就和中国有了作物贸易往来。追溯动物基因，我们可以发现，公元前10000年中国就有了猪，公元前8000年就有了鸡，公元前5000年就有了丝绸。因此，中国很早就成为了商品出口地区。--Yuan Tianyi (talk) 04:28, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Gao Mingzhu 高明珠

The Emergence of Chinese Studies: Philosophers Aristotle (384-322 BC) writes in the 4th century BC: “Those who live in a cold climate and in Europe are full of spirit, but wanting in intelligence and skill; and therefore they retain comparative freedom, but have no political organization, and are incapable of ruling over others. Whereas the natives of Asia are intelligent and inventive, but they are wanting in spirit, and therefore they are always in a state of subjection and slavery.”[ Aristoteles: Politeia, Book VII, Part VII, translated by Benjamin Jowett, http://evans-experientialism. freewebspace.com/aristotle_politics07.htm, last visited Dec 5, 2010. In German: „Die Völkerschaften nämlich, welche innerhalb der kalten Gegenden in Europa wohnen, sind zwar voll Muth, aber weniger mit Geist und Kunstfertigkeit begabt. Daher behaupten sie zwar leichter ihre Freiheit, aber sie sind zur Bildung staatsbürgerlicher Gemeinwesen untüchtig [...]. Die Völkerschaften Asiens dagegen sind klugen und kunstfertigen Geistes, aber ohne Muth. Daher leben sie in Unterwürfigkeit und Sklaverei.“, from: Aristoteles: Werke. Griechisch und Deutsch, vol. 6, ed. by Franz Susemihl, Aalen 1978 (Reprint of the edition Leipzig 1879), p. 409.]

汉学的起源：哲学家 亚里士多德（公元前384年-公元前322年）在公元前4世纪写道：“那些生活在欧洲寒冷地区的人们精气神十足但是缺乏智慧和技巧；所以虽然他们保留了相对的自由，却没有政治组织，也没有管理的能力。然而，亚洲人聪明且富有创造力，但是他们缺乏勇气，所以他们总是顺从和被奴役。” [ 亚里士多德：《政治学》，第七卷，第七部分，由本杰明·乔伊特翻译，http://evans-experientialism. freewebspace.com/aristotle_politics07.htm，最近一次访问日期2010年12月5日。德语原文为： „Die Völkerschaften nämlich, welche innerhalb der kalten Gegenden in Europa wohnen, sind zwar voll Muth, aber weniger mit Geist und Kunstfertigkeit begabt. Daher behaupten sie zwar leichter ihre Freiheit, aber sie sind zur Bildung staatsbürgerlicher Gemeinwesen untüchtig [...]. Die Völkerschaften Asiens dagegen sind klugen und kunstfertigen Geistes, aber ohne Muth. Daher leben sie in Unterwürfigkeit und Sklaverei.“，引自：《亚里士多德作品集-希腊人和德国人》，第六卷，由Franz Susemihl, Aalen在1978年出版（1879年在莱比锡再版），第409页。]--Gao Mingzhu (talk) 09:39, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Gao Mingzhu

Gong Yumian 龚钰冕

The Emergence of Religious Missions with the Study of China as a by-product Between 1593-1607 the Spanish Dominican mission in Manila operated a press and produced 4 books on Christian belief.

1593-1607西班牙多明我会使团在马尼拉经营的出版社出版了4本基于基督教信仰的书

In 1583 the influential Jesuit Matteo Ricci arrived in Canton and spent the rest of his life in China.

1583利玛窦（耶稣会会士）抵达广州，在中国度过余生。

宗教传教的出现 1593年至1607年间，西班牙多米尼加使团在马尼拉经营的出版社出版了4本基于基督教信仰的书。 1583年，颇具影响力的耶稣会士利玛窦（Matteo Ricci），抵达广州，在中国度过余生。--Gong Yumian (talk) 09:30, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Gu Dongfang 顾东方

Interest by European emperors in the beginning of the 18th century In France, the study of China and the Chinese language began with the patronage of Louis XIV. In 1711, he appointed a young Chinese, Arcadio Huang to catalog the royal collection of Chinese texts. Huang was assisted by Étienne Fourmont, who published a Chinese grammar in 1742.

在法国，对中国和中国语言的研究始于路易十四的赞助。在1711，他任命了一位年轻的中国人Arcadio Huang对皇家藏书的中文文本进行目录整理。黄的助手艾蒂安Fourmont，在1742年发表了一本中国语法书。

Guan Qinqing 管钦清

In 1732 a missionary priest of the Sacred Congregation "De propaganda fide" from the kingdom of Naples, Matteo Ripa (1692–1746), created in Naples the first Sinology School of the European Continent: the "Chinese Institute", the first nucleus of what would become today's Università degli studi di Napoli L'Orientale, or Naples Eastern University. Ripa had worked as a painter and copper-engraver at the imperial court of the Kangxi Emperor between 1711 and 1723. Ripa returned to Naples from China with four young Chinese Christians, all teachers of their native language and formed the Institute sanctioned by Pope Clement XII to teach Chinese to missionaries and thus advance the propagation of Christianity in China.

1732年，来自那不勒斯的传布信仰圣部的传教牧师Matteo Ripa马国贤（1692–1746），在那不勒斯创建了欧洲大陆的第一个汉学学校：“中国学院”，它后来成为了今天的那不勒斯东方大学。马国贤曾在1711和1723之间担任康熙皇帝的宫廷画家和雕刻师。马国贤从中国回到那不勒斯时，带回了四个年轻的中国基督徒。他们都是汉语教师，组建了学院，在教皇克莱门特十二世的批准下向牧师们教授中文，从而推进了基督教在中国的传播。

1732年，那不勒斯王国“圣公会”的传教士马国贤（Matteo Ripa)在那不勒斯创建了欧洲大陆第一所汉学学校“中国学院”，即后来的那不勒斯东方大学。马国贤曾在1711至1723年间担任康熙皇帝的宫廷画师和雕刻师。当他回国的时候，他带回了四个年轻的中国基督徒。他们在教皇克莱门特的授意下，组建学院、担任汉语教师，向牧师们教授中文，从而推进了基督教在中国的传播。--Guan Qinqing (talk) 01:45, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

1732年，那不勒斯王国“传信部”的传教士马国贤（Matteo Ripa)在那不勒斯建立了欧洲大陆第一所汉学学校“中国学院”，即当今的那不勒斯东方大学。马国贤曾在1711至1723年间担任康熙皇帝的宫廷画师和雕刻师。在回到那不勒斯时，他带了四个年轻的中国基督徒。在教皇克莱门特十二世的授意下，他们组建学院，担任汉语教师，向牧师们教授中文，从而推进了基督教在中国的传播。--Chen Han (talk) 14:29, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Gui Yizhi 桂一枝

Chinoiserie

Chinese objects of art as symbols of Chinese cultural tradition early spread to Europe, reaching the peak in the 18th century during the period of Chinoisérie“中国风”. Fascinated Collectors saved several artefacts for following generations. Their selection criteria allow to approach the guiding aesthetic principles behind their fascination. European imitations of these artefacts show in their similarities and differences to the originals and to the own cultural traditions the principles they followed to catch the reason for the experienced exoticism during the consumption of the cultural goods. Imitated imitated Chinese-style architecture, imitated Chinese paintings and imitated characters in paintings, tattoos and design, reveal what principles Westerners believed to guide Chinese traditional art.

作为中国传统文化象征的中国艺术品很早就传播到了欧洲，在“中国风”时期达到了顶峰。对此十分着迷的收藏家们为后人保存了几件文物。他们的选择标准很接近他们所欣赏的指导性美学原则。欧洲的工艺模仿品表明了他们自己的文化传统和原型的相似性和差异性，他们遵循的原则符合在文化商品的消费过程中对异国情调的体验。在绘画、纹身和设计方面的模仿特点、模仿中国风格的建筑和仿作的中国画，揭示了西方人眼里的中国传统艺术的指导原则。

Guo Lu 郭露

Europe: Enlightened Philosophers end of the 18th century 欧洲：第18世紀末的启蒙哲学家

During the enlightenment process in Europe, philosophers in their search for a vision of a world without religious control, discovered China and wanted to understand it as a secular ideal alternative to Europe. (Leibniz: Novissima Sinica, The Orphan of Zhao, Voltaire: wrote play “L'orphelin de la Chine” portrait of Confucius, Giambattista Vico.

启蒙哲学家在欧洲汉学（莱布尼茨：《中国近事》，伏尔泰：《赵氏孤儿》、孔子肖像，维柯。

1789-… Enlightened philosophers: Saw China as an enlightened kingdom with ethics instead of church and religion

1789…启蒙哲学家：看到中国作为一个有伦理的开明王国而不是教会和宗教伦理

一个不受宗教控制的世界时

在欧洲的启蒙运动中，哲学家们在寻找一个不受宗教控制的世界时，了解到了中国这一国度，并将其视为欧洲脱离世俗的替代品。（莱尼兹：诺威西玛·辛尼卡，《赵氏孤儿》，伏尔泰：写下孔子朱安·巴蒂斯塔·维柯的剧本《中国的左撇子》。--Guo Lu (talk) 02:18, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

一个不受宗教控制的世界时 在欧洲启蒙运动的进程中，哲学家们在寻找一个不受宗教控制的世界时，发现了中国，并希望可以将其视为欧洲脱离世俗理想替代品。莱尼兹：诺威西玛·辛尼卡，《赵氏孤儿》，伏尔泰：写下孔子朱安·巴蒂斯塔·维柯的剧本《中国的左撇子》 --Kong Xianghui (talk) 09:10, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Han Haiyang 韩海洋

Europe: Professorships

The study of Assyriology and Egyptology developed before the serious study of China because of their connections to the Bible; the study of Indology represented a breakthrough in the development of linguistics. Chinese texts, perhaps because they did not have these connections, were the last to be studied in European universities until around 1860 except in France (Zurndorfer, China Bibliography 1999 p. 6, quoted from Wikipedia “Sinology”, August 6, 2018).

由于和圣经的紧密联系，亚述学、埃及学的研究在正规的中国研究前发展充分；印度学研究代表了语言学发展的突破口。可能是因为中国文本和它们没有联系，所以直到1860左右，它才成为除了法国外的欧洲大学最后的研究对象。

由于和圣经联系紧密，亚述学、埃及学的研究在中国正式研究前就已经展开了；印度学研究是语言学发展的突破口。或许是因为中国文本缺乏这些联系，所以直到1860年左右，它才成为除法国外欧洲大学最后的研究对象。--Chen Jingjing (talk) 12:35, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Chen Jingjing

Han Wanzhen 韩宛真

The first college to study Chinese was established in Italy. At the Academy in St. Petersburg in Russia, on March 23, 1741, the lecturer 伊拉利昂·罗索欣 started to teach Chinese Studies. He was also part of a mission sent to emperor Kangxi in Qing Dynasty.de

首个教授汉语的大学创建于意大利。1741年3月23日，在俄罗斯圣彼得堡的学院，讲师伊拉利昂·罗索欣开始教授汉语学。他还参加了清朝对康熙帝进行的宣教活动。--Han Wanzhen (talk) 01:22, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

首个学习汉语的学院创建于意大利。1741年3月23日，讲师伊拉利昂·罗索欣在俄罗斯圣彼得堡学院开始讲授汉学。该讲师也曾参加清朝对康熙帝进行的宣教活动。--Zeng Liang (talk) 02:54, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

He Changqi 何长琦

On December 11, 1814, the first Professorship of Chinese and Manchu was established at the Collège de France, the sinologist 雷慕莎 Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusat, who taught himself Chinese, filled the position, becoming the first professor of Chinese in Europe. By then the first Russian Sinologist, Nikita Bichurin, had been living in Beijing for ten years.

1814年，研究中国和满族的讲学席位在法国的大学成立。雷慕莎自学了中文，占据了这一位置，成为了欧洲第一个汉学教授。而之后的第一个俄罗斯汉学家尼基塔·比丘林则曾在北京生活了十年。 1814年，首个研究中国和满族的讲学席位在法国的大学成立，雷慕莎自学中文，登上了这一席位，成为了欧洲第一个汉学教授。而之后的第一个俄罗斯汉学家尼基塔·比丘林则曾在北京生活了十年。--Li Meng (talk) 00:47, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

1814年12月11日，首个汉学和满学的讲座席位在法兰西公学院成立，汉学家雷慕莎（Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusa）自学了中文，登上了这一席位，成为了欧洲第一任汉学教授。而之后俄罗斯的汉学奠基人尼基塔·比丘林则曾在北京生活了十年。--Yuan Yuchen (talk) 11:48, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Hu Baihui 胡百辉

Abel-Rémusat's counterparts in England and Germany were Samuel Kidd (1797–1843) and Wilhelm Schott (1807–1889) respectively, though the first important secular sinologists in these two countries were James Legge and Hans Georg Conon von der Gabelentz. Scholars like Legge often relied on the work of ethnic Chinese scholars such as Wang Tao (Zurndorfer, China Bibliography 1999 p. 8-14, quoted from Wikipedia “Sinology”, August 6, 2018).

雷慕莎的同仁分别有英国的Samuel Kidd（1797–1843）和德国的Wilhelm Schott（1807–1889），虽然在这两个国家头等重要的世俗汉学家是理雅各和加贝伦茨。理雅各等学者常常依靠华人学者如王韬等人的作品。

阿贝尔·雷穆萨在英国和德国的同行分别是塞缪尔·基德（Samuel Kidd，1797-1843）和威廉·肖特（Wilhelm Schott，1807-1889），不过这两个国家最早出现的重要世俗汉学家是詹姆斯·莱格和汉斯·格奥尔格·科农·冯·德加布伦茨。像莱格这样的学者经常依赖于像王韬这样的华裔学者的作品。--Hu Baihui (talk) 03:08, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Hu Huifang 胡慧芳

Stanislas Julien served as the Chair of Chinese at the Collège de France for over 40 years, starting his studies with Rémusat and succeeding him in 1833. not only of classical texts but also works of vernacular literature, and for his knowledge of Manchu. Édouard Chavannes succeeded to the position after the death of Marquis d'Hervey-Saint-Denys in 1893. Chavannes pursued broad interests in history as well as language (Zurndorfer, China Bibliography 1999 p. 8-14, quoted from Wikipedia “Sinology”, August 6, 2018).

儒莲担任法兰西学院的汉学教授超过40年，他与雷慕莎一起开始他的研究，并在1833年继承了雷慕莎的工作。他以不仅针对古典文学、而且涉猎白话文学作品的翻译工作和和对满族的了解而闻名。沙畹在德理文于1893去世后继承了他的位置，沙畹在历史和语言领域上兴趣广泛。

斯塔尼斯拉斯·朱利安（Stanislas Julien）在法兰西学院（Collègede France）担任中文主席40多年，从雷穆萨（Rémusat）开始学习，并于1833年继任。他不仅学习古典文学作品，还学习白话文学作品，并了解满族。 爱德华·沙畹在1893年侯爵·圣赫尔·圣丹尼斯（Marquis d'Hervey-Saint-Denys）去世后继任。沙畹追求历史和语言的广泛利益（Zurndorfer，中国参考书目1999年第8-14页，引自Wikipedia“ Sinology”， 2018年8月6日）。--Hu Huifang (talk) 09:13, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Rulian served as a professor of Sinology at the French Academy for more than 40 years. He started his research with Remusa and inherited Remusa's work in 1833. He is famous for his translation work not only for classical literature, but also for vernacular literary works and his understanding of Manchu. Chavannes inherited his position after De Liwen died in 1893. Chavannes has a wide range of interests in history and language. --Hu Huifang (talk) 09:13, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Hu Jin 胡瑾

After the Opium war 1840, the Department of Oriental Studies at Cambridge University and the SOAS/London University were established.

In 1875, Leiden University in the Netherlands started and in 1890 the sinologist 考狄 founded the first academic journal by Westerners on China, the Toung Pao 通报.

1840年鸦片战争后，剑桥大学东方研究院和英国伦敦大学亚非学院成立。

1875年，荷兰莱顿大学成立，1890年，汉学家考狄创办了第一个由西方人撰写的关于中国的学术期刊—《通报》。--Hu Jin (talk) 13:10, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Ji Tiantian 纪甜甜

In 1912, Richard Wilhelm, who had lived in China for about 30 years, taught at the Friedrich Wilhelm University in Frankfurt and established a Chinese Seminar “中国学社” and together with Beiping’s Furen University the journal华裔学志.

At the end of the 19th century, in Sweden the University of Gotheburg established East Asian Language and Culture Seminar, starting with Sven Hedin, who explored Western China, followed by the the Chinese linguist 高本汉.

Jiang Fengyi 蒋凤仪

The image of China as an essentially Confucian society conveyed by Jesuit scholars dominated Western thought in these times. While some in Europe learned to speak Chinese, most studied written classical Chinese. These scholars were in what is called the “commentarial tradition” through critical annotated translation.

那时，中国在西方的形象是靠耶稣会学者传达的，本质上是儒家社会的形象，这样的形象主导了西方思想。在欧洲，有一些人学习说汉语，但大部分人学习写文言文，这些学者学习时会使用批判性的注释，属于“注释传统”的行列。--Jiang Fengyi (talk) 08:05, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

在那个时候，中国在西方的形象在本质上是以耶稣会学者传达的儒家社会为主。在欧洲，有些人学学习说中文，大多数人则学写书面文言文。这些学者们通过批判的注释性翻译处在了所谓的“注释传统”。

当时，耶稣会学者所传达的中国本质上是儒家社会的形象主导了当时的西方思想。在欧洲，虽然有些人学说汉语，但大多数人学的是文言文。这些学者是在所谓的“评论传统”通过批评注释翻译。--Li LIli (talk) 07:32, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Li Lili

耶稣会士学者传达的中国作为一个儒家社会的形象在当时根深于西方人的思想中。 尽管有些欧洲人学会了说中文，但大多数人仍然学习古典汉语。 这些学者通过批判性的注释翻译而处于所谓的“注释传统”中。--Han Wanzhen (talk) 01:31, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Jiang Hao 姜好

This emphasis on translating classical texts inhibited the use of social science methodology or comparing these texts of other traditions. One scholar described this type of sinology as “philological hairsplitting” preoccupied with marginal or curious aspects (Zurndorfer, China Bibliography 1999 p. 14-15, quoted from Wikipedia “Sinology”, August 6, 2018). Secular scholars gradually came to outnumber missionaries, and in the 20th century sinology slowly gained a substantial presence in Western universities.

这种强调翻译经典文本的做法阻碍了社会科学方法论的使用或与其他传统的文本的比较。有学者称这类汉学描述为专注于边缘或好奇方面的“语言学上的吹毛求疵”。世俗学者逐渐多于传教士，并在西方大学为20世纪的汉学慢慢积累了实质性存在。

Jiang Qiwei 蒋淇玮

Sinology in Germany

Today, in Germany there are about 30 universities and universities of applied sciences with Chinese Studies.

Since the beginning of the 19th century, people started to conduct research on China. In 1829–1831, the orientalist Carl Friedrich Neumann bought 12,000 Chinese books in Canton, which he shipped to Munich and which became the foundation of the East Asian Collection of the Bavarian State Library as well as the Berlin State Library. Since 1833 Wilhelm Schott taught Chinese and Chinese philosophy in Berlin.

德国的汉学 如今，在德国有大约30所大学以及应用科学大学开设了汉学专业。19世纪伊始，人们开始研究中国。1829年至1831年，东方学专家卡尔·弗里德里希·诺伊曼于广州购置了12000本中文书籍，将其运至慕尼黑。这一举措使慕尼黑成为了巴伐利亚州立图书馆和柏林州立图书馆东亚收藏所的基础。1833年起，威廉·肖特在柏林教授中文与中国哲学。--Jiang Qiwei (talk) 07:10, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Kang Haoyu 康浩宇

Pioneering research on China were the geological-geographical research trips by Ferdinand von Richthofen since the early 1860s. In 1887 the first Chinese language classes and sinological classes started at the Seminar for Oriental languages in Berlin. In 1889, the first German Chair of Sinology was established at the University of Leipzig, the first full professor was Hans Georg Conon von der Gabelentz. In 1912 the 2nd chair was established in Berlin with J. J. M. de Groot and in 1914 at the Colonial Institute in Hamburg with Otto Franke.

19世纪60年代初以来，费迪南·冯·李希霍芬的地质地理研究之旅是对中国的开创性研究。1887年，柏林东方语言研究会开设了第一批汉语班和汉学班。1889年，德国第一个汉学讲座在莱比锡大学成立，第一个全职教授是汉斯·格奥尔格·科农·冯·德·加贝伦茨。1912年，第二任主席由格鲁特在柏林设立，1914年由奥托·福兰阁在汉堡殖民地研究所设立。--Kang Haoyu (talk) 02:12, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

19世纪60年代初以来，费迪南·冯·李希霍芬的地质地理研究之旅是对中国的开创性研究。1887年，柏林东方语言研究会开设了第一批汉语班和汉学班。1889年，德国第一个汉学委员会在莱比锡大学成立，第一个全职教授是汉斯·格奥尔格·科农·冯·德·加贝伦茨。1912年，第二个委员会由格鲁特在柏林设立，1914年由奥托·福兰阁在汉堡殖民地研究所设立了另一委员会。--Jiang Fengyi (talk) 12:38, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Kang Lingfeng 康灵凤

During colonial times, in which the German Empire held the Chinese colony “Kiautschou”, the interest in Chinese culture grew. The exile of many Chinese scientists in the period of National Socialism harmed the German Sinology sustainably. Since the opening up of the People's Republic of China in the 1980s, Sinology in Germany is no longer among the orchid subjects and new students of Sinology have good job prospects.

Kong Xianghui 孔祥慧

The change of attitude among early China experts with the example of the early reception of the Red Chamber Dreams

The Red Chamber Dreams shortly after publication in 1791 spread fast among the foreigners’ community including Robert Morrison (who incorporated parts of it into his language teaching material and dictionary already by 1813-1815).

早期中国专家态度的转变-以早期接受《红楼梦》为例 《红楼梦》在1791年出版后不久，就在国外迅速传播包括罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison）。罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison）早在1813年至1815年就将其部分内容纳入了他的语言教材和词典中。--Kong Xianghui (talk) 08:59, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

早期中国作家的态度转变，以《红楼梦》的早期收录为例

1791年，《红楼梦》出版后不久，便在包括罗伯特·莫里森(Robert Morrison)在内的国外社会迅速流传。（莫里森早在1813年-1815年就将《红楼梦》的部分内容引入其语言教材和词典中）--Chen Sunfu (talk) 06:48, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

早期中国专家态度的转变-以早期接受《红楼梦》为例 《红楼梦》在1791年出版后不久，就在国外迅速传播包括罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison）。罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison）早在1813年至1815年就将其部分内容纳入了他的语言教材和词典中。--Jiang Qiwei (talk) 07:18, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Kong Yanan 孔亚楠

The novel also was made known in partial translation both in English and French (by John Francis Davis) in Europe in 1819. However, for a few decades, the Western reviews of the book were mostly negative, revealing an ethnocentric approach, valuing Chinese literature below Western literature.

1819年，《红楼梦》的英语和法语（John Francis Davis译）的部分翻译使这部小说知名于欧洲。然而，几十年之后，西方对于该书的评论大多是消极的，他们认为该书呈现出种族中心主义的观点，并且认为西方文学高于中国文学。--Kong Yanan (talk) 03:27, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

1819年,该小说还被译成英语和法语（约翰·弗朗西斯·戴维斯译（John Francis Davis）），因而在欧洲为人所知。然而，几十年来，西方对该书的评论大多是负面的，这揭示了西方的一种民族中心主义，即认为西方文学高于中国文学。--Deng Jinxia (talk) 03:43, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

1819年，这部小说在欧洲被部分翻译成英语和法语（作者:约翰·弗朗西斯·戴维斯）。然而，几十年来，西方对该书的评论大多是负面的，即揭示了一种民族中心主义的态度，对中国文学的评价低于西方文学。--Li Lingyue (talk) 01:36, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Lei Fangyuan 雷方圆

It took almost a century to get to know each other better, to change attitudes from ethnocentric to dialectical, to stop exploiting the novel and to come to the insight that Chinese literature with Dream as one of its masterpieces was not only comparable to other world literatures but also could bring value to Western readers (Mayers 1867).

经过几乎一个世纪，双方增进了解，并从“民族中心主义”的优越感向辩证思想转变，停止利用小说互相攻击，开始深入了解中国文学，不仅将《红楼梦》这类杰作与其他世界文学相比较，而且，更重要的是将价值观带给西方读者。（梅辉立(Mayers) 1867年）。

几乎一个世纪,增进了彼此的了解。双方从“民族中心主义”转向辩证思想，停止利用小说互相攻击，并开始深入了解中国文学。不仅将《红楼梦》这类杰作与其他世界文学相比较，更是将价值观带给西方读者。（梅辉立(Mayers) 1867年）。--Kang Haoyu (talk) 02:17, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

近一个世纪，彼此之间增进了了解，从”民族中心主义“的优越感转向辩证思想，停止利用小说互相攻击，并开始深入了解以《红楼梦》为代表的中国文学，它不仅可以与世界其他文学相媲美，而且还可以为西方读者传递价值观。（梅辉立（Mayers） 1867年）。--Lei Fangyuan (talk) 13:30, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Lei Kuangxi 雷旷溪

Main Controversies

a) The Great Divergence

One of the main controversies in Chinese Studies is that for a long time China appeared economically backward (compared to Western European nations). Sociologists (Marx), philosophers (Hegel), economists (Kenneth Pomeranz: The Great Divergence) and sinologists tried to explain this with the static nature of Chinese economy due to Confucianism.

主要的争议

a)大分流

汉学研究的主要争议之一是，长期以来，中国出现了经济落后的情况(与西欧国家相比)。许多社会学家(如马克思)，哲学家(如黑格尔)，经济学家(如肯尼斯·彭慕兰：《大分流》)和汉学家试图用儒家思想所导致的中国经济的静态性来解释这一现象。--Lei kuangxi (talk) 03:06, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Lei Kuangxi

Li Haiquan 李海泉

Scholars have questioned this: Angus Maddison suggested that China was leading (rotating ranks with India) by GDP from 0 to 1550 so that the current development was a return to old status. Philipp C.C. Huang concentrated on rural developments and argued that only the concentration of production capibilities during the socialist reforms laid the foundation for today’s Chinese economical miracle. Today, sinologists argue that Confucianism is one of the main reasons for the economical miracle.

Li Lili 李丽丽

“The Chinese have as a general characteristic, a remarkable skill in imitation, which is exercised not merely in daily life, but also in art. They have not yet succeeded in representing the beautiful, as beautiful; for in their painting, perspective and shadow are wanting. “中国人有种普遍特征，即拥有卓越的模仿能力，这种能力不仅体现在日常生活中，也体现在艺术中。但由于其绘画领域中缺乏透视法和阴影画法，他们无法充分展现事物的美。--Li LIli (talk) 07:25, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Li Lili

“总之，这个民族有种罕见的模仿能力，这不仅体现在他们的日常生活中，也用运到了艺术创作当中。美作为美的事物去展示对于这个民族来说并不成功，因为在绘画中缺少了透视和阴影。

中国人有一个总体特征，那就是其超凡脱俗的模仿能力。这不仅体现在他们的日常生活中，也运用到了艺术创作当中。由于其绘画中缺乏透视法和阴影，他们无法淋漓尽致地表现出事物的美。--Mo Ling (talk) 14:28, 18 November 2020 (UTC)Mo Ling

“中国人有种普遍特征：一种卓越的模仿能力，这种能力不仅运用于日常生活中，也运用在艺术领域。但由于画中缺乏透视和阴影，中国人没能成功展现出美感”--Gan Fengyu (talk) 01:47, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Lingyue 李凌月

And although a Chinese painter copies European pictures (as the Chinese do everything else) correctly; although he observes accurately how many scales a carp has; how many indentations there are in the leaves of a tree; what is the form of various trees, and how the branches bend; - the Exalted, the Ideal and Beautiful is not the domain of his art and skill. The Chinese are, on the other hand, too proud to learn anything from Europeans, although they must often recognize their superiority.” Hegel, The Philosophy of History (transl. J. Sibree, p. 155)

即使中国画家原封不动地模仿欧洲的绘画，如若他知道鲤鱼有多少鳞片……，崇高的、理想的、美的事物也不是他的艺术土壤和擅长之处。” 黑格爾，《历史哲学讲演录》

尽管一个中国画家原封不动地地复制了欧洲的图画（就像中国人所做的所有事那样）；尽管他能准确地观察到鲤鱼有多少鳞片；一棵树的叶子上有多少凹痕；各种树木的形状是什么，树枝是如何弯曲的；崇高、理想和美丽不是他的艺术领域和技巧。另一方面，中国人过于骄傲，不愿向欧洲人学习任何东西，虽然他们必须经常认识到自己的优越性。J、 西布里，第155页）--Li Lingyue (talk) 01:34, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Liqin 李丽琴

b) Chinese and Western scholarship

Traditional Chinese education (focusing on self development and social harmony) differed much from Western scholarship (search for truth and universal human values). Chinese scholars of guoxue often do not recognize Western scholars of Hanxue as their colleagues. Today there are trends to return to Confucian education, teaching and scholarship in China, taking the Hanlin academy as example (see: Hong Kong College).

b）中西学问

中西方在传统教育方面又很大不同，前者侧重于追求自我发展和社会和谐，后者寻求真理和普世价值观。中国国学学者通常不把西方汉学学者当作同行。如今，儒家教育以及儒学研究在中国如火如荼，以翰林书院为例（见：香港大学）。--Li Liqin (talk) 07:19, 18 November 2020 (UTC)

b）中西学术 中国传统教育（注重自我发展和社会和谐）与西方学术（追求真理和普遍的人类价值）有很大不同。中国国学学者往往不承认西方汉学学者是他们的同僚。今天，中国教育有向儒学教育回归的趋势，以翰林院为例（参见：香港大学）。--Hu Baihui (talk) 03:17, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Luyi 李璐伊

Also Traditional Chinese Medicine has continued to be an alternative to Western medicine, although the general grouping into Yin and Yang has been proven to be arbitrary since objects/organs etc. historically were assigned to Yang for a time and to Yin at other times. However, acupuncture has been recognized by Western medicine to be effective. Western reproach towards Chinese scholarship is that it is not conducted in a free environment.

此外，传统中医仍然是西方医学的替代品。尽管因为物体/有机体等在历史上一段时间被指定为阳，一段时间被指定为阴，一般的阴阳分类已经被证明是随意的。然而，针灸仍被西医认为是有效的。西方对中国学术的指责是，它不是在一个自由的环境中进行的。--Li Luyi (talk) 16:51, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Meng 李梦

From Ethnocentrism and Exoticism to Universalism and Dialogue: the General Trend of Chinese Studies in the West - A Case Study of the Early Western Reception of Red Chamber Dreams

从种族中心主义和异国主义到普遍主义和对话： 西方中国学之总趋势——以《红楼梦》早期西方接受为例

Martin Woesler (Witten/Herdecke University, Peking Normal University, Nanking Normal University)

Abstract “Chinese Studies” (Sinology, Chinakunde, Études Chinoises etc.) in general from its origins until today sees a main trend from ethnocentrism and exoticism to universalism and dialogue. Undergoing historical periods of Chinoisérie and then China-bashing during imperialist and colonialist times, Chinese Studies at universities and in associations like the German China Association has established a more objective view on China. 摘要 “汉学” （又名“国学”、“中国学” 等等）自起源至今，大体上经过这样一条发展主线：从种族中心主义和追求异域风情发展至普世主义和对话机制。在经过中国风(Chinoisérie)时代，到批判和抨击中国（China-bashing）的帝国主义和殖民主义时代之后，汉学在大学和学术协会（如德中协会）里建立了一个对中国更为客观的看法。 摘要 “汉学” （又名“国学”、“中国学” 等等）自起源至今，大体上经过这样一条发展主线：从种族中心主义和追求异域风情发展至普世主义和对话机制。在经过中国风(Chinoisérie)时代，到批判和抨击中国（China-bashing）的帝国主义和殖民主义时代之后，大学和学术协会（如德中协会）的汉学建立了一个对中国更为客观的看法。--Li Meng (talk) 00:40, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Yongshan 李泳珊

Ethnocentrism is still existing among Western sinologists today and has to be fought. Still, the contemporary trends globalization, digitalization and travel freedom offer the current generation of sinologists so far unseen possibilities of international cooperation, promising extremely fruitful especially between distant cultures like China and the West. 但是，在当代西方汉学家中间仍然还存在民族中心主义，我们需要为此而抗争。随着全球化、数字化和“出境自由行”这三种当代趋向的出现，新一代汉学家获得了前所未见的国际合作可能，特别像是中西间如此大跨度的文化差异，其国际合作的前景和潜力更是无可估量。

Li Yu 李玉

Key words Ethnocentrism, Exoticism, Universalism, Chinese Studies, German China Association, universal values, Gregor Paul, cooperation, China and the West

關鍵詞 宗族中心主義、異國主義、普遍主義、漢學/中國學、德中協會、普遍價值觀、Gregor Paul、合作、中國與西方

When we define an academic category like “Chinese Studies”, we pay respect to the fact that the world historically has developed differently in different regions.

Lin Min 林敏

Of course the world was far less connected than today, with slow carriers like horses and ships and often bad or risky infrastructure like roads. Therefore it appears on first sight that these regions have developed their culture, their civilization and even first written languages on their own, independently.

当然，世界之间的联系远不如今天，诸如马和轮船之类的速度较慢的运输工具，以及诸如道路之类的基础设施往往损坏或危险丛丛。 因此，乍看之下，这些地区已经独立地发展了自己的文化、文明甚至第一语言。--Lin Min (talk) 08:29, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Lin Xin 林鑫

The oldest evidence of written civilizations, dating back around 3500 years BC, we find in the fertile crescent Mesopotamia with the clay tablets of the Sumerer. A little bit later there is evidence in Ancient Egypt, then in Proto-India and finally also in China.

最古老的文字文明的证据，可以追溯到公元前3500年，我们在美索不达米亚平原这片新月状的沃土中找到了苏美尔人的粘土板。随后在古埃及，然后是印度，最后在中国也相继找到了证据。--Lin Xin (talk) 12:03, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Ling Zijin 凌子瑾

But the more we explore history, the more fascinating evidence comes to light that these seemingly independently developing regions have had more trade relations and exchange of ideas than seems likely bearing in mind mobility: The Silk Road is not only rediscovered and reevaluated historically, but also rebuilt as a political agenda today. We today find early evidence of European civilizations in America and Asia as well as the Chinese civilization also in America and Europe.

但是我们对历史探索得越多,就有更多有趣的证据证明，比起看似可能存在的思维迁移，这些看似独立的发展中地区存在更多的贸易关系和思想交流，从历史角度来看，我们并不只是重新发现和重新评估丝绸之路,也是作为一个政治议程来重建它。我们今天在美洲和亚洲发现了欧洲文明的早期证据，在美洲和欧洲也发现了中国文明的早期证据。--Ling Zijin (talk) 09:23, 20 November 2020 (UTC) 但我们越是探索历史，就会发现更有吸引力的证据：这些看似独立发展的地区之间的贸易关系和思想交流比思维流动性更频繁：丝绸之路不仅在历史上被重新发现和重新评价，而且在今天也被重建为政治议程。如今，我们在美洲和亚洲发现了欧洲文明的早期证据而在美洲和欧洲也同样发现了中国文明。--Liubo (talk) 06:55, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Bo 刘博

Cultural Science is more influenced by its subject than other sciences, since we are part of it and cannot leave it to examine it. The history of cultural science has developed from the first times of intercultural encounters to today’s life, in which cultures are mixed and people understand each other as being part of different cultures simultaneously. 文化科学比其他科学更受其研究对象的影响，因为我们是它的一部分，不能离开它去研究它。文化科学的历史从最初的跨文化冲突发展到今天的生活，文化相互交融，人们作为不同文化的一部分互相理解。--Liubo (talk) 06:51, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

与其他科学相比，文化科学受其研究对象影响更大，因为我们是文化科学的一部分，不能独立于它去研究它。文化科学的历史已经从最初的跨文化交流发展到今天，文化相互交融，同时人们作为不同文化的一部分相互理解。--Li Luyi (talk) 17:10, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Jinxingqi 刘金惺琦

However, there will always be differentiation between cultures, simply because the trends of integration and separation occur at the same time.

When there is different cultures, there is an interest in comparing these. This medal has two sides. As soon as you start to compare, you may value. Cultural encounters happened before there were experts or a whole discipline.

Liu Liu 刘柳

So the first comparisons between cultures were ethnocentric: You compared whatever you encountered as “other”, “foreign” or “alien”, to your own culture. This was often accompanied with feelings. There was both, the feeling of fear of the unknown and curiosness in the exotic.

因此，文化间的第一次比较是具有种族中心主义的：你拿你遇到的任何事物与你自己的文化相比较，认为它们是“其他的”、“外国的”、“外来的”。这时常伴随着情绪：既有对未知的恐惧，也有对异国的好奇。--Liu Liu (talk) 15:33, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Ou 刘欧

You may categorize civilizations into so-called “high civilizations” and “low civilizations”, into “developed” and “underdeveloped” cultures. This was an ethnocentric approach in the age of cultural relativism. Today in the age of post-growth economy and after tragic experiences of colonialization and missionization, we know that each culture is equal and cannot be ranked to be higher or lower, of more or less value than the other.

你可以将文明分为所谓的“高级文明”和“低级文明”，“发达”和“欠发达”文化。 在文化相对主义时代，这是一种以民族为中心的方法。 但在后增长经济时代的今天，在经历了殖民化和传教化的不幸经历之后，我们知道，每种文化都是平等的，不能认为哪种文化的价值更高或更低。--Liu Ou (talk) 14:48, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Yangnuo 刘洋诺

While very early there were historians collecting knowledge from travel reports or official delegations visiting foreign cultures, in the middle ages handbooks collected the knowledge to describe different cultures. Even the Romans had words for the Chinese (Seres in the North and Sinae in the South) and attributed to Asian-looking people certain characteristics of behaviour, attitudes, value systems, beliefs, morals and character.

Liu Yi 刘艺

The first in-depth analysis of the Chinese culture through Western people came not with the merchants, but with the Jesuits. How few was known about China can be seen from the fact, that only the Jesuits managed to clarify, that the myth of the two empires, Tartary and Kitai/Cathay, in fact both were the same (China).

第一次通过西方人对中国文化进行深入的分析，不是来自商人，而是来自耶稣会士。对中国的了解是多么的少，这可以从以下事实中看出，只有耶稣会士设法澄清了鞑靼和基泰/卡泰两个帝国的神话，事实上，这两个帝国都是同一个（中国）。--Liu Yi (talk) 02:36, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

第一次对中国文学进行深入分析的西方人不是商人，而是耶稣会士。西方人对中国知之甚少可以从以下事实看出：只有耶稣会士成功地澄清了鞑靼和契丹这两个帝国的神话事实上是相同的（都属于中国）。--Kong Yanan (talk) 03:44, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Yiyu 刘怡瑜

However, the Jesuit’s approach was still ethnocentric and cultural relativist, because by portraying (like Du Halde) China as a seemingly ideal state suitable for mission work, they contributed to subjective views on China.

Around 1720 presumably the French Jesuit Jean-François Noëlas even translated the Dao de jing into Latin.[ Collani, Claudia von, Harald Holz, Konrad Wegmann eds. Uroffenbarung und Daoismus: jesuitische Missionshermeneutik des Daoismus. Europ. University Press, 2008. [Partial retranslation Chinese-Latin-German.]]

Liu Zhiwei 刘智伟

The translation turns out to deviate from the original in the way that we suddenly find the Christian trinity god in it.

This is the starting point of an ethnocentric tradition to read the self and the own into the other and the alien, instead of respecting the other as a value by itself and allowing it to even challenge the own beliefs.

Lou Cancan 娄灿灿

Even the German Christian missionary and sinologist Richard Wilhelm used a Christian language (belief, heavens’ doors, life after death etc.) in his influential 1919 Taoteking translation and in 1925 he translated “god” into the Analects of Confucius.

The missionaries baptized the seemingly “backward” aborigines in several continents, sometimes supported by the sword.

连德国基督教传教士兼汉学家理查德·威廉在其影响深远的1919年道教翻译中也使用了基督教语言(信仰、天堂之门、来生等)，并在1925年在《论语》中使用上帝这一翻译。

传教士们在几个大陆上给看似“落后”的土著人施洗，有时还用武力威胁。--Lou Cancan (talk) 02:23, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Luo Weijia 罗维嘉

A lot of cultures, considered less “developed”, were heavily influenced or even destroyed and extinguished. Earlier, the “Warriors of the Cross” even fought wars and devastated complete regions.

The other aspect, the exotization of the other was expressed by the way the first Chinese people who came to Europe were received: They were passed on at tea meetings and gazed at like animals.

许多被认为不太“发达”的文化受到了严重影响，甚至遭到破坏并且已经消亡。早些时候，“十字军”甚至发起战争，摧毁了整个地区。

另一方面， 异域化表现在第一批来到欧洲的中国人所能接受的方式：这些文化在茶话会上被传下来，受到瞩目。--Luo Weijia (talk) 13:56, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Luo Yuqing 罗雨晴

Soon Chinese goods became the symbol of the exotic. Chinese porcellain and nick-nacks, even Chinese-style buildings were recreated in Europe. The fever-like admiration of a China image, which certainly was not the true China, is called Chinoiserie. The Chinoiserie even involved European philosophers like Voltaire and Leibniz, who compared China to an ideal country without religion and still moral values, represented by a wise emperor.

很快中国货就成了异国情调的象征。中国的瓷器和小装饰品，甚至中国风格的建筑都在欧洲得以重现。狂热崇拜中国形象，被称为中国热，当然不是对真正中国形象的狂热。这股中国热甚至影响到伏尔泰和莱布尼茨这样的欧洲哲学家，他们把中国比作一个理想国家，这个国家没有宗教信仰和道德价值观，由一位睿智的皇帝所代表。--Luo Yuqing (talk) 05:03, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Ma Juan 马娟

In Europe, the first experts on Chinese culture were entrusted with the task to explain the Chinese culture no longer from the ethnocentric viewpoint, but from a scientific one: Professorships at universities were established. Their early translations show traces of admiration of the exotic. Chinoiserie was also countered by Européerie in China.

Ma Shuya 马淑雅

However, this phase did only last as long as it fit to European politics. As soon as the import of colonial goods (and resources) became an economic factor, the (wrong) image of the ideal China changed into a negative one (similarly wrong). Not only mission and belief were motifs to look down on the Chinese culture, but also the comparison of economic development and living standards.

Ma Zhixing 马智星

Hegel continued the ethnocentric view on China with his ranking of cultures. Although Confucius already had developed a “Golden Rule” principle comparable to Kant’s “Categorical Imperative”, Hegel declared Chinese philosophy as inferior to European philosophy, and even saw a geographical step by step development from Confucius over Buddha, Zarathustra, the ancient Greek and the Roman philosophy, leading to the European philosophy.

Meng Ying 孟莹

A ladder only second by the Arab philosophy. At the turn from the 19th to the 20th century, China was suddenly considered as static, as “the sick man of Asia”. Actually semi-colonialism in China helped to hinder development there.

Rereading the reviews of Chinese literature in contemporary Western journals, it is astonishing, how disrespectful even men of letters treated Chinese literature, even during a time, when it was not yet available in translation, so that it is save to say that ethnocentric attitude prevailed over knowledge.

Mo Ling 莫玲

This can be proven by the many mistakes you can find in the reviews (Morrison: the book was of low literary quality, but written in Peking dialect and therefore useful as language learning material; Gützlaff: the protagonist Baoyu is a petulant woman; Giles: the words “Red Chamber Dreams do not appear in the book” etc.).

错误百出的评论可以证明这一点（马礼逊：这本书没什么文采，但由于它是用北京方言所写，因而可以作为语言学习材料；居茨拉夫：主角宝玉真是一个爱耍小性子的女人；贾尔斯：“红楼梦没有在书中出现过”等等。）。--Mo Ling (talk) 14:17, 18 November 2020 (UTC)Mo Ling

书评中许多人对其的误解能证明这一点（马礼逊：这本书文笔拙劣，但由于是用北京话写的，因此可以用作语言学习材料;居茨拉夫：主角宝玉是一个被宠坏的女子; 贾尔斯：“红楼梦”一词没有在书中出现等）。--Ou Rong (talk) 08:47, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Ou Rong

Mo Nan 莫南

Also, the tradition of the title translation as “Dream of the Red Chamber” can be traced back to the origins of the better translation as “Red Chamber Dreams”, sacrificed by Francis Davis finally in favor of the powerful tool of Morrison’s dictionary calling it “Dream of the Red Chamber”.

Nie Xiaolou 聂晓楼

Here, the exotic was used to make fun of China. Barrow introduces an excerpt, describing the outward appearance of Baoyu and Xifeng, translated by Francis Davis into English, explicitely for the reason to “amuse the beaux and belles”. Francis Davis himself picks two poems from the novel for translation, but not for its own sake, but to use them as a proof for his own (minority) opinion that the Chinese poetry knew a certain, “descriptive” function of poems in novels.

Ou Rong 欧蓉

In 1815 Macao Reverend Robert Morrison (1782-1834) coined the Western translation of the novel’s title by mentioning it in his Dictionary of the Chinese Language as “[dreams of the red chamber.” He explained the character “妙” as in the novel’s character “妙玉 Meaou yǔh [Miao Yu]” as “the admirable gem, name of one of the female characters in the novel called 紅樓夢 the dreams of the red chamber”, see Robert Morrison: A Dictionary of the Chinese language in three parts, Macao: East India Company Press 1815, vol. I., 930 pp., here p. 614, left column. 24 years after the print edition was published, this is the first mention and translation of the novel’s title into a Western language known so far. If no earlier occurrence is found it means that Morrison created a translation which has lasted until today almost unchanged.] He chose the plural, which was quite reasonable as there are many dreams in the novel. It appears that 27 years later the plural “dreams” was turned into the singular “dream,” which sounds a bit more general and is therefore also a reasonable translation.

1815年，澳门牧师罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison，1782-1834年）在其《汉语词典》中将小说的标题称为“红楼梦”，从而创造了该小说的标题的西译本。[他解释道小说红楼梦中一个叫妙玉的女子就像是一块令人钦佩的宝石，参见罗伯特·莫里森：《汉语词典》三部分，澳门：东印度公司出版社1815年，第一卷p930，此处p614，左栏。印刷版出版24年后，这是第一次提及该小说，并将其标题翻译成迄今已知的西方语言。如果没有更早的发现，则意味着莫里森所创作的译本一直持续到今天几乎不变。]他选择了复数形式，这是相当合理的，因为小说中有许多梦想。似乎在27年后，复数的“梦”变成了单数的“梦”，听起来更笼统，因此也是一种合理的翻译。--Ou Rong (talk) 08:35, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Ou Rong

1815年，澳门牧师罗伯特·莫里森(1782-1834)在他的《汉语词典》中将《红楼梦》称作“dreams of the red chamber”，从而创造了小说的英文译名。他把《红楼梦》这本小说中一个女性人物的名字“妙玉”中的“妙”字解释为“令人艳羡的宝石”，（参见罗伯特·莫里森《汉语词典》，澳门：东印度公司出版社，1815年，第一卷第936页，此处第614页左栏)。在印刷版出版24年后，这是第一次提到并将标题翻译成西方语言。如果找不到比这还早的标题翻译，便意味着莫里森创造的翻译一直持续到今天都几乎发生没有改变。“梦”这个词的译文他选择了复数“dreams”，这是相当合理的，因为在小说中有许多梦。27年后，复数的“梦”（dreams)变成了单数的“梦”(dream)，这听起来有点笼统，但也是一个合理的翻译。--Lin Xin (talk) 12:35, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Ouyang Jinglan 欧阳静兰

Red Chamber Dreams is the most common translation in English and, in its variations, in all Western languages so far.

In 1817 Rev. Robert Morrison published a book for studying Chinese,[ Robert Morrison, A view of China for philological purposes: containing a sketch of Chinese Chronology, Geography, Government, Religion & Customs, designed for the use of persons who study the Chinese language, Macao: East Asia Company Press, 1817, 141 S., hier S. 120-121.] in which he recommended “Dreams of the Red Chamber” as beginner readings, together with the novel Hao qiu zhuan, which was available mostly in English and partly in Portuguese by 1719, and fully in English by 1761. Both were written in colloquial style.

Ouyang Ling 欧阳玲

Morrison claims that Dream was written in Peking dialect. This does not hold true, since the author’s family Cao came from the South and many people in the novel have Nanking dialect sprinkles. In fact, the highly artful and intentional switch of dialects and sociolects contributed to the later fame of the novel. Morrison’s mistake developed its own tradition.[ Even in 1995, you could read that the Dreams is written in Peking dialect, cf. Shu Changshan, Die Rezeption Thomas Manns in China, 1995, Frankfurt: Lang, 326 pp. At least Tong Yao, Die Vielfältigkeit der Literatur, 2006 mentions both Peking and Nanking dialects.]

马礼逊称《红楼梦》是用北京方言写的，但他的说法并不属实，因为书的作者曹雪芹其实是南方人，书中很多角色有时候还会说南京方言。实际上，书中地方方言和社会方言的切换十分巧妙，也是作者有意而为之，这也是此作品之后享有盛名的原因之一。马礼逊的这一错误还持续了很长一段时间。[ 甚至到了1995年仍有人说《红楼梦》是用北京方言写成。]--Ouyang Ling (talk) 11:07, 18 November 2020 (UTC)Ouyang Ling

马礼逊认为，《红楼梦》是用北京方言写的，但他的说法并不属实，《红楼梦》的作者曹雪芹其实是南方人，书中很多角色在某些场合甚至还会说南京方言。实际上，书中地方方言和社会方言的切换十分巧妙，这是作者有意而为之，也是《红楼梦》在后来享有盛名的原因之一。马礼逊的这一错误还持续了很长一段时间。[ 甚至到了1995年时，仍有人认为《红楼梦》是用北京方言写成。]--Guo Lu (talk) 02:22, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

马礼逊声称《红楼梦》是用北京方言写成的。这一说法是不正确的，因为作者曹雪芹来自南方，小说中很多人说话都有南京方言的色彩。事实上，方言和社会用语的巧妙和有意的转换为这部小说后来的名声做出了贡献。马礼逊的错误持续了很长一段时间。[即使是在1995年，还有人说《红楼梦》是用北京方言写成的。]--Ling Zijin (talk) 09:29, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Peng Dan 彭丹

Barrow mentioned the title “[...] a Chinese novel called Hung-low-Mung, or, The Red Chamber Dreams” on June 4, 1819, in the Quarterly Review. He inserted this （导言）reference into a review[ My own findings, so far not discussed in 20th century hongxue, and published first in October 2010. John Barrow, “Art. IV Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that Country, in the Years 1816 and 1817; containing an Account of the most interesting Transactions of Lord Amherst's Embassy to the Court of Pekin, and Observations on the Countries which it visited. By Clarke Abel F.L.S. London 1818”, in: William Gifford ed., Quarterly Review 21:41 (January 1819) S. 67-91, hier S. 79-80. This edition appeared (only by) June 4, 1819 with 13,000 copies. The author follows here the argumentation of the assignment to the author Barrow due to the following indications: “Gentleman's Magazine (Mar. 1844), 246-47. The article's author refers to #415 and #438 (including a specific reference), both of which are on the same topic and are by Barrow. Cf. also the discussion of infanticide (p.76) and Raffles's account of Java reviewed by Barrow in #422. In his Q[uarterly] R[eview] articles, it was Barrow's signature practice to refer to his own works, see “Quarterly Review Archive” http:// www.rc.umd.edu/reference/qr/index/41.html, last visited Dec 5, 2010.] of Clarke Abel’s report of a journey through China.[ Clarke Abel, Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that Country, in the Years 1816 and 1817; containing an Account of the most interesting Transactions of Lord Amherst's Embassy to the Court of Pekin, and Observations on the Countries which it visited, F.L.S. London 1818.] He interrupted his review with an excursus on the uniform appearance and static nature of the Chinese, in line with the contemporary China-bashing of Herder and Hegel.

Peng Juan 彭娟

For contemporary Europeans, the Chinese appeared abnormally uniform and simple in their clothes and appearance. They would not be subordinated to the tyranny of fashion; their culture was static. In order to entertain the “belles and beaux of Great Britain,” Barrow provides a foil to this general impression by quoting the descriptions of the garments and anatomy of two characters, Wang Xifeng and Jia Baoyu, from chapter 3 of J. Davis’ translation of Dream.

Peng Ruihong 彭锐宏

In fact the graphic comparisons given in these descriptions were simply strange to Europeans of that time, since they apparently did not correspond to the European’s own ideal of beauty.

Even in 1842 Gützlaff criticized: “the author [makes] many protestations of his inability to do justice to the subject, which indeed is the only truth in the book […] the style is without any art […] whosoever wishes to familiarize himself with the manner of speaking the northern court dialect, may peruse this work with advantage”[ “Amongst the novels of the Chinese, this work holds a decidedly high rank. The author, after making many protestations of his inability to do justice to the subject, which indeed is the only truth in the book […] Having brought this tedious story to a conclusion, in expressing our opinion about the literary merits of the performance, we may say that the style is without any art, being literally the spoken language of the higher classes in the northern provinces. Some words that are used in a sense different from that in ordinary writings, and others are formed for the occasion, to express provincial sounds. But after reading one volume the sense is easily understood, and whosoever wishes to familiarize himself with the manner of speaking the northern court dialect, may peruse this work with advantage.” ibid., p. 273.]

实际上，这些描述中给出的图形比较对于当时的欧洲人来说简直是陌生的，因为它们显然不符合欧洲人自己的美感。

甚至在1842年，居茨拉夫（Gützlaff）都批评说：“作者[对]他无法对这个主题伸张正义，提出了许多抗议，这确实是书中唯一的道理。以说北方法院方言的方式，可以有利地细读这部作品” [“在中国小说中，这部作品绝对享有很高的地位。在多次抗议他无法公正对待这个主题之后，这确实是本书中唯一的真相[...]总结了这个乏味的故事，在表达我们对表演文学价值的看法后，我们可以说这种风格没有任何艺术意义，实际上是北部省份上层阶级的口头语言。有些词的用法与普通著作有所不同，而另一些词的用法则是为了表达省级声音。但是，读完一卷书后，这种感觉很容易理解，并且无论谁希望熟悉北部法院方言的表达方式，都可以从中受益。同上，p。273.] --Peng Ruihong (talk) 03:49, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Peng Xiaoling 彭小玲

In 1867, 78 years after the first Chinese printed edition, we find a first real in-depth review of two pages by William Frederick Mayers:[ William Frederick Mayers, in: Notes and Queries (Dec 31, 1867) pp. 167-168, here p. 167. Mayers was Chinese secretary of the British Legation at Peking. He gives also short extracts in translation: “Vast as is Heaven above or Earth below – Sighs may such limits fill for passion vainly past Grieve for the senseless youth, the hapless maiden’s woe ! Not oft is love’s light pledge redeem’ed at last ! ” (p. 167) […] Vain to be soft in temper, mild in ways, Fair as the fairest … (p. 168) […] Not often shines thy longings too are vain ! ” (p. 168)].]

“If it be lawful to avow a feeling approaching to enthusiasm for any Chinese production, The Hung Low Mêng 紅樓夢 or ‘Dreams of the Red Chamber’ is beyond possibility of cavil the work for which genuine admiration may be expressed.

1867年，即第一本中文印刷版出版78年之后，我们对梅辉立的两页进行了首次真正的深入回顾：[梅辉立，在：中日释疑（1867年12月31日）,第167-168页，此处第167页。梅辉立曾担任英国使馆驻北京的中国秘书。他还给出了一些翻译中的简要摘录： “天堂之上或地狱之下都很广阔– 叹息可能会限制过去的激情 为无知的青年，不幸的少女而悲伤！ 最后，爱的誓言不是经常被兑现的！ ”（第167页）[…] 不会脾气柔和，方式温和， 公平为最公平…（第168页） […] 不常发光 你的渴望也是徒劳的！ ” (第168页)].]

“如果公然宣称对任一中国作品充满热情的感觉是合法的，那么要对红楼梦或‘Dreams of the Red Chamber’的无端指摘表示真正的钦佩是不可能的。--Peng Xiaoling (talk) 13:37, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Peng Yongliang 彭永亮

What, in English literature, the writings of Thackeray and Bulwer are in comparison with the wearisome and unskilful productions of previous generations, such is the Hung Low Mêng when compared with the works of fiction that have emanated from other Chinese authors.

Peng Yuzhi 彭育志

Human character in its complex variety of shades, the intricacies of family relations, the force of passion and the torture of disappointed yearnings after love are pourtrayed with a degree of skill and knowledge such as in truth suggests a resemblance with the two great master-spirits of English romance;

复杂多变的人物性格，错综复杂的家庭关系，猛烈的激情，追求爱情而不得的折磨，凡此种种，作者都以具有技巧和才识的笔触描绘出来，这事实上展现了他与两位英国浪漫小说大师的相似之处。--Peng YuZhi (talk) 04:41, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Qi Kai 漆凯

whilst, as in Nature's own drama of existence, the reflections of storm and sunshine are closely interlaced, and the lighter thread of comedy runs side by side with the dark main-strand of a story which opens with the omens of sorrow and is conducted to a tearful end.

同时，就像在自然界的生存戏剧中一样，风暴和阳光的反射紧密地交织在一起，喜剧的轻快线与故事的黑暗主线并排而行，故事的黑暗主线以悲伤的预兆开始，以泪洗面而终。--QiKai (talk) 12:35, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Qi Kai

同时，正如自然存在本身就具有戏剧性，风暴与阳光之间的映射紧密纠缠，明亮的喜剧线与黑暗的故事主线并肩而行，展开故事，它以悲伤的预兆开头，并最终导向令人垂泪的结局。--Peng YuZhi (talk) 04:56, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Qu Miao 瞿淼

If, at the same time, a faint – a very faint – tinge of the supernatural is allowed to show itself in the conception of the tale, this is not only in full accord with the inclinations of the people for whom the work is written, but is also far less obtrusive than the similar element which pervades more than one of our own most celebrated fictions. […]”

Quan Meixin 全美欣

Reading through almost 80 years of reviews, during which more and more chapters of the novel became available, the ethnocentric attitude gradually changes to the scientific one and finally, with Mayr’s review of 1867 to a dialectic one, not only admitting that the Chinese novel was a piece of world literature, but even leaving open the possibility that it surpassed literary achievements of the own culture.

Sagara Seydou

This process certainly has been brought to a good end with the establishment of further diversified Chinese Studies in Europe and the USA, with the role of overseas Chinese at American universities, with further translations especially through Franz Kuhn in the 1930s and with the establishment of the German China Association in the 1950s. 随着在欧洲和美国建立更多多元化的中文研究，在美国大学中扮演海外华人的角色，尤其是在1930年代通过Franz Kuhn进行的进一步翻译以及 1950年代的德国中国协会.--Sagara Seydou 3 (talk) 03:12, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Shi Diwen 石迪文

During its 60 years of history, the German China Association (next to the developing chairs of Chinese Studies at universities and next to other organizations dealing with China like friendship associations and Confucius Institutes) has helped to overcome prejudices, cultural relativism with diversity and tolerance. This is especially challenging, because the cultures and languages are quite distant and German media and internet community tends to bash China.

During the last 20 years, the German China Association was shaped through its prolific president, Gregor Paul, who has shaped the prestige of the Association with his sharp and precise analysis of a common logic in China and the West as well as universal values, including human rights, worth to strive for both in the West and in China.

在其60年的历史中，德国中国协会(旁边是正在发展的大学中国研究中心，旁边是其他与中国打交道的组织，如友好协会和孔子学院)以多样性和宽容帮助克服偏见和文化相对主义。这尤其具有挑战性，因为两国文化和语言相当遥远，而德国媒体和互联网社区往往会抨击中国。 在过去的20年里,德国的中国协会在优秀的主席格雷戈尔保罗领导下建立,通过敏锐和精确的分析中国和西方的一个共同的逻辑，还有普世价值,包括值得一起追求的人权，他建立起了这个协会的声誉。--Shi Diwen (talk) 04:17, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Shi Haiyao 石海瑶

His entertaining and informative lectures used a rhethoric often referring to persuasive conventional wisdom, e.g. that differences often come from different opinions instead of a difference of the nature of the things, as can be seen from a quarrel with his wife about what both remembered had happened the day before. Paul is a consequent logician and a real universalist and he has added to Germany’s international reputation as “the land of poets and thinkers”.

The process of doing more justice to China today culminates in the cooperation between Chinese and Western scholars at international conferences, in research projects or international book projects like “A Harvard Literary History of Modern China”.

他的演讲娱乐性强，内容翔实，善用修辞，引经据典。例如：分歧往往源于意见不和，而非事情性质不一致，这从他和妻子的争吵中可以看出，他们都记得前一天发生的事情。保罗是一名逻辑学家和普遍主义者，他提升了德国的国际声誉，德国被誉为“诗人和思想家的国度”。

如今，中国与西方学者在国际会议、研究项目或诸如“现代中国的哈佛文学史”之类的国际图书项目上的合作，是对中国更加公正的体现，也是合作达到高潮的体现。--Shi Haiyao (talk) 06:18, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Si Yu 司妤

Europeans (and later US-Americans) have made a contribution to Chinese Studies in general. They were influenced heavily by the idealizers (Jesuits, European philosophers of the enlightenment) and by China-bashers (Hegel, the German emperor...). It took 100 years for a Chinese piece of world literature to be recognized as such in Europe. But today, Chinese literature and culture is recognized with the Nobel Prize and Confucius Institutes do successful work in the whole work promoting and exporting Chinese culture abroad.

However, we should not overestimate the European contribution. There are still examples of ethnocentrism, even of religiously motivated reading of things into Chinese literature. One of these examples is the 10 volume History of Chinese Literature published in Bonn.

总体上来说，欧洲人（以及后期的美国人）对中国的研究做出了贡献。研究很大程度上受到了理想主义者（耶稣会士和德国启蒙哲学家）以及抨击中国者（黑格尔和德国教皇）的影响。中国的文学作品花费了100年的时间才能得到像欧洲文学那样的认可。但是如今，中国文学和文化已经受到诺贝尔奖的认可，孔子学院也成功地在国外传播弘扬中国文化。

然而，我们不能高估欧洲对中国文学的贡献。仍有很多民族中心主义的例子，甚至有宗教鼓励性的读物混入中国文学当中。其中一个例子便是在波恩出版的《十卷中国文学史》。--Si Yu (talk) 03:12, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Song Jianru 宋建茹

In two volumes, the one about the origins of Chinese literature and the one on Chinese poetry, a German sinologist, who formerly was a priest, defines, that the origin of Chinese literature lies in the dialogue of the author with god. This reminds us again of the Jesuit reading of things into Chinese texts, it reminds us of the attempts, to impose your own culture on other seemingly backward cultures, in this case even the try to impose the Western god on the Chinese culture of a time, when China had a totally different understanding of the world and of heaven than that of a Christian god. The emergence of Chinese literature comes from songs, speeches and paintings, from the wish to document events, family etc., but not from an encounter with god.

其中的两卷，一卷关于中国文学的起源，另一卷关于中国的诗歌。有位曾担任过牧师的德国汉学家认为，中国文学源于作家与上帝的对话。这让我们再次想起耶稣会教士对中文文本的解读，他们试图将其自身文化强加到其他看似落后的文化上。在这本书中，这位汉学家甚至试图把西方的上帝强加到某一时期的中国文化上，尽管中国对世界和天堂的理解与西方完全不同。其实，中国文学兴于诗歌、演讲和绘画，把美好愿景和文献记载世代相传，而非源自与上帝的邂逅。--Song Jianru (talk) 13:20, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

其中的两卷，一卷关于中国文学的起源，另一卷关于中国的诗歌。有位曾担任过牧师的德国汉学家认为，中国文学源于作家与上帝的对话。这让人联想到耶稣会教士对中文文本的解读，他们试图将其自身文化强加到其他看似落后的文化上。在这本书中，这位汉学家甚至试图把西方的上帝强加到某一时期的中国文化上，而这个时候中国对世界和天堂的理解与西方完全不同。其实，中国文学兴于诗歌、言论和绘画，从美好愿景到记载事件、家族等，而非源自与上帝的邂逅。--Shi Diwen (talk) 04:25, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Su Lin 苏琳

The same German sinologist retranslated the Analects, attributed to Confucius, and translated some of the more than 50 occurrences of “heaven” or “demon/ghost” with the term “god”.

Experts on Confucius also quote the few passages, where Confucius addresses the question of the supranatural like ghosts etc. and analyze that Confucius may have been at best not interested or even negative about the belief in ghosts, while he was positive about the social stability and peace rituals brought for the people.

This reminds us of the fact, that it is to us to make sure that ethnocentrism is still existing today and that science is a field that needs to be aware of and cautious about it. And it needs courage to speak out against it.

Tan Xingyue 谭星越

“We were wrong” – Coming to terms with failed master narratives of Chinese Studies “我们错了”——汉学应对主流叙事传统

Martin Woesler 吴漠汀

Abstract 摘要

We, the international scholars of Chinese Studies, apologize for two main misinterpretations of China. 1. The master narrative of Jesuits and others who tried to proof the Western Christian god in ancient Chinese texts. As a tool, they used a distortion of the Chinese texts by manipulated translation.

我们是中国研究的国际学者，对中国的两个主要误解道歉。 1.耶稣会士和其他人在古代中国文本中试图证明西方基督教之神的主要叙事。作为一种工具，他们通过操纵翻译来歪曲中文文本。

“我们错了”---学会接受错误的汉学主流叙述

吴漠汀

摘要

我们作为汉学的海外学者，要向中国道歉，因为我们在两个方面误读了中国。1. 耶稣会教士和其他人的主流叙事试图证明古代中国作品存在西方的基督教上帝。他们通过操纵翻译来歪解中国作品。--Song Jianru (talk) 14:36, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Tan Xinjie 谭鑫洁

2. The master narrative of the stagnation of China, sometimes claimed to be inherent and systemic, often reasoned with Confucianism. This narrative was a dogma for 150 years between 1830 and 1980. The disruptive economic development since 1978 has proven this narrative wrong, Confucianism is seen as one reason for the economic miracle.

2.关于中国停滞的主要叙述，有时被称为固有的和系统性的，常常用儒家思想来推理。这种叙述是1830年至1980年间150年的教条。自1978年以来的破坏性经济发展证明了这种叙事错误，儒家思想被视为经济奇迹的一个原因。

常以儒家思想为依据的中国停滞论有时被认为是固有的和系统性的。在1830-1980年这150年间，这种说法如同教条主义一般。直到1978年中国经济飞速发展才证明这种说话是错误的，儒家思想也被视为中国经济奇迹的原因之一。--Tan Xinjie (talk) 04:49, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

2.中国停滞的主要叙述有时是内在的、系统的，通常由儒家思想所论证。这种叙述是1830年至1980年间150年的教条。自1978年以来的破坏性经济发展证明了这种叙述是错误的，而儒家思想被视为经济奇迹的原因之一。--Peng Xiaoling (talk) 01:31, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

关于中国发展停滞不前的大体说法有时被认为是固定的、系统的，且往往以儒家思想为依据。在1830-1980年这150年里，这种说法像教条一样根植人心。直到1978年以后，中国经济的腾飞推翻了这一说法，儒家思想也被视为是中国经济奇迹的原因之一。--Tang Yiran1 (talk) 03:20, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Tan Yuanyuan 谭媛媛

3. The master narrative of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution as a successful Communist reform. During the 1970s, Western sinologists abandoned basic principles of neutrality, distance and fact-seeking and, based on propaganda, enthusiastically celebrated the Cultural Revolution and became dedicated followers of Mao Zedong, holding up the Little Red Book.

无产阶级文化大革命的主要叙事是成功的共产主义改革。在20世纪70年代，西方汉学家放弃了中立，距离和事实寻求的基本原则，并在宣传的基础上，热烈地庆祝文化大革命，成为毛泽东的忠实粉丝，举起小红皮书。相信中国宣传的意愿部分是出于将中国理想化为一种模式的愿望，这种模式可以为西方社会的改革指明方向。

主述将无产阶级文化大革命（文革）描述为共产党的一场成功改革。20世纪70年代，西方汉学家放弃了中立、保持距离、实事求是的基本原则，并在宣传的基础上，热衷于庆祝文化大革命，高举小红书，成为毛泽东的忠实追随者。--Tan Yuanyuan (talk) 10:40, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Tang Bei 汤蓓

The readiness to believe in the Chinese propaganda was partly motivated by the wish to idealize China into a model which could show the way for a reform of Western societies.

相信中国宣传的意愿部分是出于将中国理想化为一种模式的愿望，这种模式可以为西方社会的改革指明方向。

人们愿意相信中国的宣传，部分原因是希望将中国理想化为一种典范，可以为西方社会改革指明道路。 --Luo Yuqing (talk) 05:07, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Tang Ming 唐铭

Key words

关键词

Apology, errors, mistakes, manipulation, ethnocentrism, eurocentrism, master narratives, Chinese Studies, sinology, coming to terms with the past

道歉，错误，错误，操纵，种族中心主义，欧洲中心主义，大师叙事，中国研究，汉学，与过去达成协议

Tang Yiran 汤伊然

1. God in China上帝在中国

Human beings develop ancestor worship, complemented by natural religions. The natural religions established a layer of shamans who interpreted the will of the natural gods.

人类发展祖先崇拜，辅以自然宗教。自然宗教建立了一套解释自然神灵意志的法则。

人类开创了祖先崇拜的先例，并辅以自然宗教。自然宗教组建了一支能解释自然神灵意志的萨满法师队伍。--Tang Yiran1 (talk) 02:38, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Tao Ye 陶冶

In India, the layer of priests of the Vedan religion alienated from the people, because the religious texts of Vedan religion brought a conservating effect to language, texts were canonized and finally not understood by ordinary people any more.

在印度，Vedan宗教的神职人员与人民疏远，因为Vedan宗教的宗教文本对语言产生了保护作用，文本被册封，最后不再为普通人所理解。

Wang Meiling 王美玲

Finally, only the Vedan priests could understand the Vedan texts any more. This was the start of the so-called “anti-religious” start of Buddishm.

最后，只有Vedan牧师才能理解Vedan文本。这是Buddishm所谓的“反宗教”起源的开始。

最后，只有Vedan牧师才能理解Vedan文本。这是佛教所谓的“反宗教”起源的开始。--Wang Meiling (talk) 13:50, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Wang Xuan 王轩

Due to the alienation of people and the religious texts and its priests, Buddha was able to establish Buddhism. He claimed that every individual was able to find his or her own way to self-perception and spiritual liberation (nirvana).

由于人与宗教文本及其祭司的异化，佛陀能够建立佛教。他声称每个人都能找到自己的自我认知和精神解放的方式（涅槃）。

由于人们和宗教文本及其祭司的异化，佛陀得以建立佛教。他宣称，每个人都能找到自己的方式来实现自我认知和精神解脱（涅槃）。--Liu Yi (talk) 02:38, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

人们和宗教由于文本及其祭司发生了异化，佛陀得以建立佛教。佛陀宣称，每个人都能找到自己的方式来实现自我认知和精神解脱（涅槃）。--Wang Meiling (talk) 13:59, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Wang Yu 王煜

Although Buddha did not abandon priests, he established the new tradition that masters would have their disciples and these could overcome their masters. Also, Buddha destroyed the perfectionism of the almighty god by claiming that the life of imperfect men simply was much more interesting.

虽然佛陀没有放弃传教者，但他建立了新的传统，即主人会有他们的门徒，这些人可以推翻他们的主人。此外，佛陀通过声称不完美男人的生活更加有趣，摧毁了全能神的完美主义。

Wang Yuan 王源

In China, ancestor worship has kept its dominant role until today. Although there was the age of shamans, since several millenia every family clan had its own tradition of ancestor worship. It was believed that the ancestors in heaven watched over and influenced the lives of their descendants on earth.

在中国，祖先崇拜一直保持其主导地位，直到今天。虽然萨满有年龄，由于几千年来每个家族都有自己的祖先崇拜传统。据信，天上的祖先观看并影响了他们在地球上的后代的生活。

Wei Honglang 韦洪朗

So the most important unit were family clans. Even rulers used fire cracks and characters inscribed in turtle shells or cattle bones to communicate with the ancestors and to predict the future.

所以最重要的单位是家族。甚至统治者也使用火龟纹和龟壳或牛骨上的字符来与祖先交流并预测未来。

因此最核心的单位是家族。统治者甚至通过把火裂纹和符号刻在龟壳和牛骨上的方式和祖先进行交流和预测未来。--Wei Honglang (talk) 05:24, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Wei Yafei 魏亚菲

However, when the dynasty changed and a new ethnic group took over, they could not claim the ancestors to be their relatives any more, so the shangdi concept was replaced by heaven (tian) and related understandings like “son of heaven”, “mandate of heaven” etc., supllying them with legitimization of power.

然而，当王朝改变并且一个新的族群接管时，他们不能再宣称祖先是他们的亲戚，所以上帝的概念被天堂（天）和相关的理解所取代，如“天堂之子”，“任务”天国等等，用权力合法化来贬低他们。

Wen Sixing 文偲荇

Although there were mythical divine creatures, the understanding of gods was not developed as distinct and authoritative as in Europe and Egypt. Egypt and Europe both further developed from multi theism to mono theism.

虽然有神话般的神圣生物，但对神的理解并没有像欧洲和埃及那样发展出独特和权威。埃及和欧洲都从多神论到单一神论进一步发展。

虽然有神话中的神创物，但对神的理解并没有像在欧洲和埃及那样发展得独特而权威。埃及和欧洲都从多神论进一步发展到一神论。--Wensixing (talk) 02:21, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

---

尽管存在神话中的神圣生物，但对神灵的了解却没有欧洲和埃及那样独特而权威。埃及和欧洲都是从多神论进一步发展到一神论的。--Wu Qi (talk) 08:46, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Wen Xiaoyi 文晓艺

Theism established a layer of priests, occupying the role of mediators between god and men. Since every uncontrolled authority abuses its power, these mediators gained earthly wealth and took advantage of their control over people by abuse of their work force and even sexual abuse.

有神论建立了一套祭祀法则，成为了神与人之间调解者的角色。由于每个不受控制的权威都滥用权力，这些调解人获得了人间的财富，并利用他们对工作人员的滥用甚至性虐待来控制他们。 有神论确立了一些神职人员来充当上帝和人民之间的调停者。无限制的权力会导致权力的滥用，因此这些调停者不仅获得了大量的财富，还利用自己对人民的控制来压榨他们的劳动力甚至是通过性虐待来达到此目的。--Wen Xiaoyi (talk) 14:08, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Wu Kai 吴恺

In Europe, the power was divided among the rulers and the church, represented by the pope, the cardinals, the bishops and the priests.

在欧洲，权力在统治者和教会之间分配，由教皇，红衣主教，主教和神父代表。

在欧洲，权力被统治者和以教皇、红衣主教、主教和神父为代表的教会所控制，并且被分享、分配。--Wu Kai (talk) 04:21, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

在欧洲，由统治者和以教皇，红衣主教，主教和神父为代表的教会掌控分配权力。--WuQiong (talk) 03:55, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

在欧洲，统治者和以教皇，红衣主教，主教和神父为代表的教会分配权力。--Blank (talk) 04:02, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Wu Qi 吴琪

Since religion in general claims to be valid for all of menkind, when new territories were discovered in East Asia and Africa, the missionaries tried to enlarge the territorium under their control by forcing locals to accept European religions and societal development models like modernization and economical development. 因为宗教通常声称对所有人都有效，所以当在东亚和非洲发现新的领土时，传教士试图通过迫使当地人接受欧洲宗教和社会发展模式，如现代化和经济发展，来扩大他们控制下的领土。--Wu Qi (talk) 08:34, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

由于宗教一般主张对所有人都有效，所以当在东亚和非洲发现新的领土时，传教士会试图通过强迫当地人接受欧洲的宗教和社会发展模式，如现代化和经济发展，来扩大自己控制的领土。--Tan Xinjie (talk) 04:56, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Wu Qiong 吴琼

After the first missionaries arrived in China and saw that the exchange was positive for both sides, they also developed a motivation to keep the missionaries alive, which was a second motivation for them.

在第一批传教士抵达中国，并看到双方的交流是积极的之后，他们也发展了一种让传教士活动的动力，这是他们的第二个动机。--WuQiong (talk) 07:47, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

在第一批传教士抵达中国后，并看到这种交流对双方来说都是积极的，他们也就产生了另一个动力，让传教士们积极活动。--Xu Mengdie (talk) 11:11, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xu Mengdie

Wu Xiang 邬香

Since the Christian religion is a religion revealed in divine texts, the missionaries had a strong motivation to find evidence in the classical Chinese texts that the Christian god also existed there. So among the first texts, they selected, translated and sorted were the canonized texts. A good example is the Daodejing which they translated in a distorted way, allowing them to proof the existence of the Christian god in China.

由于基督教是一种神圣文本中所揭示的宗教，传教士有强烈的动机在中国古典文本中找到证据，证明基督教的神也存在于那里。 因此，在第一批文本中，他们选择、翻译和排序的是册封文本。一个很好的例子就是《道德经》，他们以扭曲的方式翻译，使他们能够证明中国基督教神的存在。

由于基督教起源于神圣文本，所以传教士很想在中国古典作品中找到基督教的神亦存在的证据。因此，他们最初选择、翻译、排序的文章都是经典作品。这些传教士歪曲事实，翻译《道德经》是一个很好的证明。其目的是证明中国存在基督教的神。--Wu Xiang (talk) 04:35, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Wu Yilu 吴一露

This was the first major mistake, the attitude of Europeans to find evidence of their European god in Chinese roots. This attidtude lead to translation practises abandoning the basic rules of the profession:

这是第一个重大错误，即欧洲人在中国人根源中找到欧洲神的证据的态度。这种原因导致翻译实践放弃了专业的基本规则：

这是第一个重大错误，即欧洲人想寻找证据，证明自己的欧洲神明存在于中国人根源之中的这种态度。这种态度导致其在翻译实践中放弃专业的基本规则：--Wu Yilu (talk) 02:14, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

这是第一个重大错误，即欧洲人试图在中国根源中找到欧洲神的证据的态度。这种态度导致翻译实践放弃了专业的基本规则：--Wensixing (talk) 02:24, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Wu Zijia 吴子佳

Terms, concepts and ideas sounding familiar were forcibly changed into the original European meaning. However, the published translations did only show a slight influence of this practise, the main translations, e.g. of the Daodejing first were not published, but discussed internally.

熟悉的术语、概念和想法被强制改变，具有原欧洲意义。但是，已发表的翻译并没有受太大影响，主要翻译，例如最初没有发表的《道德经》，在内部进行了讨论。--Wu Zijia (talk) 03:25, 19 November 2020 (UTC)Wu Zijia

为人熟知的术语、概念和想法被强制改变为原欧洲意义。然而，已发表的翻译作品仅受到了轻微影响。但主要的翻译作品，例如最初没有发表的《道德经》，在内部进行了讨论。--Yang Yue (talk) 04:35, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

为人所熟知的术语、概念和思想，被迫改为原来的欧洲含义。然而，已发表的翻译只是受到了这种做法的轻微影响，但主要的翻译作品，如《道德经》最初没有出版，而是进行内部讨论。--Zhao Xi (talk) 11:07, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Xiao Shuangling 肖双玲

The outcome of the discussion was that the deviations in the translations would have to go too far and ultimately that there was no proof of the Christian god in ancient Chinese texts.

讨论的结果是，翻译中的偏差必须走得太远，最终在中国古代文本中没有基督教之神的证据。

讨论的结果是，译本的偏差会太大，最终导致在古代中国文本中没有基督教上帝存在的证据。--Xiao Shuangling (talk) 01:21, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Shuangling

讨论的结果是译本可能会偏差过大，最终导致在中国古籍中没有基督教存在的依据了。--Xiao Ting (talk) 07:50, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Ting

Xiao Ting 肖婷

Nonetheless, since then several missionaries, priests (Richard Wilhelm) and sinologists (Wolfgang Kubin) still tend to translate the Chinese concept of “heaven” into concepts familiar to Europeans like “god”.

尽管如此，从那时起，几位传教士，牧师（理查德威廉）和汉学家（顾彬）仍然倾向于将中国的“天堂”概念翻译成欧洲人熟悉的概念，如“上帝”。

尽管如此，从那时起，一些传教士、牧师（如理查德·威廉）和汉学家（如沃尔夫冈·库宾）还是倾向于把中国的“天”译作欧洲人所熟悉的概念，如“上帝”--Xiao Ting (talk) 07:41, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Ting

尽管如此，从那时起，一些传教士、牧师(理查德·威廉)和汉学家(沃尔夫冈·库宾)仍然倾向于把中国的“天堂”概念翻译成欧洲人熟悉的概念，比如“上帝”。--Xiao Shuangling (talk) 01:26, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Shuangling

Xiao Xi 肖茜

This is wrong and we as sinologists, apologize to the Chinese citizens for this eurocentric approach. We hope to overcome this historical mistake by cooperation with our Chinese colleagues.

这是错误的，我们作为汉学家，为这种以欧洲为中心的方法向中国公民道歉。我们希望通过与中国同事的合作修正这一历史错误。

这是错误的，并且作为汉学家，我们为这种以欧洲为中心的做法向中国公民道歉。我们希望通过与中国同事的合作来纠正这一历史错误。--XiaoXi (talk) 06:29, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Xi

这种以欧洲为中心的做法是不对的。作为汉学家，我们为此向中国公民道歉，希望能够和中国汉学家合作来纠正这个历史错误。--Wu Xiang (talk) 04:45, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Xiao Yining 肖伊宁

All institutionalization develops inertia, the Chinese society was very instituionalized, therefore the Christianization in general failed. However, he secondary aims of the missions, to bring the European understanding of societal development (development of economy, health, education bringing about progress and modernization) were a success.

所有制度化都发展了惯性，中国社会非常机构化，因此基督教化总体上失败了。 然而，他的使命的次要目标，使欧洲对社会发展的理解（经济、健康、教育带来进步和现代化）的成功是成功的。

一切制度化都滋长了惰性，中国社会非常制度化，因此基督教化总体上失败了。然而，他的任务的第二个目标是，使欧洲人了解社会发展（经济、卫生、教育的发展带来进步和现代化），这个目标成功了。--Xiao yining (talk) 10:42, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Yining

一切制度化滋长了惰性，中国社会非常制度化，因此基督教化总体上失败了。然而，他的任务的第二个目标：使欧洲人了解社会发展（经济、卫生、教育的发展带来进步和现代化），成功了。--Lou Cancan (talk) 02:34, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Xie Fan 解帆

The missionaries translated European books of knowledge into Chinese and therefore practically performed a knowledge transfer. Also the learning of foreign languages enhanced.

传教士将欧洲知识书籍翻译成中文，实际上不仅传递了知识，也提高了他们外语学习的能力。--XieFan (talk) 09:27, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

传教士将欧洲的知识书籍译成了中文，从而将知识的传递落到了实处。人们的外语学习能力也得到了提高。--Yao Jia (talk) 00:53, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Xie Ziyi 谢子熠

During history, the authoritarian rule was replaced by democracies. In China, this was the case with the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912. During history, the power of the church was also restrained with protestant reformism.

在历史上，专制统治被民主取代。 在中国，1912年中华民国成立就是这种情况。在历史上，教会的权力也受到新教改良主义的制约。

在历史上，专制统治被民主制所取代。 在中国，1912年中华民国成立就是这种情况。在历史上，新教改革派也限制了教会的权力。--Ishikami (talk) 04:23, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

在历史上，独裁统治被民主政体所取代。而在中国，中华民国于1912年成立就是这样的事件。历史上，教会的权力也受到新教改革主义的制约。--Wu Kai (talk) 04:27, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Xu Jia 徐佳

Religions are more or less tolerant regarding people believing in different religions or regarding atheists. Islam in average is less tolerant the Christianity.

宗教对于相信不同宗教或无神论者的人或多或少都是宽容的。平均而言，伊斯兰教对基督教的宽容度较低。

各大宗教对于有别的宗教信仰的人或无神论者或多或少持宽松态度。一般而言，伊斯兰教对基督教徒的宽松度较低。--Xu Jia (talk) 05:32, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Xu Jia

任何宗教对于信仰不同宗教的人或无神论者都有着或多或少的宽容。一般来说，伊斯兰教对基督教的宽容度较低。--Xu Jing2 (talk) 06:07, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Xu Jing 许晶

Since two millenia, Europe has been dominated by Christianity and China mostly by ancestor worship, with a huge tolerance towards Buddhism, Daoism and other forms of religious practises.

自两千年以来，欧洲一直由基督教和中国主导，主要是祖先崇拜，对佛教、道教和其他形式的宗教活动有着巨大的容忍。

自从两千年以来，欧洲一直以基督教为主，中国大多以崇拜祖先为主，对佛教，道教和其他形式的宗教活动具有极大的容忍度。--Xu Jing2 (talk) 06:02, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Xu Jing 许静

2. Stagnant China停滞的中国

Times when international China watchers (scholars, philosophers) and China experts (merchants, missionaries, members of delegations, scholars) idealized China (Chinoiserie) and when they demonized her (stagnation, Yellow peril) followed each other.

国际中国观察家（学者、哲学家）和中国专家（商人、传教士、代表团成员、学者）理想化中国（中国风）以及妖魔化她（停滞、黄祸）的时代相互依存。

国际上中国的关注者（学者、哲学家）和对中国颇为了解的人（商人、传教士、代表团成员、学者）先是把中国理想化（Chinoiserie），接着又把中国妖魔化（停滞、黄祸）。--Xu Jing (talk) 08:00, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

国际上中国的观察者们（学者、哲学家）和中国通（商人、传教士、代表团成员、学者）把中国理想化(中国风）、妖魔化（停滞、黄祸）的时期是互相交汇的。--Wei Honglang (talk) 05:34, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Xu Mengdie 徐梦蝶

Western Sinology has long declared the "stagnation" in China as being “without an alternative” and as “being caused by Confucianism”. However, China showed a disruptive economical development since 1978, which proves this narrative wrong. Now also the Chinese "economic miracle" is explained by the Western sinologists with Confucianism.

西方汉学早就宣称中国的“停滞”是“没有其他选择”和“由儒学引起的”。 然而，自1978年以来，中国显示出飞速的经济发展，证明这种说法是错误的。 现在中国的“经济奇迹”也被西方汉学家用儒学解释了。

西方汉学早就宣称中国的“停滞”是“无法避免的”，“由儒学造成的”。然而，从1978年来，中国的经济出现了颠覆性的发展，证明这种说法是错误的。现在，西方汉学家又用儒学去解释中国的“经济奇迹”。--Xu Mengdie (talk) 11:00, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xu Mengdie

Xu Pengfei 许鹏飞

Now is the time for Western Sinology to admit its historical mistake and to overcome the eurocentric and racist dogma of “stagnation” by diversification. The exchange with Chinese colleagues like here at the congress offers a good opportunity to do so.

现在是西方汉学承认其历史错误、克服多元化“停滞”的欧洲中心和种族主义教条的时候了。在这里与大会上的中国同事交流提供了一个很好的机会。

现在，西方汉学应当承认自己的历史错误，并通过多样化来克服“停滞”的欧洲中心主义和种族主义教条。本次大会上与中国同事的交流为此提供了一个很好的机会。--Xu Pengfei (talk) 04:53, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xu Pengfei

现在是西方汉学承认历史错误，通过多元化克服“停滞”的欧洲中心主义和种族主义教条的时候了。本次大会上与中国同事的交流提供了一个很好的机会。--Xiao yining (talk) 10:45, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Yining

Yang Chenting 杨晨婷

With the overall turn from admiring China to demonizing China, also Hegel started to judge on China as a “stagnant” empire.

随着从钦佩中国到妖魔化中国的整体转变，黑格尔也开始判断中国是一个“停滞不前”的帝国。

从钦佩中国到妖魔化中国，黑格尔也开始认为中国是一个“停滞不前”的帝国。--Yang chenting (talk) 08:22, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Yang Chenting 随着黑格尔从钦佩中国到妖魔化中国的全面转变，他也开始认为中国是一个“停滞”的帝国。--XiaoXi (talk) 04:21, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Xi

Yang Hairong 杨海容

Although he found evidence that Confucius had invented the Golden Rule, he described China as the lowest stage of a stairways to the world Geist# with Berlin at the top. His condemnation of China was taken over by Marx who condemned China too.

尽管他发现了孔子发明黄金法则的证据，但他将中国描述为通往世界精神阶梯的最低阶段，而柏林位居榜首。他对中国的谴责也被谴责中国的马克思所接管。

Yang Hui 阳慧

There were several narratives establishing a Great Divergence or arguing for little divergences during the early stage of globalization. However, new rediscoveries of ancient Chinese translations of Western books of knowledge and new statistics of sugar consumption (which was for the most time higher in China than in Europe) question these narratives today.

在全球化的早期阶段，有几种叙述形成了一种大分歧或争论很少的分歧。 然而，中国古代西方知识翻译的新发现以及食糖消费的新统计数据（这在中国的时间比欧洲最高）在今天质疑这些叙述。

Yang Yi 杨逸

3. Western Sinologists as Red Guard作为红卫兵的西方汉学家

Whenever science and scholarship serves an ideology or a religion, it gives up its objectivity and it betrays the fundamental principles of science and scholarship, e.g. the principle that you conduct research independantly without any predestined results and that you accept the results whatever they are.

每当科学和学术服务于意识形态或宗教时，它就会放弃其客观性，并背叛科学和学术的基本原则，例如： 你独立进行研究而没有任何预定结果的原则，你接受的结果无论它们是什么。

每当科学和学术服务于一种意识形态或宗教时，它就会失去其客观性，并会违背科学和学术的基本原则，例如这一项原则：当你独立地进行一项没有任何注定结果的研究时，你就得接受任何研究结果。--Yang Yi (talk) 06:21, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

每当科学和学术服务于意识形态或宗教时，它就会放弃其客观性，并背叛科学和学术的基本原则，例如： 在你独立进行研究时，你可能会想要一个预定好的结果。你可能不太愿意接受不想要的答案。--Yang Ziling (talk) 07:22, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Yang Yue 杨悦

Sinologists and scholars of Chinese Studies are scholars who deal with the subject of China. To keep the distance, it is good that they are able to freely travel to and out of China in order to be able to change perspectives and to keep the distance.

中国研究的汉学家和学者是处理中国主题的学者。为了保持距离，他们能够自由地进出中国以便能够改变视角并保持距离。

汉学家和中国研究学者都是研究中国主题的学者。为了区分不同，他们能够自由进出中国，以便能够改变视角去研究不同方面，这是非常好的方法。--Yang Yue (talk) 04:44, 20 November 2020 (UTC) 汉学家和中国研究学者是研究中国问题的学者。为了保持距离，他们能够自由地往返于中国，以便能够改变视角，保持距离，这是很好的。--Zhou Siqing (talk) 12:40, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Yang Ziling 杨子泠

There was a time at the end of the 1960s, when the Western capitalism and establishment was challenged, initi-ated by images from the Vietnam war, dismantling the cruelty of war, where American soldiers used unfair tech-niques like chemical weapons against civilians in Vietnam. The photo of the naked children, scared to death from the napalm air strikes and running away in panic, changed the attitude of the people in the USA and in Europe against the institutionalized form of capitalism. Suddenly, the people, who were assured to be the “good ones” asked instead if they were the “bad ones” and had to change their systems towards peaceful coexistence.

20世纪60年代末，西方资本主义的形成和建立受到挑战，受到越南战争的影响。资本主义使战争看上去不那么残酷，美国士兵在越南对平民使用化学武器等不公平技术。看到裸体儿童的照片，看到他们在凝固汽油弹袭击中惊恐万分的模样，惊慌而逃的身影，改变了美国和欧洲人民对制度化资本主义的态度。 突然之间，那些发誓要成为“好人”的人们反而会质疑自己是否是“坏蛋”，并且不得不改变他们自己的方式以实现和平共处。--Yang Ziling (talk) 07:13, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

20世纪60年代末，西方资本主义和建立受到越南战争的影响，摧毁了战争的残酷，美国士兵在越南对平民使用化学武器等不公平技术。 裸体儿童的照片，在凝固汽油弹袭击中惊恐万分，在恐慌中逃跑，改变了美国和欧洲人民对制度化资本主义形式的态度。 突然之间，那些被保证成为“好人”的人们反而要求他们是“坏人”，并且不得不改变他们的制度以实现和平共处。

Yao Cheng 姚诚

Western sinologist in the whole world were too ready to believe the propaganda of a successful “Great Proletari-an Cultural Revolution”. In 1961 Defense Minister Lin Biao instructed the army journal People’s Liberation Army Daily to print one saying of Mao each day. Sorted thematically, the first collection of these sayings was published in 1964. The little red book with sayings by Mao Zedong was printed more than 740 million times in China to supply every citizen with a copy. During its peak of popularity 1966-1971, it was the most printed book, it was printed in more than 30 languages more than a billion times.

全世界的西方汉学家都准备好相信成功的“无产阶级文化大革命”的宣传。 1961年，国防部长林彪指示军民报“人民解放军报”每天打印一篇毛泽东的语录。 按主题排序，这些说法的第一个集合于1964年出版。毛泽东的红宝书在中国印刷了7.4亿多次，为每个公民提供了一份副本。 在1966年至1971年的人气高峰期间，它是印刷最多的书，以超过30种语言印刷超过十亿次。--Yao Cheng (talk) 03:20, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

全世界的西方汉学家都不敢相信“伟大的无产阶级文化大革命”的宣传竟如此成功。1961年，国防部长林彪指示军队日报《人民解放军日报》每天刊登一篇毛泽东语录。按主题分类，这些语录的第一本合集于1964年出版。《毛泽东语录红皮书》在中国印刷了7.4亿多册，几乎人手一本。在1966至1971年间，该书的印刷量达到顶峰，被翻译成30多种语言，印刷超过10亿次。 --Zhang Ling (talk) 06:46, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Yao Jia 姚佳

Jean-Luc Godard released his film “La Chinoise” in August 1967, displaying a youthful Parisian Maoist sect. This lead to a popularity of this ideology among Western experts of Chinese Studies.

Jean-Luc Godard于1967年8月发行了他的电影《中国姑娘》，展示了一个年轻的巴黎毛派教派。这导致了这种意识形态在西方中国研究专家中的流行。

让-吕克·戈达尔（Jean-Luc Godard）于1967年8月发行了电影《中国姑娘》，展示了一个年轻的巴黎毛派教派。随后，此意识形态在西方中国研究专家中流行。--Zhang Weihong (talk) 06:31, 20 November 2020 (UTC) Zhang Weihong

1967年8月，让-吕克·戈达尔（Jean-Luc Godard）发布了其电影《中国姑娘》，电影中展示了一个年轻的巴黎毛派教派。随后，此意识形态在那些做中国研究的西方专家中流行开来。--Yao Jia (talk) 00:45, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Yi Huan 易欢

Recently, Cambridge University Press published a collection of memories of how Western sinologists and young intellectuals have received and embraced Maoism in the 1960s and 1970s.

最近，剑桥大学出版社出版了一系列关于西方汉学家和年轻知识分子如何在20世纪60年代和70年代接受和信奉毛泽东思想的回忆。

最近，剑桥大学出版社出版了一系列回忆录，里面记录了西方汉学家和年轻知识分子如何在20世纪60年代和70年代就已接收并信奉毛泽东思想。--Yi Huan (talk) 00:19, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

最近，剑桥大学出版社出版了一系列回忆录，里面记录了西方汉学家和年轻知识分子在20世纪60年代和70年代对毛泽东思想的接受和信奉情况。--Lou Cancan (talk) 02:28, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Yi Zichu 义子楚

John Gray in a book review has summarized main points of the book. I mostly follow his summary here. He de-scribes how French thinkers received this film:

约翰格雷在书评中总结了本书的要点。 我在此将列出他主要的总结。他描述了法国思想家如何评价这部电影：

约翰格雷在书评中总结了这本书的要点。 我将在此列出他主要的总结。他描述了法国思想家如何评价这部电影：--Yao Cheng (talk) 03:21, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

约翰·格雷在书评中总结了他这本书的主要观点。在这里，我主要是跟随着他的总结。他描述了法国的思想者是如何接受这部电影的：--Yang chenting (talk) 08:25, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Yang Chenting

You Yuting 游雨婷

[Julian] Bourg: “Mao’s language of violence had a certain rhetorical appeal.” In fact, it was his combination of rhetorical violence with sub-Hegelian dialectical logic that proved so irresistible to sections of the French intelligentsia. Eulogising Mao’s distinction between principal and secondary contradictions, Louis Althusser deployed Maoist categories as part of an extremely abstract and, indeed, largely meaningless defence of “the relative autonomy of theory”.

[Julian] Bourg：“毛泽东的暴力语言具有一定的修辞吸引力。”事实上，正是他将修辞暴力与次黑格尔辩证逻辑相结合，证明了法国知识分子的各个部分是如此不可抗拒。 颂扬毛泽东对主要和次要矛盾的区分，路易斯·阿尔都塞将毛派分类作为极其抽象的，实际上在很大程度上毫无意义地保护“理论的相对自治”的一部分。

[Julian] Bourg:“毛泽东暴力语言具有一定的修辞吸引力。”事实上，正是他的修辞暴力与亚黑格尔的辩证逻辑相结合，对法国知识分子的各个部分来说是如此难以抗拒。 颂扬毛泽东对主要和次要矛盾的区分,路易·阿尔都塞将毛泽东主义者分类作为极其抽象的,实际上是对“理论相对自治”的毫无意义的辩护的一部分。--Zhang Xueyi (talk) 07:46, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

[Julian] Bourg：“毛泽东的暴力语言具有一定的修辞吸引力。”事实上，正是因为他将修辞暴力与次黑格尔辩证逻辑相结合，才证明了法国知识分子的各个部分是如此不可抗拒。 路易斯·阿尔都塞颂扬毛泽东对主要和次要矛盾的区分，并将毛派分类作为极其抽象的，实际上是对“理论的相对自治”的毫无意义的辩护的一部分。--Yu Ni (talk) 03:27, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Yu Ni 余妮

Althusser’s student Alain Badiou (for many years professor of philosophy at the École Normale Supérieure) continued to defend Maoism long after the scale of its casualties had become undeniable. As recently as 2008, while commending himself for being “now one of Maoism’s few noteworthy representatives”, Badiou praised Mao’s thought as “a new politics of the negation of the negation”. From one point of view, this stance is merely contemptible – a professorial pirouette around a vast pile of corpses. But one must bear in mind the fathomless frivolity of some on the French left. Already in 1980, two former Maoist mili-tants had announced their rejection of the creed in the language of fashion: “China was in . . . Now it is out . . . we are no longer Maoists.” Against this background, Badiou’s persistence is almost heroically ab-surd.

阿尔都塞的学生Alain Badiou（多年来在巴黎高等师范学院的哲学教授）在其伤亡人数不可否认之后很久就继续捍卫毛派。 就在2008年，尽管称赞自己是“现在是毛派少数几个值得注意的代表之一”，但巴迪欧称赞毛泽东的思想是“否定否定的新政治”。 从一个角度来看，这种立场仅仅是可鄙的 - 围绕着一大堆尸体的教授旋转。 但是人们必须牢记法国左翼一些人的无聊轻浮。 早在1980年，两位前毛泽东武装分子就已经宣布以时尚语言拒绝信条：“中国是在中国。。。 现在它出来了。。。 我们不再是毛泽东思想者。”在这种背景下，巴迪欧的坚持几乎是荒谬的荒谬。

阿尔都塞的学生阿兰·巴迪欧（多年来一直是巴黎高等师范学院的哲学教授）在伤亡人数不可否认之后很久仍继续捍卫毛派。就在2008年，巴迪欧称自己“现在是毛泽东主义为数不多的重要代表之一”，并称赞毛泽东的思想是“否定否定的新政治”。某种程度上来说，这种姿态简直是可鄙的——围绕着一大堆尸体旋转的教授。但是，我们必须记住一些法国左翼人士不可理喻的轻浮。早在1980年，两位前毛泽东武装分子已经用时尚的语言宣布拒绝这一信条：“中国在。现在它出来了。在这样的背景下，巴迪欧的坚持几乎是英勇无畏的。--Yu Ni (talk) 03:14, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Yuan Shiqi 袁诗琦

Dominique Kirchner Reill has documented, that Maoist influence in Italy and Yugoslavia was even wider:

Dominique Kirchner Reill证明，毛派在意大利和南斯拉夫的影响甚至更为广泛：

“In Italy Mao-mania was not purely a left-wing phenomenon. Some ultra-right groups quoted their Little Red Books to justify their arguments.” In 1968-73 the neo-fascist party Lotto di Popolo (“the people’s fight”) lauded Mao as an exemplary nationalist and resolute opponent of US global hegemony.

“在意大利，毛派狂热不仅仅是一种左翼现象。 一些极权团体引用他们的红皮书为他们的论点辩护。“1968年-1973年，新法西斯政党Lotto di Popolo（”人民的斗争“）称赞毛泽东是模范民族主义者和美国全球霸权的坚决反对者。--Yuan SHiqi (talk) 08:13, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Yuan Tianyi 袁天翼

In a footnote he observes 在他的脚注中，他注意到：

“Nazi-Maoist movement in Italy included many other figures and groups” besides the Lotto di Popolo.

除了Lotto di Popolo之外，“意大利的纳粹毛派运动包括许多其他人物和团体”。

Gray beklagt#: “It is a pity this aspect of Mao’s influence is not explored in greater detail.” One of the reasons may be that the generation of Maoist sinologists later were the ones to document their own history, the history of sinologists, but they never came to terms with it, very much like the 1960s activists with sympathy for the German “Red Army Fraction”, who later became part of the establishment, even ministers in the government, and did not want to be reminded of their past.

灰色beklagt＃：“遗憾的是，毛泽东影响力的这一方面没有得到更详细的探讨。”其中一个原因可能是后来毛派汉族的一代人要记录他们自己的历史，也就是汉学家的历史，但是 他们从来没有接受过它，非常像20世纪60年代积极分子同情德国“红军分数”，后来成为该组织的一部分，甚至是政府的部长，并且不想被提醒他们的过去。

在他的脚注中，他表示，参与者除了Lotto di Popolo外，“意大利纳粹毛派运动还包括许多其他人物和团体”。 Gray beklagt#表示：“遗憾的是，在这个层面，毛泽东的影响未得到更细致的探讨。”其中一个原因可能是，后来的毛泽东思想汉学家只记载他们自己的历史，即汉学家的历史。他们从不接受毛泽东思想，这就很像二十世纪六十年代的积极分子同情德国“红军纵队”。该纵队的人后来成为该组织的一部分，有的甚至还成了政府机关部长。这些汉学家不想回忆起自己的历史。--Yuan Tianyi (talk) 04:18, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Yuan Yuchen 袁雨晨

Gray writes in his book review: 格雷在他的书评中写道：

“In a programmatic introductory essay Alexander C Cook compares the Chinese leader’s book to a “spir-itual atom bomb” and considers its global fallout. Showing how it reflects the influence of the choral sing-ing introduced into China by 19th-century Christian missionaries, Andrew F Jones provides an illuminating account of the rise of the Maoist pop song. Taking as her starting point the global distribution of the Little Red Book to over a hundred countries in the eight months between October 1966 and May 1967, Xu Lanjun examines the process of translation in the context of Maoist ideas of global revolution. Quinn Slo-bodian discusses the impact the book had in eastern and western Germany. In the concluding essay, Ban Wang considers the Little Red Book and “religion as politics” in China. Elsewhere, its influence in Tanzania, India, Peru, Albania and the former Soviet Union is discussed.”

“在一篇程序化的介绍性文章中，亚历山大·库克将中国领导人的书与“精神原子弹”进行了比较，并考虑了它的全球影响。 安德鲁·F·琼斯（Andrew F Jones）展示了它如何反映19世纪基督教传教士引入中国的合唱歌曲的影响，为毛泽东主义流行歌曲的兴起提供了一个有启发性的说明。 在1966年10月至1967年5月的八个月中，徐兰军以红宝书的全球分布为一百多个国家，在毛泽东的全球革命思想背景下考察了翻译的过程。 Quinn Slobodian讨论了该书在德国东部和西部的影响。 在最后的文章中，王班并认为红宝书和中国的“宗教为政治”。在其他地方，讨论了它在坦桑尼亚、印度、秘鲁、阿尔巴尼亚和前苏联的影响。”

“在一篇纲领性的导言文章中，亚历山大·C·库克（Alexander C Cook）把这位中国领导人的书比作是一颗“精神原子弹”，并认为这对全世界都产生了辐射效应。安德鲁·F·琼斯（Andrew F Jones）展示了19世纪基督教传教士将合唱引入中国后所造成的影响，并生动地讲述了毛泽东主义流行歌曲是如何兴起的。在1966年10月至1967年5月的八个月中，徐兰军以红宝书销往的全球一百多个国家为着手点，考察了在毛泽东的全球革命思想背景下的翻译过程。奎因·斯洛博迪安（Quinn Slo-bodian）探讨了该书对德国东部和西部的影响。在这篇文章的最后，王斑研究了红宝书并将其视为中国的“宗教政治”。除了探讨对中国的影响，还讨论了在坦桑尼亚、印度、秘鲁、阿尔巴尼亚和前苏联的影响。"--Yuan Yuchen (talk) 11:45, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Fangyuan 曾芳缘

“In West Germany in the late 1960s, the Little Red Book “resembled simultaneously an accessory of the classical workers’ movement and a modish commodity of the educated elite”. In theatres, across from the refreshments, there were glass cases “full of pretty red Mao bibles (two Deutsche Marks each)”. As an anti-consumerist commodity, the book became “a marker of social distinction within a commercial market”.”

“在20世纪60年代后期的西德，红宝书”同时也是古典工人运动的一部分，也是受过教育的精英的一种时尚商品”。 在茶馆对面的剧院里，有一些玻璃盒子“里面装满了漂亮的红宝书（每个都有两个德国马克）”。 作为一种反消费主义商品，这本书成为“商业市场中社会区别的标志”。”

“在20世纪60年代后期的西德，（毛泽东的）红宝书“是古典工人运动的读物，同时也是教育良好的精英阶层中的畅销书。”在茶馆对面的剧院里，有一些玻璃盒子“里面装满了漂亮的红宝书（每个都有两个德国马克）”。作为一种反消费主义的商品，这本书成为了“商业市场中社会差异的标志”。”--Zeng Fangyuan (talk) 03:20, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

“Condemned as distorting Mao’s ideas and exerting a “widespread and pernicious influence”, the book was withdrawn from circulation in February 1979 and a hundred million copies pulped.” “这部书被谴责为歪曲毛泽东的思想并发挥“广泛而有害的影响”，于1979年2月撤销流通，并且有数亿份纸张被废弃。”

“这本书受到了人们的谴责，认为书中歪曲了毛泽东的思想，并带来“广泛而有害的影响”，因此，该书于1979年2月停止发行，数亿份书籍被废弃。”--Zeng Fangyuan (talk) 03:20, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Liang 曾良

The popularity of the Chinese system in the West was at the peak when it had the most victims.

中国体制在西方的受欢迎程度因其最多的受害者而达到了峰值。

当受害者人数最多时中国制度在西方的受欢迎程度达到顶峰。--Zeng Liang (talk) 02:29, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Today, even in China, the Cultural Revolution is evaluated as “10 Years of Chaos”. Mao Zedong’s approach to mobilize the masses in endless revolutions turned out to be a historical failure.

今天，即使在中国，文化大革命也被评为“十年动乱”。 毛泽东在无休止的革命中动员群众的方法被证明是历史性的失败。

今天，即使在中国，文化大革命也称为“十年动乱”。毛泽东发动群众进行无休止革命的做法被证明是历史性的失败。--Zeng Liang (talk) 02:29, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Xinyuan 曾心媛

However, domestic Science and Scholarship today once more receives incentives to pretend an ideological use-fulness of their research results when applying for funds to conduct research projects. However, an independant science and scholarship serves any government best, because a government needs real and true research results, not sugar coated ones.

然而，今天的国内科学和奖学金再次获得激励，在申请资金进行研究项目时，假装其研究成果具有意识形态的有用性。 然而，独立的科学和奖学金最适合任何政府，因为政府需要真实和真实的研究结果，而不是糖衣。

然而，如今国内学科及奖学金再次受到鼓励，要求在申请项目研究资金时伪称其研究结果具有意识形态有用性。但由于政府需要真实准确的研究结果，而非华而不实的研究结果，一项独立的学科及奖学金对任何政府都是绝佳选择。--Zeng Xinyuan (talk) 02:59, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

然而，如今国内的科学学术研究就再次要求在申请研究项目资金时，其研究结果须表现为有助于意识形态建设。然而，独立的科学与学术研究能够最大程度地服务政府，因为政府需要的是真实的研究成果，而不是让其巧加粉饰。--Xu Jing (talk) 08:32, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

然而，今天国内的科学和学术再次获得激励，在申请资金进行研究项目时，可以假装其研究成果具有意识形态的有用性。 然而，真正独立的科学和学术才能够最好地服务于政府，因为政府需要真正的和真实的研究结果，而不是徒有其表的。--Fancy (talk) 01:54, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Yanhu 曾雁湖

Freedom is always the freedom within the limits not to restrict the freedom of others. But this historical event posed a new question: When is it time to kill a massmurderer? If communism threatens to enslave a whole population with millions of death victims – how far is it justified to intervene or not to intervene? But when it is not just a mass murderer, but a whole group of people mislead by a leader, a whole administration of a country, how can you clearly differentiate between good and evil? Reality often consists out of different levels of grey.

自由永远是限制的自由，而不是限制他人的自由。但这一历史事件提出了一个新问题：什么时候杀死一名群众？ 如果共产主义威胁到全世界数百万死亡受害者的奴役 - 干预或不干预到底有多大理由？ 但是，当它不仅仅是一个大规模杀人犯，而且还是一群人误导领导者，一个国家的整个政府时，你怎么能清楚地区分善恶呢？ 现实通常由不同级别的灰色组成。

自由永远是在不限制他人自由的范围内的自由。但是这一历史性事件向我们提出了一个新的问题：什么时候应该杀死一个杀人凶手？如果共产主义威胁要奴役数以百万计的死亡受害者，那么进行干预或不进行干预的合理性有多大差别？但是，当它不仅是一个大规模杀人犯，而且是一群人被一个领导人，一个国家的整个政府误导时，该如何清楚地区分善与恶？现实通常是由不同层次的灰色组成的。--Fancy (talk) 13:28, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Hu 张虎

湖南师范大学洪堡跨学科研究中心

Humboldt Center for Transdisciplinary Studies at Hunan Normal University

揭牌仪式

Launch Ceremony

2020年9月14日

September 14, 2020

I congratulate the Humboldt Center for Transdisciplinary Studies 洪堡跨学科研究中心 for its opening at Hunan Normal University and especially my German colleague and Humboldt expert Professor Ottmar Ette奥特玛·埃特教授 for his dedication to realize the Center. Ette is one of the leading experts about Humboldt, in 2014-2017 he was responsible for the part “Genealogy, Chronology, Epistemology” of the BMBF research project about Humboldt in the United States.

祝贺湖南师范大学洪堡跨学科研究中心成立，尤其感谢我的德国同事、洪堡专家奥特玛·埃特教授为中心的建成所做的贡献。埃特教授是研究洪堡的主要专家之一，2014-2017年，他负责美国BMBF关于洪堡研究项目中“系谱、年代学、认识论”的部分。--Blank (talk) 03:56, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Hui 张慧

The Center has the best starting conditions: It is backed by the University Potsdam and the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities 柏林-勃兰登堡科学与人文学院, which spon-sors a 18 year long research project until 2033 “Science on the Move” about Humboldt, lead by Prof. Ette.

该中心拥有最佳的启动条件：它由波茨坦大学和柏林-勃兰登堡科学与人文学院共同支持的，该基金会资助了一项由埃特（Ette）教授领导，历时18年，一直进行到2033年，即关于洪堡“移动中的科学”的研究。--Zhang Hui (talk) 13:54, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

该中心具有最佳的启动条件：它由波茨坦大学和柏林-勃兰登堡科学与人文学院提供支持，该基金会赞助了直到2033年一项长达18年的研究项目，即“洪堡运动科学”，由埃特教授领导。--Zhao Xiaoyan (talk) 14:08, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

该中心具备最佳的启动条件：它由波茨坦大学和柏林-勃兰登堡科学与人文学院共同支持。直到2033年，该基金会一直赞助这一历时18年的研究项目，即埃特教授领导的“洪堡运动科学”研究。--Yi Huan (talk) 00:48, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Ling 张玲

The Center could not have found a better Chinese partner: This new Center is opened at a Hum-boldian University, with a long tradition in transdisciplinary research and teaching, with chancel-lor Professor Jiang Hongxin 湖南师范大学党委书记蒋洪新教授, who is not only an internation-ally renowned scholar in English literature, but also the driving factor behind the internationaliza-tion and opening up of Hunan Normal University.

洪堡跨学科交流中心找到了最佳的中国合作伙伴——湖南师范大学。该中心设立在洪堡大学，洪堡大学在跨学科研究和教学领域有着悠久的历史。湖南师范大学党委书记蒋洪新教授不仅是国际知名的英语文学学者，也是湖南师范大学国际化、对外开放的带头人。--Zhang Ling (talk) 06:29, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Peiwen 张佩闻

The success of Hunan Normal University is displayed in the rising position in the university rank-ings, in the number of study programs ranking top nationwide, in the growing community of in-ternational experts working at Hunan Normal University, in international cooperations, joint school projects etc. Also the staff working at the Center are ideally chosen, Ren Haiyan 中心副主任任海燕博士, who is familiar with English literature of the 18th century, Fan Ni, who is currently building up the German Department as well as Li Yaqin.

Zhang Qi 张琪

Changsha is both the place of one of the earliest universities in China, founded in 976 CE, the Yuelu Academy 岳麓书院, and together with its attached High School, Hunan Normal University and its Foreign Studies College founded by Qian Zhongshu is famous for its history of educating leaders with a thinking outside of the box. Similarly, Humboldt has said: “How a person masters his fate is more important than what his fate is.” This is just what Humboldt fought for. Humboldt is famous not just in Germany and Europe, but also in the United States, Russia, Asia and world-wide. He shaped our understanding of universities, research, teaching and education. Today, it is safe to say that the German universities are Humboldian universities, also European ones, Ameri-can ones and certainly also Hunan Normal University.

Zhang Weihong 张维虹

When Humboldt traveled Central Asia and wrote about China, he certainly never would have dreamed of the realization of such a Center to his honor in Changsha. However, he would have been overwhelmed and would see his dreams realized here. With this Research Center it is now possible to explore the relation of Humboldt and China in great detail. Moreover, the relation between China and Europe can be explored here from a transdisciplinary perspective. Coopera-tion is key. With Humboldt’s words: “Collaboration operates through a process in which the suc-cessful intellectual achievements of one person arouse the intellectual passions and enthusiasms of others.”

当洪堡游历中亚，写到中国时，肯定做梦也想不到长沙会是实现他梦想中荣耀的地方。但那样的话，他虽会看到自己实现梦想，也会不堪重负。现在有了这一研究中心，我们可以更详细地探讨洪堡与中国的关系。而且，可以从跨学科的角度来探讨中欧的关系。其关键是合作。正如洪堡所说:“合作是是通过一个人的智慧成就激发其他人的智力激情和热情来实现的”

Zhang Xueyi 张雪仪

As Jean Monnet Chair of Hunan Normal University 欧盟“让•莫内讲席教授” and as the direc-tor of the International Chinese Studies Center at Foreign Studies Center I reach out with both hands to the new Center and offer to bring in European and Chinese networks, to start immediate and concrete joint research.

I close with a final quote from Humboldt: “The most dangerous worldview is the worldview of those who have not viewed the world.” Therefore, the Center now allows scholars from other places in the world to see China and offers Chinese colleagues a bridge to Europe and interna-tional scholarship.

And I wish the Humboldt Center for Transdisciplinary Studies great success!

作为湖南师范大学欧盟“让•莫内讲席教授”以及外国研究中心国际汉语研究中心主任的让·莫内主席，我两手准备着新的中心，并提议向欧洲和中国引进网络，以开始目前的具体的联合研究。

最后，我引述洪堡的最后一句话：“最危险的世界观是那些没有看过世界的人的世界观。” 因此，该中心欢迎来自世界各地的学者参观中国，并为中国同事搭建通往欧洲和国际奖金的桥梁。

祝洪堡跨学科研究中心取得圆满成功！--Zhang Xueyi (talk) 07:35, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Yinliu 张银柳

MARTIN WOESLER

THE CHINESE PRODUCTION CULTURE

Genuity, changes and compatibility with modern international production culture

中国制造哲学

原始传统、变化和对现代国际制造文化的兼容

吴漠汀著

歐洲大學出版社2011年 European University Press 2011

Content

Modern Chinese Production Culture

Does this global factory provide a model for an international production culture?

Cultural approach

National Cultures

Approaches/Perspectives

The Japanese Production Culture

Zhang Yu 张瑜

China - Factory of the world

中国——世界工厂

Genuity of Chinese production culture

Made in China

中国制造

Characteristics of Chinese production culture

中国商品文化的特征

Shapes of modern Chinese production culture and their causes

现代商品文化的形成及其原因

Necessity is the mother of invention

创造始于需要

Changes in the Chinese production culture

中国商品文化的发展

Roles in the Chinese production culture

中国商品文化的作用

The Intermezzo of Socialism from 1949-1979

1949-1979年社会主义的插曲

Gaming in the Chinese production culture

中国商品文化的博弈

Effects on the company

对公司产生的影响

Where is modern Chinese management and production culture (CMPC) an international role model?

中国现代经营理念和商品文化是全球的标杆，这一点体现在哪里？

Logistics

物流

Appendix: References

附录：参考文献

Appendix: Historical Timeline China

附录：中国历史时间轴

Index

索引

Modern Chinese Production Culture

中国现代商品文化

Does this global factory provide a model for an international production culture?

中国作为全球工厂是否为国际商品文化树立标杆？--Zhang Yu (talk) 03:38, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Yujie 张毓婕

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the Japanese economy lacked the finances for new machinery and, in consequence, decision-makers concentrated on optimizing existing resources and processes. Soon lean production, just in time production and quality circles became export hits, even though Japanese production culture in many ways remained typically Japanese - for instance on issues such as hierarchy and loyalty on the part of employees. Today, the modernity of a factory is measured by the extent to which these characteristics of Japanese production culture are put into practice. After the Second World War, this approach developed into a model for an international production culture. By the beginning of the 21st century, the Chinese economy had surpassed that of Japan;

二战后，日本财政无力支撑新型制造业的发展，决策者只能大力利用已有的资源和工艺技术。尽管日本的制造文化在许多方面仍然具有典型的日本特征，比如等级制度以及雇员的忠诚度等问题，但很快，精益生产以及品质圈成为出口热门。而今，日本制造文化应用于实践的程度是衡量工厂现代化程度的重要标准。二战后，这种方法成为一种典型的国际制造文化。 到了21世纪初，中国经济超越了日本。--Zhang Yujie (talk) 11:21, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Yuxing 张宇星

today, China is a global factory. This subproject analyzes and defines the "Chinese production culture“ and focuses on the question of whether any of its modern characteristics can serve as a model for international production culture. Based on surveys by Hofstede (2009), case studies by Hong/Pöyhönen/Kyläheiku (2006) and on fundamental thinking of Philip Huang, the project takes as its premise that the development of Chinese production culture falls into different historical periods: from the genuinely Chinese production culture of silk, china and tea production over the slumbering industrial revolution, the import of Western manufacturing culture, the building of larger production units in the socialist a tradition, to today’s mixed production culture with Japanese and Western elements.

如今，中国是一个“世界工厂”，本子项目对“中国生产文化”进行了分析和界定，并着重探讨了中国生产文化的现代特征是否可以作为国际生产文化的典范这一问题。该项目基于霍夫斯特德（2009年）、洪/佩赫宁/凯莱海库（2006年）的案例研究和黄菲浦的基本思想，以中国生产文化发展为前提，从不同的历史时期进行探讨：从沉睡的工业革命时期真正的中国丝绸、瓷器、茶叶生产文化，西方制造文化的进口，社会主义传统中大型生产单位的建设，到当今中日两国混合生产文化与日西元素的混合。--Zhang Yuxing (talk) 13:02, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhao Xi 赵茜

But still today's production culture comes with some genuinely Chinese characteristics: the Confucian understanding of the relation boss - team leader – employee, hierarchy, the concept of face (and critique), the informal network management in the decision finding process, the esteem for the concept of age, nepotism, the play instinct (including imitation), flexibility and speed. This subproject explores which of these elements are exportable in principle and which ones can be profitably implemented within international production cultures.

但今天的生产文化仍然具有一些真正的中国特色：儒家对老板-团队领导-员工关系的理解、等级、脸观（和批评）、决策查找过程中非正式的网络管理、对年龄概念的尊重、裙带关系、游戏本能（包括模仿）、灵活性和速度。此子项目探讨哪些元素原则上是可输出的，哪些元素可以在国际生产文化中有利可图地实现的。--Zhao Xi (talk) 06:12, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

但如今的文化生产仍然具有一些真正的中国特色：儒家对“老板-团队领导-员工”关系的理解、等级、脸面观（和批评）、决议过程中非正式的网络管理、对年龄概念的尊重、裙带关系、好玩的天性（包括模仿）、灵活度和速度。此子项目探讨哪些元素原则上是可以输出的，哪些元素可以在国际文化生产中有利可图。--Yuan SHiqi (talk) 08:22, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhao Xiaoyan 赵晓燕

Cultural approach

      文化方法

As a cultural scientist, the author of this script applies the approach of Cultural Science to describe economical cultures or subcultures. One of the subcultures of economical culture is the way or culture of management and production.

作为文化科学家，该脚本的作者运用文化科学的方法来描述经济文化或亚文化。 经济文化的亚文化之一是管理和生产的方式或文化。--Zhao Xiaoyan (talk) 13:44, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

作为一名文化科学家，本文作者运用文化科学的方法来描述经济文化或亚文化。经济文化的亚文化之一是管理和生产的方式或文化。--Zhang Hui (talk) 14:08, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

After a phase of several decades in which mathematics has found its way into economics, cultural studies has also been rediscovered by economics in recent years.Cultural studies can be a helpful supplement, for example, when predictions for economic behavior need to be made, for example in models. The economic sciences initially contribute Homo oeconomicus, the self-interest maximizer. In recent years, especially since 2000, many experiments have shown that humans often behave diametrically opposed to self-interest:

经过几十年的数学进入经济学的阶段之后，近年来文化也被经济学重新发现了，例如当需要对经济行为进行预测时， 比如在一些模型中，文化研究可以作为有益的补充。经济科学起初是对自利最大化者经济人的贡献。 近年来，尤其是自2000年以来，许多实验表明，人类的行为常常与自我利益截然相反：--Zhao Xiaoyan (talk) 13:44, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

经过几十年的数学进入经济学的阶段后，近年来经济学也重新发现了文化研究。例如，当需要对经济行为进行预测时，比如在模型中，文化研究可以是一种有益的补充。经济科学最初贡献了“经济人”，即利己最大化者。近年来，特别是自2000年以来，许多实验表明，人类的行为往往与自身利益截然相反:--Zhang Hui (talk) 14:08, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Zheng Huajun 郑华君

Case 1) The bag of oranges

Initial situation: An orange seller sells bags of oranges to tourists. He has a few rotten oranges that he could put in the bags at the bottom. The tourists would not notice it when buying and would not go to this place again because of a few rotten oranges.

Behavior: He does not do it, however, but throws the rotten oranges away.

Cultural-scientific explanation: In the present case, the merchant is thus ethically-morally socially responsible out of a sense of justice. 案例1)橘子袋 最初的情况:一个卖橘子的人把成袋的橘子卖给游客。他有几个烂橘子，他可以把它们放进底部的袋子里。游客在购买时不会注意到它，也不会再去这个地方，因为有几个烂橘子。 行为:但是他没有这样做，而是把烂橘子扔了。 文化-科学的解释:在当时的情况下，商人出于正义感而负有伦理道德上的社会责任。

Zhou Luoping 周罗平

One can try to construct a self-interest with the help of neurobiology: Biology leaves him no choice - if he behaves justly, although he might behave unjustly, he is rewarded with dopamine and other happiness hormones. If he were to behave unfairly at all times, he would have a guilty conscience, coupled with the fear of being caught, and sooner or later he might get stomach ulcers. In the long run, acting justly secures his life statistically better, also with regard to the economic value of his own life.

Zhou Shiqing 周诗卿

However, if you ask the orange seller, he will at best say that it would be unfair to cheat his customers. Of course, there will always be a small number of fraudulent orange sellers in such experiments who value short-term profit more highly than long-term physical damage, if they expect it at all. And they will perhaps adopt a world view to avoid a guilty conscience, such as that rich tourists should give some of their wealth to poor orange sellers. And there will be people who cannot distinguish right from wrong due to a corresponding anatomically detectable defect in the reward system.

Zhou Shuyao 周书尧

The following experiments are some of the classic and most frequently conducted and tested experiments to complement the maximization of self-interest:

Case 2) Ultimatum game: share 10 Euros

Initial situation: A student in Bonn is offered 10 €. The only condition: He has to give any partial amount to his fellow student. His fellow student has the right either to accept the amount allocated to him or to refuse to accept the whole 10 € for him and his fellow student.

Zhou Siqing 周思庆

Prediction according to the self-interest maximization: The first student will keep 9,99 € and give 0,01 € to the fellow student. The fellow student would have to accept the 0.01 €, as this is more than 0.00 €.

Conduct: In fact, about 90% of the students in similarly conducted experiments worldwide give 5 € to their fellow student. In the few cases in which the students want to give 2 € to their fellow student and keep 8 €, the fellow student refuses the 10 € completely, and so both go away empty-handed. 根据自身利益最大化的预测:第一个学生将保留9,99欧元，并给予同伴0,01欧元。这个同学将不得不接受这0.01欧元，因为这超过了0.00欧元。 行为:事实上，在全球范围内进行的类似实验中，大约90%的学生会给他们的同学5欧元。在少数情况下，学生想给他们的同学2欧元，留下8欧元，那个同学完全拒绝了这10欧元，所以两人都空手而去。--Zhou Siqing (talk) 12:35, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Yiwen 周艺文

The maximization of self-interest cannot explain the behavior in both situations. Here, cultural studies provide an explanation that is supported by neurobiologists.

Cultural studies explanation:

For the fellow student, relative justice is more important than his own absolute gain. If the student takes more for no reason, there are various reasons not to allow this, e.g. educational. Furthermore, this is a decision under observation and the reward system rewards behavior in the sense of justice all the more, if justice has to be bought even with one's own loss.

个人利益最大化无法解释这两种情况下的行为。在这里，文化研究提供了一个解释，这个解释为神经生物学家所认可。

这个解释如下:

对于获得奖学金的研究生来说，相对的公正比自己的绝对利益更重要。有很多理由反对学生无故得到超过自己应得的利益，比如教育方面的原因。此外，这种决定处于监察之下。如果个人利益的损失能换来公正，奖励系统更会奖励正义感的行为。--Zhou Yiwen (talk) 03:30, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Yuanqu 周园曲

Neurobiologists also explain that men consider a constellation such as this experiment like a zero-sum game and feel a sense of competition, i.e. they see the greater gain of the other as a loss for themselves.

By the way, the environment also influences the degree of self-maximization against a sense of justice:

Zhou Yujuan 周玉娟

Case 3) Bank bill in letter

If one lets a 5 Euro bill shine through the window of an envelope that is half hanging out of the mailbox, 4 out of 10 unobserved passers-by will grab it. If you paint a graffiti on the wall next to the mailbox and put some garbage next to the mailbox, 8 out of 10 unobserved passers-by will access it.

Zhu Meimei 祝美梅

Case 4) Primates

Behavioral researchers have successfully demonstrated homo economicus in primates: There chimpanzees help each other to get shared food. If the first chimpanzee has the opportunity to give both of them the same amount or more food, it will give as much food as possible.

案例4）灵长类动物

行为研究人员已经成功地证明了灵长类动物在经济观：黑猩猩之间互相帮助，获取共同的食物。 如果第一个黑猩猩有机会给他们两个人相同或更多的食物，它将给予尽可能多的食物。--Zhumeimei (talk) 07:41, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

案例4)灵长类动物

行为研究人员已经成功地证明了灵长类动物中的“经济人”:黑猩猩会帮助彼此以获得共同的食物。如果第一只黑猩猩有机会给它们两只本身相同数量或更多的食物，它就会尽可能给予更多的食物。--Zheng Huajun (talk) 11:17, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhu Suyao 朱素瑶

Of course, the assumption of self-interest is a reasonable approach to explain phenomena in economic life, since companies are primates in many things, but in marketing they want to appear inwardly and outwardly as human, with social responsibility and a sense of justice. The Chinese Management and Production Culture (CMPC) has a clear distribution of power in the hierarchy, which corresponds to the maximization of self-interest, but the boss has a stronger responsibility towards his employees, which also includes private areas, so that there is an above-average social component.

Zhu Xu 朱旭

References

Häring, Norbert: „Der Homo oeconomicus ist tot“, in: Financial Times Deutschland (14.3.2001) http://ockenfels.uni-koeln.de/download/press/ftd-14032001. pdf

Schlicht, Ekkehart: „Der homo oeconomicus unter experimentellem Beschuß“, in: Martin Held, Gisela Kubon-Gilke & Richard Sturn (Hrsg.): Experimente in der Ökonomik. Jahrbuch normative und institutionelle Grund-fra¬gen der Ökonomik 2. Metropolis-Verlag, Marburg 2003, ISBN 3-89518-414-4, http://www.semverteilung.vwl.uni-muenchen.de/mitarbeiter/es/paper/schlicht-homo-oeconomicus.pdf

Zou Xinyu 邹鑫雨

National Cultures

Cultural differences decrease as the world becomes globalized. National characteristics become blurred, companies have to operate in different locations worldwide and sell their products in different markets.

Nevertheless, there are historically grown traditions that come from a time when there was often already intensive global trade, but less intensive cooperation and less exchange of information.

民族文化

随着世界全球化，文化差异减少。民族特征变得模糊起来，企业不得不在全球各地运营和在不同市场上销售产品。尽管如此，仍有传统沿着历史发展至今，那时全球贸易虽然已经十分密集，但密切合作更少，信息交流也更少。--Zou Xinyu2 (talk) 08:51, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Zou Xinyu

随着世界日益全球化，文化差异减少。民族特征也变得模糊起来，企业需在全球各地运营并将其产品销往各国市场。尽管如此，仍有传统沿着历史发展保留至今，那时全球贸易虽已十分频繁，但密切的合作以及信息的交流远不如今。--Zhang Yujie (talk) 11:38, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

全球化程度愈深，文化差异愈少。民族特色模糊起来，企业需要在世界范围内运营，其生产的产品也将销往世界各地。但是，仍有传统沿袭历史发展至今，那时国际贸易已十分频繁，但合作及信息交流远不及今。--Zhang Yuxing (talk) 13:13, 20 November 2020 (UTC)