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陈静 Chén Jìng 国别 女 202020080595

由于八旗官学中向来有习清书、习汉书之分的传统，礼部遂奏请采用不同方式，对应试者分别考试翻译或清字文，无论乡试、会试，皆是如此，而区别只在于会试时针对应试者学习语言的不同背景，各自增加了一道题量，即，习汉字者除了考试汉字文翻译，另考试文章一篇，习清文者则在乡试的基础上，增试清字文一篇。这一规定既针对八旗满洲，也针对八旗蒙古，但不针对八旗汉军，后者的考试内容与普通汉族士子相同。同时，礼部也奏请对笔帖式和他赤哈哈番、哈番（即，笔帖式哈番）参加乡、会试进行规定，其中前者参加乡试，后二者参加会试。 Since there has always been a tradition of learning the Books of Qing style and the Book of Han style in the Eight Banners Official Schools, the Ministry of Rites adopted different ways to test translation or the article forming in the style of Qing Dynasty for the candidates, regardless of the rural test and the meeting test. The difference is that only the number of questions was increased according to the different backgrounds of the candidates’ language learning in the meeting test. That is to say, in addition to the translation of the language of Han, the Chinese learners of Han Style also had one test article. On the basis of the rural test, the Qing learners added one test article of its language. This regulation is for the Eight Banners of Man Region and Men’gu, but not for the Eight Banners of Han Army. The test content of the latter is the same as that of the ordinary Han scholars. At the same time, the Ministry of Rites also invited two region that besides the Eight Banners to participate in the rural and meeting examinations. The former participated in the rural examination, and the latter two participated in the meeting examination.--Chen Jing (talk) 15:20, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

Since there has always been a tradition of learning Qing books and Han books in the Eight Banners official school, the Ritual Department asked to use different methods. The corresponding subjects were tested for translation or Qing characters, both in the provincial examination and the joint examination. The only difference is that when the joint examination was held, one question was added to the corresponding subjects' different backgrounds of learning the language, that is, in addition to testing the translation of Chinese characters, Another examination article was given, while those who studied Qing characters added one article written by Qing characters on the basis of the township examination. This provision is not only for Manchuria of the Eight Banners, but also for Mongolia of the Eight Banners, but not for the Han army of the Eight Banners. The examination content of the latter is the same as that of ordinary Han scholars. At the same time, the Ministry of rites also asked for regulations on the participation of pen style and his Chi ha fan and ha fan (i.e. pen style ha fan) in the township and joint examination, in which the former participated in the township examination and the latter two participated in the joint examination.

--Cai Zhufeng (talk) 15:40, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

蔡珠凤 Cài Zhūfèng 日语语言文学 女 202120081477

上文引用的内容也出现在《雍正会典》（又称《（雍正）大清会典》），以及两部《钦定大清会典事例》（嘉庆、光绪）中，三者都明确提到停止（八旗）考试的具体时间，即顺治十四年（1657年），而且三者中都加有“按语”，进一步说明此事。其中，《雍正会典》中的说法是“此后复行考试，与汉人一体。停止翻译”，《钦定大清会典事例》中的说法则是“康熙二年（1663）谕：满洲、蒙古、汉军生员俱准乡试。此后惟翻译未经举行。”

The content quoted above also appears in the Yong Zheng canon . (also known as the (Yong Zheng) Qing Dynasty canon ) and the two cases of imperial Qing canon (Jia Qing and Guang Xu). The three all clearly mentioned the specific time to stop the (eight banners) examination, that is, the 14th year of Shun Zhi (1657), and "notes" were added to further explain the matter. Among them, the statement in the Yong Zheng canon is that "after that, the examination will be resumed and integrate with the Han people.Stop translation". The statement in the case of the imperial Qing canon is that "in the second year of Kang Xi (1663), the Manchurian, Mongolian and Han Army students will be allowed to take the provincial examination. Since then, only the translation has not been held."

--Cai Zhufeng (talk) 02:20, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

曾俊霖 Zēng Jùnlín 日语语言文学 女 202120081478

（允禄等，1995：4619-4620；托津等，1991：2659-2662；昆冈等，1963：657）从《雍正会典》的记载及其“按语”看，至少可以推导出两点：其一，八旗科举考试始于顺治十四年前，但十四年即停办；其二，顺治十四年前，翻译科便已存在。顺治十四年以后，八旗科举考试得以恢复，但翻译科举仍被停止。

陈惠妮 Chén Huìnī 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081479

《雍正会典》中的这一记载与两部《钦定大清会典事例》中的说法如出一辙，后二者也将顺治八年的八旗科举考试视作翻译科的第一事例。而且，三种文献均提到了停办翻译科的事，即“停止翻译”和“此后惟翻译未经举行”。固然，无论是天聪八年的八旗乡试，还是顺治八年礼部研议的八旗科举，二者皆与翻译考试有关，但就性质与意义而言，它们都不是翻译科之缘起。

This record in The Yongzheng Ceremony is the same as that in The Two Imperial Examinations of the Qing Dynasty, which also regarded the Eight Banners imperial examination in the eighth year of Shunzhi as the first example of translation. Moreover, the closure of the translation section is mentioned in all three documents, namely, "the cessation of translation" and "only translation has not been held since then". Of course, both the Eight Banners township examination held in the eighth year of Tiancong and the Eight Banners examination discussed by the Ministry of Rites in the eighth year of Shunzhi are related to translation examination, but in terms of nature and significance, they are not the origin of translation study.--Chen Huini (talk) 06:25, 30 October 2021 (UTC)Chen Huini

This record in The Yongzheng Ceremony is the same as that in The Two Imperial Examinations of the Qing Dynasty, which also sees the Eight Banners imperial examination in the eighth year of Shunzhi as the first example of translation. Moreover, the closure of the translation section is mentioned in all three documents, namely, "the cessation of translation" and "only translation has not been held since then". Of course, both the Eight Banners township examination held in the eighth year of Tiancong and the Eight Banners examination discussed by the Ministry of Rites in the eighth year of Shunzhi are related to translation examination, but with regard to essence and significance, they are not the origins of translation study.--Chen Xiangqiong (talk) 11:21, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

陈湘琼 Chén Xiāngqióng 外国语言学及应用语言学 女 202120081480

《清实录·世祖章皇帝实录》和《八旗通志·初集》中，均将顺治八年的旗人考试称为“八旗科举”或“八旗考试”，而没有将其称作“翻译科举”或“翻译考试”，由此可知二者之区别。《钦定八旗通志》中，虽然用了“翻译考试”或“考试翻译”等字眼描述顺治时期的八旗科举，并将其视作翻译科举之源，且《清实录·圣祖仁皇帝实录》中也有康熙二年“复行满洲、蒙古、汉军翻译乡试”的记载，但上述记录实为误记的可能性较大，不排除系实录馆馆臣或编纂者依据雍正年间的情形误植所致。（叶高树，2013：52）

In Veritable Records of Qing Dynasty ·Veritable Records of Shunzhi Emperor and The General Annals of the Eight Banners , in stead of "translation imperial examination" or "translation exam", Qi's selection in 1651 were all called "Eight Banners imperial examination" or "Eight Banners exam"， which showed the difference between those two exams.In The General Annals of the Eight Banners Dedicated to the Emperor，though “translation examination” and “test for translation ability” were used to describe Eight Banners imperial examination during Shunzhi's period and researchers took it as the origin of translation imperial examination as well as a record in Veritable Records of Qing Dynasty ·Veritable Records of Kangxi Emperor of reinstating translation exam in rural areas of Man,Meng and Han places in 1662. But it is possibly wrong information and can not exclude the situation that officials were mistaken by records of Yongzheng Emperor.--Chen Xiangqiong (talk) 07:49, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

In Qing Record and Record of Shunzhi Emperor and The General Annals of the Eight Banners , in stead of "translation imperial examination" or "translation exam", Qi's selection in 1651 were all called "Eight Banners imperial examination" or "Eight Banners exam", which showed the difference between those two exams.In The General Annals of the Eight Banners Dedicated to the Emperor, though “translation examination” and “test for translation ability” were used to describe Eight Banners imperial examination during the period of Shunzhi and were regarded as the origin of translation imperial examination. And in Qing Record and Record of Kangxi Emperor also had the record of resuming the Manchurian, Mongolian, Chinese army translation Provincial Examination" in 1662, but the above record is actually a greater possibility of misinformation, do not exclude the fact that the Museum of factual records or compilers based on the Yongzheng years of the situation misplanted. (Ye Gaoshu, 2013: 52) --Chen Xinyi (talk) 04:03, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

陈心怡 Chén Xīnyí 翻译学 女 202120081481

有清一代，以“翻译”之名选拔八旗士子的科目很多，如庶吉士、翻译庶吉士、笔帖式等，但这些考试属于各部院衙门自行选用人才的方式，均未形成独立建制，与文科举并行。所谓顺治时期八旗考试中的“翻译考试”或“考试翻译”，也只是一种考试的内容或形式，并非是一种科考制度。

三、《八旗通志》等关于翻译科创建时间的订正。

In Qing dynasty, there were many subjects to select scholars of the eight banners in the name of "translation", such as the Hanlin Bachelor, Hanlin Bachelor of translation, and Clerk etc. But these examinations belonged to the various ministries and agencies to choose their own way of talent, had not formed an independent establishment. They were held in parallel with arts. The so-called eight banners in the Shunzhi period examination "translation examination" or "examination of translation" was only a test content or form, not a system of the imperial civil examination. Third, The General Annals of the Eight Banners and other revisions on the creation of the examination of translation. --Chen Xinyi (talk) 07:06, 28 October 2021 (UTC) In Qing dynasty, there were many subjects to select scholars of the Eight Banners in the name of "translation", such as the Hanlin Bachelor, Hanlin Bachelor of translation, and Clerk etc. But these examinations belonged to various ministries and agencies to choose their own ways of selecting talents, had not formed an independent establishment, which were held in parallel with arts. The so-called “translation examination" or "examination of translation" of Eight Banners in Shunzhi period was only a content or form of it, not a system of the imperial civil examination. Third, The General Annals of the Eight Banners and other revisions on the creation of the examination of translation.--Cheng Yang (talk) 13:28, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

程杨 Chéng Yáng 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081482

如前所述，天聪八年的八旗考试虽然有着不同类型之分，如满洲习满书、满洲习汉书等，本质上却是“语文测验”，而非翻译科考。同理，顺治八年的八旗科举虽然包含翻译考试的项目，但所谓翻译考试也只是八旗文科举的附设环节，尚未独立成科。凡此二者，皆与雍正元年研拟并于翌年首次开科，且具有独立、自主的制度设计的翻译科明显不同。 As mentioned above, although the examinations of the Eight Banners had different types during the eighth year of Tian Cong, the reign title of Qing Dynasty, such as learning Manchurian books in Manchu, learning Han books in Manchu, etc.,which were essentially a “language test” rather than a translation examination. Similarly, although the imperial examination of Eight Banners in the eighth year of Shun Zhi, a reign title of Qing Dynasty, included the translation examination, the so-called translation examination was only an ancillation of it, which had not become an independent subject. Both of them were significantly different from the examination of translation, which was discussed and formulated in the first year of Yong Zheng, a reign title of Qing Dynasty, and opened the following year, having an independent and autonomous system designation.--Cheng Yang (talk) 13:54, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

As it mentioned above, although the examinations of the Eight Banners had different types during the eighth year of Tian Cong, such as learning Manchurian books in Manchu and learning Han books in Manchu etc, they were essentially a “language test” rather than a translation examination. Similarly, although the imperial examination of Eight Banners in the eighth year of Shun Zhi, a reign title of Qing Dynasty, included the translation examination, the so-called translation examination was only an ancillation of it, which had not become an independent subject. Both of them were significantly different from the examination of translation, which was discussed and formulated in the first year of Yong Zheng, a reign title of Qing Dynasty, and opened the following year, having an independent and autonomous system designation.--Ding Xuan (talk) 10:59, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

丁旋 Dīng Xuán 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081483

《雍正会典》与两部《钦定大清会典事例》中，关于翻译科创设的说法不仅与《清实录·世祖章皇帝实录》冲突，也与《八旗通志》等存在较大出入。《八旗通志》和《钦定八旗通志》中，也将顺治八年、十一年两榜满、蒙举人和进士，归于“文举人”和“文进士”之列，而不是“翻译举人”和“翻译进士”之列，并把首科翻译举人归为雍正二年甲辰科，而将首科翻译进士归为乾隆四年己未科。（鄂尔泰等，1985：3393-3396、3419-3422；铁保等，1968：811-813、828-830）

The record of the foundation of translation subject in Record of Laws and System of Yongzheng Dynasty and Authorized Record of Laws and System of Qing Dynasty is in conflict with even largely different from that in Qing Record and Record of Shi Zuzhang Emperor and Eight Banners Annals. In Eight Banners Annals and Authorized Eight Banners Annals, two lists of Manchu and Mongolian candidates in the imperial examinations at the provincial level and the highest imperial examinations were enrolled to the field of literature rather than translation in the eighth and eleventh years of Shunzhi emperor. Besides, the translation candidates from provincial level of the initial subject were enrolled to Jiachen subject in the second year of Yongzheng emperor and the translation candidates in the highest imperial examinations were distributed to Jiwei subject in the fourth year of Qianlong emperor. (Ertai etc, 1985: 3393-3396、3419-3422；Tie Bao etc，1968：811-813、828-830)--Ding Xuan (talk) 09:58, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

The record of the foundation of translation subject in Record of Laws and System of Yongzheng Dynasty and Authorized Record of Laws and System of Qing Dynasty is in conflict with even largely different from that in Qing Record and Record of Shi Zuzhang Emperor and Eight Banners Annals. In Eight Banners Annals and Authorized Eight Banners Annals, two lists of Manchu and Mongolian candidates in the imperial examinations at the provincial level and the highest imperial examinations were enrolled to the field of literature rather than the translation in the eighth and eleventh years of Shunzhi emperor. Besides, the translation candidates from provincial level of the initial subject were enrolled to Jiachen subject in the second year of Yongzheng emperor and the translation candidates in the highest imperial examinations were enrolled to Jiwei subject in the fourth year of Qianlong emperor. (Ertai etc, 1985: 3393-3396、3419-3422；Tie Bao etc，1968：811-813、828-830)--Du Lina (talk) 04:21, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

杜莉娜 Dù Lìnà英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081484

显然，在《八旗通志》和《钦定八旗通志》的编纂者看来，顺治八年、十一年的两科举人与进士均不是出自翻译科举，而是出自八旗文科举。从清代进士题名碑的情况看，也可知翻译科并非始设于顺治年间。例如，在由北京图书馆金石组编写出版的《中国历代石刻拓本汇编》（1990）一书中，收录了顺治九年、十二年两榜进士的题名碑，但题名碑的书写与文进士题名碑并无不同，碑头和碑文中都没有出现“翻译”字样。

Obviously, in the opinions of editors of The General Annals of the Eight Banners and The General Annals of the Eight Banners Dedicated to the Emperor, both Ju ren and Xiu cai of two subjects in the eighth year and eleventh year of Shunzhi were not from the imperial examinations of translation but from liberal arts. According to the name of Jin shi inscribed on the stones in Qing dynasty, the imperial examinations of translation did not start with the period of Shunzhi. For instance, edited and published by Jin Shi of National Library of China, The Collection of Stone Inscriptions and Rubbings in Past Chinese Dynasties (1990)includes the inscription stones in the ninth year and twelfth year of Shunzhi. But there is no difference in the description on the stone compared with the stone of Jin shi of liberal arts, and the word “translation” do not appear no matter in the beginning or the text.--Du Lina (talk) 06:20, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

Obviously, in the opinions of editors of The General Annals of the Eight Banners and The General Annals of the Eight Banners Dedicated to the Emperor, both Ju ren and Xiu cai of two subjects in the eighth year and eleventh year of Shunzhi were not from the imperial examinations of translation but from liberal arts. According to the name of Jin shi inscribed on the stones in Qing dynasty, the imperial examinations of translation did not start with the period of Shunzhi. For instance, edited and published by Jin Shi of National Library of China, The Collection of Stone Inscriptions and Rubbings in Past Chinese Dynasties (1990)includes the inscription stones in the ninth year and twelfth year of Shunzhi. But there is no difference in the description on the stone compared with the stone of Jin shi of liberal arts, and the word “translation” do not appear either in the beginning or the text.--Fu Hongyan (talk) 03:08, 5 November 2021 (UTC)

付红岩 Fù Hóngyán 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081485

而同书在处理乾隆年间的四科翻译会试（即四年己未科、十年乙丑科、十三年戊辰科，以及十六年辛未科）时，碑头和碑文中却明确标注“翻译进士”，或“翻译会试”字样。（北京图书馆金石组，1990：52、169；24、146）同样的情况也见于《国朝历科题名碑录初集》，本书中关于顺治期间两榜进士（九年壬辰科、十二年乙未科）的称呼也只是“满洲进士”，而不是“翻译进士”，而且该书收录的题名中皆为文进士，未见有翻译进士。 However, when it comes to the collected works related imperial translation examination (the fourth, tenth, thirteenth and sixteenth years of Qianlong period) in the book mentioned above, there was clear inscription of “translation scholar or translation imperial examination” on the tablet head and inscription (Jin Shizu, Beijing Library, 1990: 52、169; 24、146). It’s true of A preliminary collection of inscriptions and stele of calendar subjects in the national Dynasty, in which the title of two Jinshi (the ninth year and twelfth of Shunzhi ) was just Manchu Jinshi, rather than translation Jinshi. Furthermore, the book included not translation Jinshi, but literal Jinshi. --Fu Hongyan (talk) 03:00, 5 November 2021 (UTC)

However, when it comes to the collected works related the imperial examinations of translation (namely, the fourth, tenth, thirteenth and sixteenth years of Qianlong period) in the book mentioned above, there was clear indication of “Jinshi (a successful candidate in the highest imperial examinations) of translation or imperial examination of translation” on the tablet head and inscription (Jin Shi of National Library of China , 1990: 52、169; 24、146). It’s true of The Preliminary Collection of The Inscriptions of Passers Lists in Past Chinese Dynasties, in which the name of the two Jinshi lists in the ninth year and twelfth of Shunzhi period was just Manchu Jinshi, rather than translation Jinshi. Furthermore, the book included not “Jinshi of translation”, but “Jinshi of liberal arts”.--Fu Shiyu (talk) 04:03, 5 November 2021 (UTC)

付诗雨 Fù Shīyǔ 日语语言文学 女 202120081486

由此可知，《雍正会典》和两部《会典事例》将顺治八年看作翻译科之起点确系误记。值得注意的是，《（康熙）大清会典》中，并没有录入“翻译科”的条目，这一点表明编纂者或许已对翻译科有了重新认识。《清实录·世祖章皇帝实录》中说，顺治十四年正月，世祖降旨吏、礼、兵三部，要求“今后限年定额考取生童，乡会两试，俱着停止，各部院衙门取用人员不必分别满汉文学”，但此处诏令停办的乡、会试同样只是八旗科举文试，而不是翻译考试。

From this, it can be seen that the "Yongzheng huidian" and the two "huidian shili" actually mistook the eighth year of Shunzhi for the starting point of the imperial translation examination. It is worth noting that in the "Da Qing huidian (Kangxi edition)", there is no entry for a item of "the imperial translation examination", which indicates that the editor may have a re-understanding of it. According to the "Factual Record of Qing Dynasty : Actual Record Of Shizu", in the first month of the fourteenth year of Shunzhi, Shizu issued an edict to ministries of Administration, Rites, and Military Affairs , demanding that "From now on, there would be limitations on the participant numbers and the years of the imperial examination to admit scholars. The county examination and the metropolitan examination would be also suspended. And it would be not necessary for every ministry to separate Manchu and Chinese literature when hiring officials." However, the two examinations that were suspended here were also the Manchu’s Imperial Examination, not the translation examination.--Fu Shiyu (talk) 10:15, 30 October 2021 (UTC)--Fu Shiyu (talk) 10:15, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

From this, it can be seen that the Yongzheng Huidian and the two Huidian Shili actually mistook the eighth year of Shunzhi for the starting point of the imperial translation examination. It is worth noting that in the Da Qing Huidian (Kangxi edition), there is no such entry as "the imperial translation examination", which indicates that the editor may have a re-understanding of it. According to the "Factual Record of Qing Dynasty: Actual Record Of Shizu", in the first month of the fourteenth year of Shunzhi, Shizu issued an edict demanding that, “from now on, ministries of Administration, Rites, and Military Affairs, admit a limited number of students and only in designated years, suspend the county examination and the metropolitan examination, and stop separating Manchu and Chinese literature when selecting officials.” However, the two examinations that were suspended here were also the Manchu’s Imperial Examination, not the translation examination.--Gao Mi (talk) 14:39, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

高蜜 Gāo Mì 翻译学 女 202120081487

（鄂尔泰等，1985：831-832）事实上，早在顺治朝以前，也曾有开科取士的情况，如天聪八年太宗皇太极命刚林、恩国泰等十六人“俱赐为举人”，崇德三年、六年又取中两榜举人，但上述三科同样并非翻译科。（铁保等，1968：780-781）毫无疑问，顺治时期的八旗科举和雍正元年初设的翻译科考之间有着渊源关系。

（E Ertai, etc., 1985:831-832）In fact, long before the reign of Emperor Shunzhi, there had been cases of selecting scholars through examinations. For example, in 1634, the eighth year of Tiancong, Hong Taiji issued a dree that granted sixteen candidates the title of Juren, including Gang Lin, En Guotai, etc. Again, in the third and the sixth years of Chongde respectively, Juren was selected through the county examination and the palace examination (Tie Bao, etc., 1968:780-781). There is no doubt that the imperial translation examination established in the first year of Emperor Yongzheng is related to the Eight Banners' Imperial Examination during Emperor Shunzhi's reign. --Gao Mi (talk) 14:43, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

（E Ertai, etc., 1985:831-832）In fact, long before the reign of Emperor Shunzhi, there had enlisted talents through the old civil service examination system. For example, in 1634, the eighth year of Tiancong, Hong Taiji issued a dree that granted sixteen candidates the title of Juren, including Gang Lin, En Guotai, etc. Again, in the third and the sixth years of Chongde respectively, Juren was selected through the county examination and the palace examination (Tie Bao, etc., 1968:780-781). There is no doubt that the imperial translation examination established in the first year of Emperor Yongzheng is related to the Eight Banners' Imperial Examination during Emperor Shunzhi's reign. --Gong Boya (talk) 10:57, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

宫博雅 Gōng Bóyǎ 俄语语言文学 女 202120081488

首先，顺治朝的八旗科举与翻译科考一样，都有为旗人开设专科的倾向，只不过在前者中满洲和蒙古合为一榜，汉军与汉人合为另一榜，而翻译科考则容括了汉军。其次，就考试内容而言，顺治年间的翻译考试只针对识汉字者，翻译并非考试的全部内容，而翻译科考则主要考察应试者的翻译能力，以实现满、蒙、汉等多种语言融通。雍正朝以后，虽然历代统治者对翻译科考进行了这样或那样的调整与改革，但翻译科考的制度雏形却在顺治朝时已然形成。

First of all, the eight Banners imperial examination system of Shunzhi Dynasty had the same tendency to set up special subjects for Bannermen as the translation imperial examination system, but in the former, Manchuria and Mongolia were combined into one ranking list, and the Han banner and the Han people were combined into another ranking list, while the translation imperial examination included the Han banner. Secondly, as far as the test content is concerned, the translation imperial examination in Shunzhi period was only for those who knew Chinese characters, and translation was not the whole content of the test, while the translation imperial examination mainly examined the translation ability of those who took the test, so as to achieve mastery of manchu, Mongolian, Chinese and other languages. After the Yongzheng Dynasty, although successive rulers made some adjustments and reforms, the embryonic form of translation imperial examination system had been formed in the Shunzhi Dynasty. --Gong Boya (talk) 14:58, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

First of all, the Eight Banners imperial examination and translation examination in Emperor Shunzhi’s reign tended to be exclusive to the Eight Banners. But in the former, Manchuria and Mongolia were included on one ranking list; the Han armies and the Han people were included on another ranking list, while in the later the Han armies were included. Secondly, in terms of test content, the translation imperial examination in Shunzhi’s reign was only for those who knew Chinese characters, and translation was not the whole content of the test, while the translation imperial examination mainly examined the translation ability of participants, so as to achieve communication of Manchu, Mongolian, Chinese and other languages. Since the Emperor Yongzheng’s reign, although successive emperors made some adjustments and reforms, the original form of translation imperial examination had been formed in Emperor Shunzhi’s reign. --He Qin (talk) 11:41, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

何芩 Hé Qín 翻译学 女 202120081489

可以认为，顺治朝时期的翻译考试为雍正帝创设翻译科考，以及日后各朝的修订与完善，打下了良好基础。

四、《钦定国子监志》对于翻译科缘起的补正

与《八旗通志》、《钦定八旗通志》和《国朝历科题名碑录初集》等不同，清代历史文献中，也有将顺治八年、十一年两榜举人与进士称作翻译举人与翻译进士的情况。

It is fair to say that the translation examination set up in Emperor Shunzhi’s reign has established a solid foundation for Emperor Yongzheng to include it into the Imperial Examination and for future revisions in the following dynasties.

4. The Imperial Academy Journal Dedicated to the Emperor——supplement to the Translation Examination in the Imperial Examination

Different from General Annals of the Eight Banners, General Annals of the Eight Banners Dedicated to the Emperor and National Collection of Stele Inscriptions, some historical documents refer the Jin shi and Juren in 8th and 11th year of Emperor Shunzhi’s reign as Jinshi in translation and Juren in translation.--He Qin (talk) 11:42, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

胡舒情 Hú Shūqíng 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081490

例如，在沈廷芳辑注的《馆选录》和朱汝珍辑注的《词林辑略》中，顺治年间识汉字且通过考试翻译中式举人和进士者，往往被称为翻译举人、翻译进士。如满洲正白旗人达哈塔于顺治九年壬辰科中进士，被称为翻译进士，并分派至内院学习，正白旗人玛尔汉，则被称作“顺治甲午翻译举人”。（邹长清，2011：357）然而，据前文关于顺治年间八旗科举考试的分析可知，这样的称呼与事实不符。

--Huang Jinyun (talk) 13:18, 4 November 2021 (UTC)

黄锦云 Huáng Jǐnyún 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081491

顺治年间的八旗士子，无论习清语，还是习汉语，都是一体考试。只不过，对于识汉字者而言，考试中增加了翻译的环节（内容），但考试本身仍归属文科举范畴。然而，由于编纂者的误解或误记，致使讹错流传。

During the reign of Emperor Shunzhi, students from the eight banners took the same examination no matter what language they used. Though a translation part was added for Chinese learner, the examination itself belonged to liberal studies. Unfortunately, with the misunderstanding or negligence of the editors it was mistakenly recorded and spread to the descendants.--Huang Jinyun (talk) 14:43, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

During the reign of Emperor Shunzhi, all the candidates from the eight banners took the same examination no matter what language they used. Though a translation part was added for Chinese learner, the examination itself belonged to liberal arts. Unfortunately, with the misunderstanding and misdescription of the editors, it was mistakenly recorded and passed on to the descendants.--Huang Yiyan1 (talk) 11:52, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

黄逸妍 Huáng Yìyán 外国语言学及应用语言学 女 202120081492

如《国子监志》卷四八《金石三》中，便将顺治九年、十二年两科及第者俱称“翻译进士”：九年壬辰科，赐邹忠倚等三百九十七名及第出身题名碑，又赐翻译进士麻勒吉等五十名及第出身题名碑。以上五碑在大成门外之东南向。

In the 48th volume of the Record of Imperial College, candidates who have passed the imperial examination were called "Translation Scholars" in the 9th year and 12the year during the reign of emperor Shunzhi. It was recorded that in the 9th year during the governance of emperor Shunzhi, the names of South Zhongyi and other 397 successful candidates in the highest imperial examination and Majile and other 50 Translation Scholars are inscribed on the stone tablet. And the five carved stone tablets were located southeast to the Dacheng Doors.--Huang Yiyan1 (talk) 11:44, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

黄柱梁 Huáng Zhùliáng 国别 男 202120081493

十二年乙未科，赐史大成等三百九十七名及第出身题名碑，又赐翻译进士图尔宸等五十名及第出身题名碑。以上五碑在大成门外之东南向。（梁国治，1986：527）《国子监志》由乾隆十三年进士梁国治奉敕纂辑，全书共六十二卷，分圣谕和御制诗文等，后者依类分载于各“志”。In the Imperial Competitive Examination in the 12th year of Emperor Shunzhi's ruling(lunar ca;endar the Year of Goat[Yi Wei], 397 members such as Shi Dacheng and 50 members of Translation Jinshi such as Tu Erchen were all given a great honor that their name will appear in the monument which only the names of Jinshi can be engraved. The above five monuments are southeast of Dacheng Gate. (Liang Guozhi, 1986:527) The Records of the Imperial Academy was compiled by Liang Guozhi under the order of Emperor Qian'long in the 13th year of his ruling. The whole book has 62 volumes, including holy edicts and emperor's-- poems. The latter is contained in various "records" according to categories.--Huang Zhuliang (talk) 07:52, 29 October 2021 (UTC)Huang Zhuliang

In the Imperial Competitive Examination in the 12th year of Emperor Shunzhi's ruling(lunar ca;endar the Year of Goat[Yi Wei], 397 members such as Shi Dacheng and 50 members of Translation Jinshi such as Tu Erchen were all given the birth inscription Jinshi monument by the emperor. The whole book has 62 volumes, including holy edicts and emperor's-- poems. The latter is contained in various "records" according to categories. The above five monuments are southeast of Dacheng Gate. (Liang Guozhi, 1986:527) The Records of the Imperial Academy was compiled by Liang Guozhi under the order of Emperor Qian'long in the 13th year of his ruling. The whole book has 62 volumes, including holy edicts and emperor's articles and poems. The latter is contained in various "records" according to categories.--Jin Xiaotong (talk) 14:46, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

金晓童 Jīn Xiǎotóng 202120081494

按照上述记载，麻勒吉、图尔宸等都被称作翻译进士，由皇帝赐及第出身题名碑。顺治九年，朝廷决定以满、汉分科的形式开科取士，麻勒吉于同年壬辰科考取会试第一，殿试一甲第一，一甲其余二人为折库纳与巴海，俱赐进士及第出身。然而，尽管麻勒吉后来授封教习庶吉士，但其本人并非翻译进士，这一点从《题名碑录》、《进士题名碑录》以及《八旗通志》等文献中均可得到应证。 According to the above records, Maleji, Turchen etc,their were all called translator Jinshi(the successful candidates in the highest imperial examinations) and were given the birth inscription Jinshi monument by the emperor.In the 9th year of emperor Shunzhi, the imperial court decided to establish a division of Manchu and Han disciples to select scholars. In the same year, Maleji won the first place in the general examination,and the first in the imperial examination, the other two people were Zhekuna and Bahai, both of whom were given the birth inscription of Jinshi.However, although Maleji later was conferred the title of Hanlin Bachelor, he himself was not a translator Jinshi, which can be proved by many documents such as Block-printed copy of the inscribing on the stone,Block-printed copy of the inscribing of Jinshi on the stone, General Annals of Eight Banners.--Jin Xiaotong (talk) 13:52, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

According to the above records, Maleji, Turchen etc,their were all called translator Jinshi(the successful candidates in the highest imperial examinations) and were given the birth inscription Jinshi monument by the emperor.In the 9th year of emperor Shunzhi, the imperial court decided to establish a division of Manchu and Han disciples to select scholars. In the same year, Maleji won the first place in the general examination,and the first in the imperial examination, the other two people were Zhekuna and Bahai, both of whom were given the birth inscription of Jinshi.However, although Maleji later was conferred the title of Hanlin Bachelor, he himself was not a translator Jinshi, which can be proved by many documents such as Block-printed copy of the inscribing on the stone,Block-printed copy of the inscribing of Jinshi on the stone, General Annals of Eight Banners.

邝Italic text艳丽 Kuàng Yànl 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081495

《国子监志》于乾隆四十三年奉敕纂辑，并被收入《四库全书》之后，又于道光年间经监臣李宗昉等奏请，开馆增辑刊印。道光十四年，文庆、李宗昉等完成增辑，共八十二卷，取名《钦定国子监志》。然而，与梁国治版《国子监志》不同，《钦定国子监志》中，并没有将麻勒吉和图尔宸等人称作翻译进士，这一点也许是文庆、李宗昉等编纂者基于历史事实而做出的修正 The Record of the Imperial Academy was edited in the 43th year of Qianlong, then was added edition and published for the petition of Warden Li Zongfang in the reign of Daoguang after it was included in the Si Ku Quan Shu. In the 14th year of Daoguang, the edition of The Record of the Imperial Academy was finished by Wenqing and Li Zongfang, which had 82 chapters in all and was named The Record of Imperial Academy Made by Imperial Order. However, what was different from The Record of the Imperial Academy by Laing Guozhi is that Ma Leji and Tu Erchen and others were not called Tien Si of Translation in The Record of the Imperial Academy Made By Imperial Order, which may be the correction made by such editors as Wen Qing and Li Zongfang on the basis of historical facts.--Kuang Yanli (talk) 00:52, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

The Record of the Imperial Academy was edited in the 43th year during the period of Qianlong, then was added edition and published for the petition of Warden Li Zongfang in the Reign of Daoguang after it was included in the Si Ku Quan Shu. In the 14th year during the period of Daoguang, the edition of The Record of the Imperial Academy, which had 82 chapters in all and was named The Record of Imperial Academy Made by Imperial Order, was finished by Wenqing and Li Zongfang. However, what was different from The Record of the Imperial Academy by Laing Guozhi is that Ma Leji and Turchen and others were not called Tien Si of Translation in The Record of the Imperial Academy Made By Imperial Order, which may be the correction made by such editors as Wen Qing and Li Zongfang on the basis of historical facts.--Li Aixuan (talk) 11:24, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

李爱璇 Lǐ Àixuán 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081496

与此同时，该书在乾隆四年翻译进士题名碑之后，也增加“按语”如下，可作为考证麻勒吉、图尔宸等人翻译进士身份的重要线索：翻译乡会试，自雍正元年，定于子、午、卯、酉年二月乡试，辰、戌、丑、未年八月会试。嗣后或举或停，或止准乡试而停会试。

At the same time, after the translation of the inscription of scholars monument in the fourth year during the period of Qianlong, the book also was added following "notes", which can be used as an important clue to verify the identity of translation scholars such as Ma Leji and Turchen: since the first year during the period of Yongzheng, provincial examination of translation has been scheduled in February of Zi, Wu, Mao and You year, and metropolitan examination of translation has been held scheduled in August of Chen, Xu, Chou and Wei year. Hereafter, the examination was either held or cancered, or the provincial examination held and metropolitan examination cancered.--Li Aixuan (talk) 11:15, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

At the same time, after the inscription of scholars was translated in the fourth year of the reign Emperor Qianlong, and notes were added to the book, which could be used as important textual researches to identify translation scholars such as Maleji and Tuerchen: since the first year during the reign of Emperor Yongzheng, provincial examination of translation has been scheduled in February of Zi, Wu, Mao and You year, and metropolitan examination has been held scheduled in August of Chen, Xu, Chou and Wei year. After then, the examination was held or canceled from time to time. Sometimes the provincial examination was held, but metropolitan examination was canceled.--Li Ruiyang (talk) 12:49, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

李瑞洋 Lǐ Ruìyáng 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081497

至乾隆四年八月，复举行会试。题名之有碑刻，自是科始。二十二年，仍议停止会试。

By August in the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, the provincial examination had been held. Since the beginning of imperial examination, names of successful candidates would be inscribed. However, in the twenty-second year, the court still decided to stop it after discussion.--Li Ruiyang (talk) 10:21, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

李姗 Lǐ Shān 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081498

四十四年，照旧举行，并奏准赐进士出身。停其殿试。又奏准停止建立碑记。

In the 44th year of Emperor Qianlong's reign, the metropolitan examination was resumed. And those who passed the examination were bestowed as Chin-Shih (excellent candidates in the highest imperial examinations). And then the final imperial examination presided over by the emperor was suspended. Later, proposal was approved not to keep inscriptional record.--Li Shan (talk) 02:47, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

In the 44th year of Emperor Qianlong's reign, the metropolitan examination was resumed. And those who passed the examination were bestowed as Chin-Shih (successful candidates in the highest imperial examinations). But the final imperial examination presided over by the emperor was suspended. The emperor gave orders to stop the construcion of inscriptions.--Li Shuang (talk) 09:46, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

李双 Lǐ Shuāng 翻译学 女 202120081499

今翻译进士题名，故仅止四碑。详识于此。（文庆、李宗昉等，2000：1106）根上文所载，至少可以明确以下四点：首先，翻译乡会试始于雍正年间。

As a result, there were only four steles that record successful candidates in the highest imperial examinations of translation. (Wen qin, Li Zongfang etc. 2000:1106) According to the previous records, at least the following four points can be made clear: First of all, the translation provincial and metropolitan examinations began in the reign of Yongzheng.--Li Shuang (talk) 02:35, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

As a result, there were only four steles that recorded successful candidates in the highest imperial examinations of translation. (Wen qin, Li Zongfang etc. 2000:1106) According to the previous records, at least the following four points can be made clear: First of all, the translation provincial and metropolitan examinations began in the reign of Emperor Yongzheng.--Li Wenxuan (talk) 11:09, 4 November 2021 (UTC)

李文璇 Lǐ Wénxuán 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081500

雍正朝期间，原定举办四科翻译乡试，即四年（午）、七年（酉）、十年（子）、十三年（卯），四科翻译会试，即二年（辰）、五年（未）、八年（戌）、十一年（丑），但其间时停时举，或仅举办翻译乡试而停办翻译会试，并不规律。其次，乾隆四年八年办理乙未科时，回复办理翻译会试，中式者赐进士出身，有碑刻。再次，乾隆二十二年，停办翻译会试，四十四年恢复，中式者仍赐进士出身。

During the reign of Yongzheng, the government conducted four subjects of translation provincial examination, including 1726, 1729, 1732, 1735, and four subjects of translation metropolitan examination, including 1724, 1727, 1730, 1733. But during this period, some examination had been canceled and some held, or the government only held the provincial examination and canceled the metropolitan examination, which was not order. Next, in 1739 and 1743, it was going to hold the second examination, however, the government decided to hold the translation metropolitan examination, and the winner can get the title of Jinshi, which also had the inscriptions recorded. Then, in 1757, the translation metropolitan examination had been suspended, and recovered in 1779, the winner also can get the title of Jinshi. --Li Wenxuan (talk) 01:37, 31 October 2021 (UTC)

During the reign of Yongzheng, the government conducted four translation subjects as provincial examination, including 1726, 1729, 1732, 1735, and four translation subjects as metropolitan examination, including 1724, 1727, 1730, 1733. But during this period, some examination had been canceled and some held, or the government only held the provincial examination and canceled the metropolitan examination, which was irregular.Besides, in 1739 and 1743, it was going to hold the second examination, however, the government decided to hold the translation metropolitan examination, and the winner can get the title of Jinshi, which also had the inscriptions recorded. Then, in 1757, the translation metropolitan examination had been suspended, and recovered in 1779, the winner also can get the title of Jinshi.--Li Wen (talk) 09:06, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

李雯 Lǐ Wén 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081501

最后，翻译殿试一直处于停办状态。因而，翻译进士题名碑仅有四科，分别是乾隆四年己未科、十年乙丑科、十三年戊辰科，以及十六年辛未科。如果《钦定国子监志》中的上述记载属实，则可知《国子监志》中将麻勒吉、图尔宸等称作翻译进士，并由此认定顺治八年即为翻译科之起始年的观点并不可取。

Finally, the translation test has been suspended. As a result, there are only four in the history of translation test, which are jiwei in the fourth year of qianlong, Yichou in the tenth year, Wuchen in the thirteenth year, and Xinwei in the sixteenth year. If the records in The Imperial Records are true, it can be seen that maleji and Tulchen were called talents of translation in the Imperial Records, and the views in the eighth year of Shunzhi( the beginning year of translation )is not desirable.--Li Wen (talk) 09:02, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

Finally, the translation temple has been suspended. As a result, there are only four branches on the translated Jinshi inscription tablets, which are jiwei in the fourth year of qianlong, Yichou in the tenth year, Wuchen in the thirteenth year, and Xinwei in the sixteenth year. If the above records in The Imperial Imperial Records are true, it can be seen that maleji and Tulchen were called jinshi of translation in the Imperial Imperial Records, and the view that the eighth year of Shunzhi was the beginning year of translation is not desirable.--Li Xinxing (talk) 12:21, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

李新星 Lǐ Xīnxīng 亚非语言文学 女 202120081503

事实上，《国子监志》不仅误记了顺治九年、十二年两榜进士（满洲、蒙古）题名碑，而且在乾隆年间的两科翻译进士题名碑问题上，也发生了讹错与遗漏。具体而言便是，《国子监志》中仅记载了两碑乾隆年间的翻译进士，分别是乾隆十三年的戊辰科和十六年的辛未科，颁赐对象分别是武进、武立等四十二人。至于乾隆四年己未科和十年乙丑科，其中未见有记录，此事令《国子监志》的可信度受损。（梁国治，1986：530） As a matter of fact, in the Annals of the Imperial College, there are not only errors in the inscription tablets of the ninth and twelfth year of Shunzhi, but also errors and omissions in the translation of the inscription tablets of the jinshi in the qianlong period. Specifically, in the Annals of imperial College, there are only two steles of translated Jinshi during the Reign of Emperor Qianlong, namely wuchenke in the thirteenth year of Emperor Qianlong and Xinweike in the sixteenth year of Emperor Qianlong, which were awarded to 42 people, including Wu Jin and Wu Li. As for the jiwei section in the fourth year and yichou Section in the tenth year of the Reign of Emperor Qianlong, there were no records, which damaged the credibility of the Annals of the Imperial Academy. (Liang Guozhi, 1986:530)--Li Xinxing (talk) 12:19, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

In fact, in the Annals of the Imperial College,it misremembered two-listed inscribed (Manchuria, Mongolia) scholars in Shunji nine years and twelve years , but also in Qianlong years, it had also mistakes and omissions in the two sections of translation scholars inscription tablet problem. Specifically, the Annals of the Imperial College only records the two monuments Qianlong years of translation, respectively, Qianlong 13 years of Thechenke and 16 years of Xin Weike, awarded to the object of Wujin, Wu Li and other forty-two people. As for Qianlong's four-year absence and ten-year B-Ugly Section, which has not been recorded, the credibility of the Annals of the Imperial College has been undermined. (Liang Guozhi, 1986:530)--Li Yi (talk) 12:46, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

李怡 Lǐ Yí 法语语言文学 女 202120081504

结语：翻译科的创设始于雍正年间，而非顺治年间，这一点毋庸置疑。顺治时期，八旗科举考试中虽然已有了翻译考试的内容，但此时的翻译考试并非独立建制，而是隶属于八旗文科举，为后者考试中的一个环节，或者说为其考试内容的一个部分。 Conclusion: There is no doubt that the establishment of translation department began in the Qing Yongzheng, not in the Qing Shunzhi. During the Shunzhi period, there was a content of translation examination in the eight Banners imperial examination, but the translation examination was not an independent institution, but a part of the eight banners liberal arts examination, or a part of the examination content.

Conclusion: There is no doubt that the establishment of translation subject began in the reign of Yongzheng rather than Shunzhi. During the Shunzhi period, although there was translation exercises in examination in the eight Banners imperial examination, it was not an independent subject but a part of the eight banners liberal arts examination, or a part of the examination content.--Liu Peiting (talk) 01:32, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

刘沛婷 Liú Pèitíng 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081505

雍正年间，世宗为了整饬八旗“废弛陋习”，奖励清语学习，因而创制翻译科，将其视作方法与工具，鼓舞八旗满洲与蒙古奋勉向学，以图进取。翻译科的创设带有明确、强烈的政治、文化意涵，是为了维护“国语骑射”的满洲根本，以及满族文化特征。这么做，一方面是为了维护满洲祖制，避免满族固有文化被汉族同化；另一方面则是想通过传承自身文化，实现全国政权的长远统治。

During the reign of Emperor Yongzheng, emperor Shizong established the subject of Translation as a means and tool to encourage the Eight Banners in Manchuria and Mongolia to learn Chinese and make progress with the hope to rectify the "bad habits" of the eight banners and reward Chinese learning. The establishment of the Translation subject has clear and strong political and cultural implications, that is, to maintain the manchu roots of "mandarin horsemanship" and the characteristics of Manchu culture. This act, on the one hand, is to maintain the manchu ancestor system and avoid the inherent culture of Manchu being assimilated by the ethnic Han. On the other hand, it aims to realize the long-term rule of the national regime through inheriting their own culture.--Liu Peiting (talk) 01:09, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

During the reign of Emperor Yongzheng, the Emperor established the subject of Translation as a means and tool to encourage the Eight Banners in Manchuria and Mongolia to learn Chinese and make progress with the hope to rectify the "bad habits" of the eight banners and reward Chinese learning. The establishment of the Translation subject has clear and strong political and cultural implications, that is, to maintain the manchu roots of "mandarin horsemanship" and the characteristics of Manchu culture. On the one hand, this practice is to maintain the manchu ancestor system and avoid the inherent culture of Manchu being assimilated by the ethnic Han. On the other hand, it aims to realize the long-term rule of the national regime through inheriting their own culture.--Liu Shengnan (talk) 11:28, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

刘胜楠 Liú Shèngnán 翻译学 女 202120081506

毫无疑问，作为清代八旗科举制度的重要成分，翻译科的创设自有其积极意义，它不仅使旗人获得了进身机会，缓解了八旗生计的困难，而且也为朝廷遴选了大量翻译专才，促进了国家治理。然而，翻译科自身也有缺陷与不足，这一点主要体现在“首崇满洲”的基本原则上，它是维护满洲特权与旗人利益的集中体现，对于我们研究清代的政治、文化发展与变化，以及有清一代的民族关系与民族政策等，都具有重要的学术价值与社会意义。

There was no doubt that as an important component of the imperial examination system of the Eight Banners in Qing Dynasty, the establishment of the translation department had its own positive significance. It not only provided opportunities for the people of the Eight Banners and alleviated the difficulties of making a living, but also selected a large number of translation professionals for the imperial court and promoted national governance. However, the translation department also had its own defects and deficiencies, which was mainly reflected in the basic principle of "first advocating Manchuria". It was a concentrated embodiment of safeguarding Manchuria's privileges and Eight Banners people's interests. It had important academic value and social significance for us to study the political and cultural development and changes of Qing Dynasty, as well as the ethnic relations and ethnic policies of Qing Dynasty.--Liu Shengnan (talk) 13:52, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

There is no doubt that as an important component of the imperial examination system of the Eight Banners in the Qing Dynasty, the creation of the translation subject has its own positive significance. It not only provided promotion opportunities for the people of the Eight banners and alleviated the difficulty of making a living, but also selected a large number of translation professionals for the imperial court and promoted national managemant. However, the translation subject also has its own defects and deficiencies, which is mainly reflected in the basic principle of “first advocate Manchuria”. It is a concentrated embodiment of safeguarding Manchuria's privileges and the Eight Banners people's interests.Which has important academic value and social significance for us to study the political and cultural development and changes of the Qing Dynasty, as well as the ethnic relations and ethnic policies of the Qing Dynasty. --Liu Wei (talk) 14:11, 30 October 2021 (UTC)Liu Wei

刘薇 Liú Wēi 国别 女 202120081507

《金瓶梅》满文翻译考释

摘要：淫词小说的禁毁系清代长期的文化政策。然而，社会历史阶段不同，政府对该政策的推进与执行也不尽同。

A textual criticism research on the Manchu translation of The Golden Lotus Abstract: The prohibition and damage of pornographic novels was due to the long-term cultural policies of the Qing Dynasty. However, on account of different social and historical periods, the government's promotion and implementation of this policy are also different. --Liu Wei (talk) 02:59, 30 October 2021 (UTC)Liu Wei

A Textual Criticism Research on the Manchu Translation of The Golden Lotus Abstract: Banning and destroying pornographic novels was a long-term cultural policy in the Qing Dynasty. However, the government's promotion and implementation of this policy were quite different in different social and historical periods.--Liu Xiao (talk) 07:49, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

刘晓 Liú Xiǎo 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081508

清初，统治者的政策重心在于武力征伐与国家统一，文禁的重点在于政治倾向显著的作品。因而，为了笼络人心，政府对汉族小说及其翻译的偏见并不显著，对《金瓶梅》等淫词类小说的禁毁与惩处也影响较小。康熙中期以后，政府强化了思想控制，加强了小说翻译与小说创作的管制，《金瓶梅》的审查亦在其中。

In the early Qing Dynasty, the policies enacted by the emperor focused on military expeditions and national unification, that of literary persecution focusing on works with prominent political tendencies. Therefore, in order to win people's support, the government's prejudice against Chinese novels and their translation was not significant, and little influence had been brought by the prohibition and punishment of erotic novels such as the Golden Lotus. After the middle period of emperor Kangxi's reign, the government strengthened the control of thought, as well as the control of novel translation and novel creation, including the review of the Golden Lotus.--Liu Xiao (talk) 13:17, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

In the early Qing Dynasty, the rulers' policy focused on military expedition and national unity, and the cultural prohibition focused on works with significant political tendency. Therefore, in order to win the hearts of the people, the government's prejudice against Chinese novels and their translation was not significant, and little influence had been brought by the prohibition and punishment of erotic novels such as the Golden Lotus. . After the middle period of Kangxi, the government strengthened the ideological control, as well as the control of novel translation and novel creation, including the review of the Golden Lotus.--Liu Yue (talk) 00:42, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

刘越 Liú Yuè 亚非语言文学 女 202120081509

《金瓶梅》的翻译有别于“四书”、“五经”，它既不能塑造道德，又不能规范秩序，其翻译与刊刻遭到限制在所难免。然而，《金瓶梅》译本最终得以成书，与统治者的支持或默认不无关联。

关键词：《金瓶梅》；满文翻译；和素；文化政策；审查

The translation of Golden Lotus is different from the "four books" and "Five Classics". It can neither shape morality nor regulate order. It is inevitable that its translation and publication will be restricted. However, it is related to the support or acquiescence of the rulers that the translation of Golden Lotus was finally completed. Key words: Golden Lotus; Manchu translation; He Su; Cultural policy; examination--Liu Yue (talk) 00:35, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

刘运心 Liú Yùnxīn 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081510

清代的官方文献中，并未明确出现“文化政策”字样，而是代之以“文教”、“教化”等概念，但这并不能说明清代的文化建设缺乏既定的政策理念与行为准则。恰恰相反，自顺治十年起，清廷即制订了“崇儒重道”的文化政策，将中国传统的文化概念融入政治实践，并在嗣后各朝逐渐形成“兴文教”、“崇经术”的治国方针。如康熙九年提出的“圣训十六条”、乾隆年间修纂的《四库全书》等，都是“崇儒重道”的重要实践。

In the official documents, the exact term “cultural policy” did not appear, instead, the terms of “culture and education” and “moral teaching” were used. This finding did not mean that the cultural development of Qing dynasty lacked of established policy ideas or code of conduct. On the contrary, since the tenth year of the reign of Shunzhi, the cultural policy of “advocating Confucianism and adhering to Confucian doctrine” which incorporated the traditional Chinese cultural concepts into political practices has been established by Qing government. Later on, the ruling principle of “promoting the development of culture and education” and “advocating Confucianism” gradually came into being under the administrations of the following emperors. For instance, The Sixteen Rules by the Emperor issued in the ninth year of Kangxi's reign and The Siku Quanshu edited in Qianlong's age were all important practices of “advocating Confucianism and adhering to Confucian doctrine”.--Liu Yunxin (talk) 05:07, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

The words "cultural policy" did not explicitly appear in official documents of the Qing dynasty, but were replaced by concepts such as "culture and education' and 'moral teaching". This does not mean that there was a lack of established policy concepts and codes of conduct in cultural construction. On the contrary, since the tenth year of the reign of Shunzhi, the Qing court formulated a cultural policy of "advocating Confucianism and adhering to Confucian doctrine", incorporating traditional Chinese cultural concepts into political practice, and gradually forming the policy of 'promoting culture and education' and 'revering scripture and art' in subsequent dynasties. For instance, in the ninth year of the Kangxi reign，"The Sixteen Rules by the Emperor“ and the compilation of the Siku Quanshu during the Qianlong reign were all important practice of "advocating Confucianism and adhering to Confucian doctrine". --Luo Anyi (talk) 10:45, 5 November 2021 (UTC)

罗安怡 Luó Ānyí 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081511

在文化政策的范畴中，“崇儒重道”有其衍生物，如科举取士、博学鸿词等，而访求、编纂书籍，以及翻译汉文典籍等也是其重要内容。清代的汉籍（书）翻译既面对“四书”、“五经”等儒学典籍，也面对《金瓶梅》、《西厢记》等通俗作品。清代的汉籍（书）翻译系清代政治、文化事业的重要组成部分。

In the realm of cultural policy, the principle of “Reverence to Confucianism” had its derivatives, for instance, the imperial examination and the Boxue hongci section. The collection and compilation of books, as well as the translation of Chinese classics, were also important parts of cultural policies. The translation of Han books in the Qing dynasty dealt with both Confucian texts, such as the Four Books and the Five Classics, and popular works, such as The Golden Lotus and The Western Chamber. Thus the translation of Han books was an important part of the political and cultural undertakings of the Qing dynasty. --Luo Anyi (talk) 10:47, 5 November 2021 (UTC)

罗曦 Luó Xī 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081512

从背景上看，汉籍（书）的翻译一方面得益于统治者反复提倡“国语骑射”的基本国策，以维护满洲根本于不坠，另一方面则得益于文化整合的需要，即，统治者通过翻译学习汉族文化，汲取汉人的治国理政经验，建构政权稳定和国家长治久安所需的“治统”与“道统”。通过引导与规范汉籍（书）的翻译，统治者不仅使满、汉文化互通有无，阐明法度，维护正统，端正满洲的人心风俗，而且以译书作为临政规范，撷取帝王为政之道，完善国家治理理念与模式。

马新 Mǎ Xīn 外国语言学及应用语言学 女 202120081513

藉由汉籍（书）的翻译，统治者既能成功了解汉族文化，又能以思想为治术，建构政权的合法性，实现满洲政权向中原政权的历史转化，并在接触和学习汉文化中获得“统制”汉民的重要经验，实现“治统”与“道统”的和谐统一，最大限度地保障统治集团的既得利益。一、《金瓶梅》的创作题材与历史地位。中国古典小说中，有“四大奇书”之称。

Through translating the classical books from Han people, the ruler of Qing government could not only understand their culture successfully, but also validate the legitimacy of Manchu regime via the thoughts of governance arts in order to realize the historical transformation from Manchu regime into the Central Plains regimes, gain important experience to "rule" Han people in the process of contacting and learning from their culture, achieve the harmonious uniformity between "Zhi Tong" (rule the country by traced to the same origin) and "Dao Tong" (rule the country by Confucianism) as well as safeguard the vested interest in Manchu ruling clique to the greatest extent. 1. the creative theme and historical status of The Golden Lotus. In Chinese classical novels, it was known as "the Four Marvelous Books".

Through the translation of the classical books in Han (the Central Plains) language, the rulers in Qing Dynasty could not only gain deep insight into their culture, but also validate the legitimacy of the Manchu regime via taking advantage of thoughts to govern the country, so as to realize the historical transition from Manchu regime to the Central Plains regime, to obtain important experience of "ruling" Han (Central Plains) people, to achieve the harmonious unity of "Zhi Tong" (to rule the country by tough measures) and "Dao Tong" (to govern the country by ethics and Confucianism), as well as to proetct the vested interest of ruling regime to the highest degree. 1. The Creative Themes and Historical Status of The Golden Lotus. In Chinese classical novels, there are the so-called "Four Marvelous Books".--Mao Yawen (talk) 14:59, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

毛雅文 Máo Yǎwén 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081514

所谓“四大奇书”，按照李渔、周永保等人的说法，是指《金瓶梅》、《三国演义》、《水浒传》、《西游记》等四部明代小说作品，这些作品皆成书于明代年间，代表的是中国古典小说的四种不同形态，即历史类、传奇类、神魔类，以及世情类。作为“四大奇书”之首，《金瓶梅》究竟成书于何时，学界尚有不同说法。有人认为是明代嘉靖年间，如屠本畯的《山林经济籍》，也有人认为是万历年间，如郑振铎的《谈金瓶梅词话》、车锡伦的《<金瓶梅词话>中的宣卷》，以及黄霖的《<金瓶梅>漫话》等。

According to scholars like Li Yu and Zhou Yongbao, the so-called "Four Marvelous Books" refer to the four novels in Ming Dynasty, including The Golden Lotus, The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Outlaws of the Marsh, and Journey to the West. These works were finished in Ming Dynasty and represent the four different forms of Chinese classical novels, namely, the historical, the legendary, the supernatural evil-spirit, and the realistic (or human-feelings). However, there are still various views in the academic circle on the completing time of The Golden Lotus which has been considered as the first of the "Four Marvelous Books". Some think that it was written in Ming Dynasty under the reign of Emperor Jiajing when Tu Benjun's Guide to Live in Seclusion, for example, was also finished; while others believe that it was the period during the reign of Emperor Wanli that witnessed the completion of The Golden Lotus, with the subsequent advent of Notes and Comments on The Golden Lotus created by Zheng Zhenduo, Xuan Juan (Precious Scroll for Propaganda) in Notes and Comments on The Golden Lotus by Che Xilun, as well as Informal Discussion on The Golden Lotus by Huang Lin, and etc. --Mao Yawen (talk) 23:58, 31 October 2021 (UTC)

According to scholars like Li Yu and Zhou Yongbao, the so-called "Four Marvelous Books" refer to the four novels in Ming Dynasty, including The Golden Lotus, The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Outlaws of the Marsh, and Journey to the West. These works were finished in Ming Dynasty and represented the four different forms of Chinese classical novels, namely, the historical, the legendary, the supernatural evil-spirit, and the realistic (or human-feelings). However, there are still various views in the academic circle on the completing time of The Golden Lotus which has been considered as the first of the "Four Marvelous Books". Some think that it was written in Ming Dynasty under the reign of Emperor Jiajing when Tu Benjun's Guide to Live in Seclusion, for example, was also finished; while others believe that it was the period during the reign of Emperor Wanli that witnessed the completion of The Golden Lotus, with the subsequent advent of Notes and Comments on The Golden Lotus created by Zheng Zhenduo, Xuan Juan (Precious Scroll for Propaganda) in Notes and Comments on The Golden Lotus by Che Xilun, as well as Informal Discussion on The Golden Lotus by Huang Lin, and etc.--Mao You (talk) 15:50, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

毛优 Máo Yōu 俄语语言文学 女 202120081515

无论是何种观点，都不可否认《金瓶梅》在中国古典小说中的历史地位。《金瓶梅》无疑是中国古典小说发展史上的经典之作，不仅在创作题材上突破了传统模式，将叙述的焦点从豪杰和妖魔转移至市井人物，人物塑造上也出现了从单色调向多色调、平面化向立体化的转变。同时，创作主旨上也有重要突破，即不再专注于歌颂理想，而是通过写尽世情之恶、生活之丑，暴露社会的黑暗与不公，现实主义特征极其明显。 Whatever the viewpoint, there is no denying the historical status of The Golden Lotus in classical Chinese fiction. The Golden Lotus is undoubtedly a classic in the history of classical Chinese fiction, not only in terms of its subject matter, which broke away from the traditional model, shifting the focus of the narrative from the heroes and demons to the characters in the marketplace, but also in terms of characterization, which changed from monochromatic to multi-colored and from flat to three-dimensional. At the same time, there is also an important breakthrough in the creative theme, that is, it no longer focuses on glorifying ideals, but exposes the darkness and injustice of society by writing about the evils of the world and the ugliness of life, and the characteristics of realism are extremely obvious.--Mao You (talk) 15:46, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

From every viewpoint, in classical Chinese fictions, the historical status of The Golden Lotus is apodeictic, not only in terms of its subject matter, which broke the traditional model, shifting the focus of the narrative from the heroes and demons to the common people, but also in terms of characterization, which changed from monochromatic to multi-colored and from flat to three-dimensional. At the same time, there is also an important breakthrough on the theme, namely, that it no longer focused on glorifying ideals, but exposed the darkness and injustice of society by writing about the evils of the world and the ugliness of life, through which the characteristics of realism are extremely obvious. --Mou Yixin (talk) 06:32, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

牟一心 Móu Yīxīn 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081516

刘廷玑认为，《金瓶梅》之所以称为奇书，是因为它深切人情要务。鲁迅在对“世情小说”进行界定时，曾指出《金瓶梅》描摹世态，见其炎凉，骂尽诸色，它虽然描写情色，却是要“以淫说法”，虽然结构铺张，但却是“引迷入悟”，既然是描写世情，便要“尽其情伪”，所谓刻露而尽相，或幽伏或含讥，诚极洞达而已。《金瓶梅》所描写的虽然是市井常谈、闺房碎语，但它寄意于时俗，极富感染力。

Liu Tingji believes that the reason The Golden Lotus is called a fantastic book is that it is deeply mundane. When Lu Xun defined the “worldly novel”, he pointed out that The Golden Lotus described worldly affairs, manifesting elusiveness of people and cursing all kinds of ugliness. Although it described eroticism, it was meant to “speak out as lewdness”. Although the structure is extravagant, it is “leading confusion into realization”. Since it is a description of the worldly affairs, it must be “full of sentiment and hypocrisy”. It is said that boldness results in completeness, which is sincere and insightful whether in a humorous or sarcastic way. Although The Golden Lotus is all about the commonplaces in the markets and boudoirs, it is greatly contagious because of its connotations behind the times and customs.--Mou Yixin (talk) 12:54, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

Liu Tingji believes that the reason The Golden Lotus is called a fantastic book is its profound insight into the human condition. When Lu Xun defined the “secular novel”, he pointed out that The Golden Lotus described secular affairs, with a revelation of the indifference of people and an accusation of the eroticism. Although it describes erotic scenes, it is meant to “making sense with lust”. Although the structure is extravagant, it “leads confusion into realization”. Since descriptions in the book relate to secular affairs, they must be “full of sentiment and hypocrisy”, which means uncovering the essence and revealing its full complexity, with either insinuation or innuendo, just for achieving a precise communication of insights. Even though The Golden Lotus is all about the commonplaces in the markets and boudoirs, it is greatly contagious because of its connotations behind the times and customs.--Peng Ruixue (talk) 16:14, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

彭瑞雪 Péng Ruìxuě 法语语言文学 女 202120081517

明、清之际，虽然《金瓶梅》向被列为禁书，但时人对其的艺术手法和思想内容等，却评价甚高，甚至不乏将其与《左传》、《史记》、《汉书》等并列者，认为这些作品都是“以其文皆为写生者也”的杰出代表。明代博物学家谢肇淛（zhè）曾向人借抄《金瓶梅》，并为此书撰写序跋，其中详细论及此书所具有的广泛的揭示性，认为它描写的是一个丑陋、黑暗的世情社会，既有“市里之猥谈”，又有“狎客之从臾逢迎”，所谓“穷极境象，駴（hài）意快心。”无论如何，都不能将《金瓶梅》视作“秽书”，而枉顾其对于炎凉情态的纤毫毕现，既看不到它的一腔愤懑，又看不到它的刺世与劝戒之意。

During the Ming and Qing dynasties, although the Golden Lotus was always banned, its artistic approach and ideological content were highly regarded by the people of the time, and there was even no shortage of people who ranked it alongside the Zuo Tradition, the Records of the Grand Historian and the Book of Han, considering these works to be outstanding representatives of "those whose texts are all written for the purpose of writing life". Xie Zhaozhe, a Ming dynasty naturalist, once borrowed The Golden Lotus from others and copied it. He wrote a preface to the book, in which he discussed in detail the book's broad scope of revelation, arguing that it depicted an ugly, dark society, with both "the obscene words of marketplace villains" and "the flattery of treacherous people". It is a 'straightforward and unadorned account of all life'. In any case, the Golden Lotus should not be regarded as an 'obscene book', and its subtle expression of the inconstancy of human relationships should not be taken in vain, nor its indignation, nor its stinging and admonishing intentions.--Peng Ruixue (talk) 02:46, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

During the Ming and Qing dynasties, although The Plum in the Golden Vase was always banned, its artistic approaches and ideological contents were highly regarded by the people of that time, and there was even no shortage of people who ranked it alongside the Zuo Tradition, the Records of the Grand Historian and the Book of Han, considering these works to be outstanding representatives of "those whose texts were all written for the purpose of writer’s life". Xie Zhaozhe, a Ming dynasty naturalist, once borrowed The Plum in the Golden Vase from others and transcribed it. He also wrote a preface for this book, in which he discussed in detail the book's broad scope of revelation, arguing that it depicted an ugly, dark society, with both "the obscene words of marketplace villains" and "the flattery of treacherous people". It was a 'straightforward and unadorned account of all life'. In any case, The Plum in the Golden Vase should not be viewed as an 'obscene book', its subtle expression of the inconstancy of human relationships should not be taken in vain, nor its indignation, nor its stinging and admonishing intentions.--Qing Jianan (talk) 06:56, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

秦建安 Qín Jiànān 外国语言学及应用语言学女 202120081518

有人说，《金瓶梅》是《红楼梦》之祖，其题材主旨、人物刻画、情节结构等均为后者所继承，它虽然以家庭为中心，却又与天下、国家紧密相连，虽然恣意描写原始欲望，却又同时拷问人性的本质，其作为白话世情小说之首，可谓实至名归。一代伟人毛泽东也说，《金瓶梅》是《红楼梦》的祖宗，没有前者，就写不出后者，充分肯定了《金瓶梅》在中国古典文学中的历史地位。《金瓶梅》具有劝戒意涵，而不是或者不仅仅是淫词小说，这一点对于清代文士而言，亦是人所共知之事。

It is said that The Plum in the Golden Vase is the ancestor of A Dream in Red Mansions, because the latter inherited all from the first in the perspective of selecting materials, themes, characterization and plot structure. Although The Plum in the Golden Vase was centralized on family, it also nearly attached to the world and country. Ranking on top of vernacular love novels, this book was haphazardly described with original desire but it also put questions on the essence of the nature of human beings which lived up to its name. Mao Zedong, a great man of a generation, also said, “The Plum in the Golden Vase is the ancestor of A Dream in Red Mansions. Without the former, the latter couldn’t be written.”which fully affirmed its historical position in Chinese classical literature. The Plum in the Golden Vase ,not or not just a pornographic novel, was replete with exhortation meaning which was known by all common people from the perspective of literati of Qing dynasty.--Qing Jianan (talk) 08:12, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

It is said that The Plum in the Golden Vase is the ancestor of A Dream in Red Mansions, because the latter inherited all from the first in the perspective of selecting materials, themes, characterization and plot structure. Although The Plum in the Golden Vase was centralized on family, it also nearly attached to the world and country. Ranking on top of vernacular love novels, this book was haphazardly described with original desire but it also put questions on the essence of human nature which lived up to its name. Mao Zedong, a great man of a generation, also said, “ The Plum in the Golden Vase is the ancestor of A Dream in Red Mansions. Without the former, the latter couldn’t be written.”which fully affirmed its historical position in Chinese classical literature. The Plum in the Golden Vase full of persuation meaning was not or not just a pornographic novelwas which was known by all the literati of Qing dynasty.--Qiu Tingting (talk) 02:55, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

邱婷婷 Qiū Tíngtíng 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081519

如欣欣子在《金瓶梅词话序》中所说，《金瓶梅》一书不同于《三国演义》，它不是从正面塑造人物形象，使其合乎传统人伦道德，实现教化目的，而是通过对酒色财气的重墨渲染，警戒世人远离情色，其目的同样在于“明人伦，戒淫奔，分淑慝（tè），化善恶”，这一点与《三国演义》殊途而同归。而在《金瓶梅·序》中，作者亦明确指出该书的“劝戒”之意，所谓“一回一戒”，因而“百回中以为百劝”。

As Xin Xinzi said in the series of notes and comments of The Plum in the Golden Vase, this novel was different from the The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, it was not from the positive view to shape the character image, so that it would conform to the traditional ethics and morality, and then achieved the goal of indoctrination. But through the heavy playing up of wine , women , avarice and pride to warn human beings away from eroticism, its purpose was also “correcting human relations, dropping elopement, distinguishing the good and evil”, which reached the same goal by different ways as The Romance of the Three Kingdoms. While in the series of The Plum in the Golden Vase, the author also clearly pointed out the book’s “persuasion” meaning, the so-called “one chapter once again exhorting”，and therefore “one hundred times in the hundreds of persuasion.”--Qiu Tingting (talk) 02:51, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

As Xin Xinzi mentioned in the series of notes and comments of The Plum in the Golden Vase, this novel was different from the The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, it did not shape the character image from the positive view, so that it would conform to the traditional ethics and morality, and then achieve the goal of indoctrination, but warn human beings away from eroticism through the heavy playing up of wine , women , avarice and pride, its purpose was also “correcting human relations, dropping elopement, distinguishing the good and evil”, which reached the same goal by different ways as The Romance of the Three Kingdoms. While in the series of The Plum in the Golden Vase, the author also clearly pointed out the book’s “persuasion” meaning, the so-called “one chapter once again exhorting”，and therefore “one hundred times in the hundreds of persuasion.”--Rao Jinying (talk) 14:12, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

饶金盈 Ráo Jīnyíng 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081520

清人中，对于《金瓶梅》进行诋毁、谩骂者，亦有之。如蒲松龄称其为“淫史”，邹弢称其为“淫书”，邱炜萲（xuān）则认为其“淫媟（xiè）荡志”，无论在内容上，还是在文笔上，都不足以“负此重名”。《蕉轩随录》中，方浚师甚至将《金瓶梅》和《水浒传》看作无用之书，认为二者之中一个倡盗，一个诲淫，有害于世道人心。

In the Qing Dynasty, there were also people who slandered and criticized Gold Vase Plum. For instance, Pu Songling regarded it as a History of obscenity, Zou Tao thought it a pornographic book, and Qiu Weixuan held that it is full of debauchery which indicate that it is not worth bearing such a great reputation no matter in content or style of writing. In Records of Jiaoxuan, Fang Junshi even regarded Gold Vase Plum and Water Marginas useless books, and the former is story of furious robbers while the latter is a story inciting pornography, so both of them would do harm to the people in the world.

In the Qing Dynasty, there were also people who slandered and criticized “Gold Vase Plum”. For instance, Pu Songling regarded it as “History of Obscenity “, Zou Tao thought it a pornographic book, and Qiu Weixuan held that it was full of debauchery. “Gold Vase Plum” was not worthy of bearing such a great stigma either in content or in style. In “Records of Jiao Xuan”, Fang Junshi even regarded “Gold Vase Plum” and “Water Margin” as useless books, one of which was about stories of advocating the theft while the other of which was related to plots inciting pornography, so both of them would do harm for enlightening the people in the world. --Shi Liqing (talk) 07:47, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

石丽青 Shí Lìqīng 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081521

而晴川居士、申涵光、李绿园等亦持论相似，认为《金瓶梅》丧心败德，它对于幼学者的影响如同疫病，其害甚大。沈德符、徐谦、林昌彝等更是主张禁毁此书，认为此书有如毒草和毒酒，贻害无穷。清初以来，朝廷对于淫词小说的禁毁从未间断。

And Qingchuan Lay Buddhist, Shen Hanguang, Li Luyuan, etc. held similar viewpoints, believing that “Gold Vase Plum”, infecting people’s pure soul and moral integrity, played an ill impact on young scholars. Shen Defu, Xu Qian, Lin Changyi, etc. even advocated banning and destroying this book, holding that it was parallel with poisonous weeds and wine which would cause endless harm.Since the early Qing Dynasty, the imperial court had never stopped the prohibition and destruction of obscene novels. --Shi Liqing (talk) 08:08, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

And Qingchuan Lay Buddhist, Shen Hanguang, Li Luyuan, etc. held the similar viewpoints that Gold Vase Plum infected people’s pure soul and moral integrity and played an ill impact on young scholars,which is very harmful. Shen Defu, Xu Qian, Lin Changyi, etc. even advocated banning and destroying this book, holding that it was parallel with poisonous weeds and wine which would cause endless harm.Since the early Qing Dynasty, the imperial court had never stopped the prohibition and destruction of obscene novels.--Sun Yashi (talk) 06:49, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

孙雅诗 Sūn Yǎshī 外国语言学及应用语言学 女 202120081522

仅顺治至嘉庆年间，禁毁次数便超过十次，其中顺治朝一次（顺治九年）、康熙朝六次（康熙二年、二十六年、四十年、四十八年两次、五十三年）、雍正朝一次（雍正二年）、乾隆朝一次（乾隆三年），以及嘉庆朝二次（嘉庆十五年、十八年）等。康熙年间，清廷关于淫词小说的禁毁极其严格，既有法令可依，又有专门管理，惩处明确。如康熙二年议准，规定嗣后若有翻刻琐语淫词，有伤风化者，由科道、督抚查明实情，交部议处。

The obsecene novels had been destroyed for more than ten times just from the Shunzhi Dynasty to the Jiaqing Dynasty.Among them,there was one time in the Shunzhi Dynasty (the 9th year of Shunzhi) , six times in Kangxi Dynasty (the 2nd, 26th,40th,48th and 53rd year of Kangxi),one time in Yongzheng Dynasty(the 2nd year of Yongzheng),one time in Qianlong Dynasty(the 3rd year of Qianlong) and two times in Jiaqing Dynasty(the 15th,18th year of Jiaqing)，ect.During the Kangxi Dynasty,the goveronment was very strict with the prohibition and destruction of obscene novels,which was based on the decrees and was managed specially,and the published was clear.For example,there was an announcement in the 2nd year of Kangxi,which claimed that if there was someone who translated or carved the gossips and obscene words which was destructive to the morals,it would be examined by the department and governor and be submitted to the ministry.--Sun Yashi (talk) 06:43, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

The obsecene novels have been destroyed and banned for more than ten times just from Shunzhi to Jiaqing years. Among them, there was one time in Shunzhi Dynasty(the 9th year) , six times in Kangxi Dynasty (one time in the 2nd, 26th, 40th and 53rd year, two times in the 48th year), one time in Yongzheng Dynasty(the 2nd year), one time in Qianlong Dynasty(the 3rd year) and two times in Jiaqing Dynasty(the 15th,18th year), etc. During the reign of Kangxi, the goveronment was very strict with the prohibition and destruction of obscene novels, with both laws to follow and special management, as well as the clear punishment. For example, there was an announcement in the 2nd year of Kangxi, which claimed that if someone translated or carved the gossips and obscene words which was harmful to morals, the case would be examined by the supervising officials and governors, then submitted to the ministry. --Wang Lifei (talk) 15:03, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

王李菲 Wáng Lǐfēi 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081523

乾隆三年，吏部议定“文禁”条例，对于坊间内小说淫辞，也一并严行禁绝，并根据买卖双方是否具有官方身份给予不同处罚。与此同时，《买看例》、《市卖例》、《禁止邪教不能察辑例》等法令的通过，也给淫词小说的翻刻与兜售等，提供了治罪依据。而以江苏、浙江为代表的地方官府，也相继出台法令，对淫词小说的编次、刊刻、贩卖等一并加以规定，照例治罪。

In the third year of Emperor Qianlong’s reign, Board of Civil Office agreed on the regulation of “prohibition of literature”, and strictly forbade the obscene fictions in the street, giving different punishments according to whether the buyers and sellers had official identities. At the same time, the passage of decrees such as Rules of Buying and Reading, Rules of Selling and Rule of Banning Cults from Collecting also provided a criminal basis for the reproduction and peddling of obscene novels. Local governments represented by Jiangsu and Zhejiang also issued decrees one after another, stipulating the compilation, printing and selling of fictions and convicting them according to the rules. --Wang Lifei (talk) 10:55, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

In the third year of Emperor Qianlong's reign, the Ministry of Civil Affairs agreed on the regulation of "prohibition of literature", and strictly prohibited the fictions in the street, and gave different punishments according to whether the buyers and sellers had official identities. At the same time, the passage of laws such as "Buying and watching", "Selling" and "Banning Cults from Observing and collecting" also provided a criminal basis for the reproduction and peddling of erotic ci novels. Local governments represented by Jiangsu and Zhejiang also issued decrees one after another, stipulating the compilation, printing and selling of fictions with lewd words, as usual--Wang Yifan21 (talk) 08:08, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

王逸凡 Wáng Yìfán 亚非语言文学 女 202120081524

根据上述法令，《金瓶梅》曾多次入列禁毁书单，如《劝毁淫书征信录》、《得一录》中，便均见此书。

二、《金瓶梅》译者考辨

然而，政府法令对淫词小说的禁毁并没有阻绝《金瓶梅》的翻刻与行销。

According to the above decree, "Jin Ping Mei" has been listed on the list of forbidden books, such as "persuade the destruction of obscene books zhengxin Lu", "de Yi Lu", will see this book. Two, the translation of Jin Ping Mei However, the prohibition of erotic novels by government decrees did not stop the reproduction and marketing of Jin Ping Mei--Wang Yifan21 (talk) 08:00, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

王镇隆 Wáng Zhènlóng 英语语言文学（英美文学） 男 202120081525

有人说，《金瓶梅》的名声是被“禁”出来的，这种观点是否合理姑且不论，不过《金瓶梅》之所以能有不同版本流传至今，本身就说明其禁毁政策的失败。而且，清代关于《金瓶梅》的禁毁有其虚伪性：一方面，政府对于此书严行禁毁；另一方面，却将其译成满文，供统治阶级自己阅读。正如马丁·吉姆指出的那样，有清一代，汉文小说被译成满文者，至少在七十二种以上，其中便包括《金瓶梅》、《西厢记》、《三国演义》等，这些小说的翻译显然无法离开统治者的支持，或者至少无法离开其默认。

Some people say that the reputation of Jin Ping Mei is from its prohibition. Whether this view is reasonable or not, but the reason why different versions of Jin Ping Mei have been circulated so far shows the failure of its prohibition policy. Moreover, the prohibition and destruction of Jin Ping Mei in the Qing Dynasty had its hypocrisy: on the one hand, the government strictly prohibited the destruction of the book; On the other hand, it was translated into Manchu for the ruling class to read. As Martin Jim pointed out, there were at least 72 kinds of Chinese novels translated into Manchu in the Qing Dynasty, including Jin Ping Mei, The Romance of The West Chamber, The Romance of The Three Kingdoms, etc. Obviously, the translation of these novels could not leave the support of the rulers, or at least its acquiescence.

Some people say that the reputation of Gold Vase Plum is from its prohibition. Whether this view is reasonable or not, the reason why different versions of Gold Vase Plum have been circulated so far shows the failure of its prohibition policy. Moreover, the prohibition and destruction of Gold Vase Plum in the Qing Dynasty had its hypocrisy: On the one hand, the government strictly prohibited the destruction of the book; On the other hand, it was translated into Manchu for the ruling class to read. As Martin Jim pointed out, there were at least 72 kinds of Chinese novels translated into Manchu in the Qing Dynasty, including Gold Vase Plum, The Romance of The West Chamber, The Romance of The Three Kingdoms, etc. Obviously, the translation of these novels could not leave the support of the rulers, or at least its tacitly approval. --Wei Yiwen (talk) 02:30, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

卫怡雯 Wèi Yíwén 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081526

除《三国演义》（1650年刊印）之外，满译本《金瓶梅》是清初唯一得到刊印的汉文小说。由于译文自然流畅，对于生活的描述真实贴切，该译本被公认为满语文学的杰出代表之一。然而，《金瓶梅》的满文翻译究竟源自什么样的背景，其通行译本的底本究竟是哪种版本或刻本，该译本到底有几个译者，以及该译本为何能在禁令颁行之后的短短数年之内便能刊行于世等，皆存疑问与争议。

Besides Romance of the Three Kingdoms (composed and printed in 1650), Manchu translation of Gold Vase Plum was the only composed and printed Chinese novel in the early Qing Dynasty. Because of the natural and frequent translation as well as real and proper description of life, this kind of version was widely acknowledged as one of the outstanding representatives of Manchu literature. However, it was still doubtful and controversial about the background of the Manchu translation of Gold Vase Plum, how many translators it had, and why it was composed and printed soon after the bans were published. --Wei Yiwen (talk) 12:29, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

Besides Romance of the Three Kingdoms (printed in 1650), the Manchu translation of The Golden Lotus is the only Chinese novel that got printed in the early Qing Dynasty. Because of the natural and frequent translation as well as the real and proper description of life, this version of translation is widely acknowledged as one of the outstanding representatives of Manchu literature. However, there are still doubt and controversy about these questions：what is the background of the Manchu translation of The Golden Lotus? Which version is the origin source of the translation? how many translators the translation has? why the translation was printed soon after the bans were published?--Wei Chuxuan (talk) 03:16, 4 November 2021 (UTC)

魏楚璇 Wèi Chǔxuán 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081527

根据昭梿在《啸亭续录》中的说法，《金瓶梅》的满文翻译系出自户曹郎中和素之手，后者谙习清文，兼通汉文，他所翻译的汉文书籍达到了绝精的程度，而《西厢记》、《金瓶梅》等书的译本也是“疏栉字句，咸中綮（qǐ）肯”，人人争相诵读。和素为满洲镶黄旗人士，曾充任皇子师傅和翻书房总裁，系顺治年间满文翻译家阿什坦次子。作为满洲汉书翻译事业高潮中的重要人物，和素一生著译甚多，其中有名者如《左传》、《菜根谭》、《黄石公素经》等，而相传《金瓶梅》亦出自其手，主要原因有二。

According to the content of Zhaolian' s Continuation of Xiaoting, the Manchu translation of The Golden Lotus was made by Hesu who was the chief official in Hucao. Hesu not only mastered Manchu language but also possessed the knowledge of Chinese. His translation of Chinese books attained a really high level. His translations of Romance of the Western Chamber and The Golden Lotus were so faithful that people read them competitively. Hesu, who was from Bordered Yellow Banner in Manchuria, once took the official position of teacher for royal children and president of Fanshu house. In addition, he was the little son of Ashtan who was a Manchu translator in Shunzhi years. As an important figure in the climax of the cause of translating Chinese books in Manchuria, Hesu translated a lot of books including famous works such as Legend of Spring and Autumn Century by Zuo Qiuming，Roots of Wisdom, Huang Shigong Scripture and so on. It is said that the translation of The Golden Lotus was also made by him. Here are two main reasons.--Wei Chuxuan (talk) 02:03, 4 November 2021 (UTC)

According to the statements in Zhaolian' s Continuation of Xiaoting, The Golden Lotus in Manchu was translated by Hesu who was the official office in charge of people's households, ancestral temples, agriculture, mulberry and also was the chief imperial chamberlain. Hesu was not only skilful at the Qing language but also proficient in Chinese. His translation of Chinese books has reached the point of absolute perfection. Besides, in his translations of The Romance of Western Chamber and The Golden Lotus, he also trimmed the words, sentences and got to the main point so that everyone strived to read and recite these works. Hesu, a Bordered Yellow Banner in Manchu, was once in the position of the master of the emperor's son and the president of the Translation Study. In addition, he was the second son of Ashtan who was a Manchu translator during the years of Shunzhi. As an important figure of the climax in the course of translating Chinese books into Manchu, Hesu translated a great number of books including some famous works such as Zuozhuan，Tan Roots, Huangshi Gongsu Meridian and so on. What's more, it was said The Golden Lotus was also translated by him. There were two main reasons.--Wei Zhaoyan (talk) 03:04, 5 November 2021 (UTC)

魏兆妍 Wèi Zhàoyán 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081528

其一，便是和素兼通满、汉，其本人确系康熙朝的著名翻译家，曾亲自组织、参与诸多汉籍的翻译；其二，如上述昭梿的《啸亭续录》一样，清初档案文献中确有不少将满译《金瓶梅》归于和素者。《啸亭杂录》和《清稗类钞》中，也称赞和素翻译的《金瓶梅》和《西厢记》等“极其出色”。然而，也有持论不同者。如《批本随园诗话》“批语”中说：“翻译《金瓶梅》，即出徐蝶园手。”

Firstly, it was because Hesu was proficient in both Manchu and Chinese, he himself was indeed a famous translator of the Kangxi Dynasty. Besides, he has personally organized and participated in the translation of many Chinese books. Secondly, just like Zhaolian’s Continuation of Xiaoting above, in the archives and documents of the early Qing Dynasty, quite a few people owed the translation of The Golden Lotus in Manchu to Hesu. In Miscellaneous Records of Xiaoting and Clean Barnyard Class Notes, the author also praised Hesu’s translations of The Golden Lotus and Romance of the Western Chamber as “excellent”. However, there were people who held different views. Like the “remarks” in Essays of Suiyuan on Poetry which said that The Golden Lotus was translated by Xu Dieyuan.--Wei Zhaoyan (talk) 06:44, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

First of all, it was because Hesu was proficient in both Manchu and Chinese, and at the same time participated in lots of translations. He himself was indeed a famous translator of the Kangxi Dynasty. Besides, he has personally organized and participated in the translation of many Chinese books. Secondly, just like Zhaolian’s Continuation of Xiaoting above, in the archives and documents of the early Qing Dynasty, quite a few people owed the translation of The Golden Lotus in Manchu to Hesu. In Miscellaneous Records of Xiaoting and Clean Barnyard Class Notes, the author also praised Hesu’s translations of The Golden Lotus and Romance of the Western Chamber as “excellent”. However, there were people who held different ideas. Like the “remarks” in Essays of Suiyuan on Poetry which said that the translator of The Golden Lotus was Xu Dieyuan.--Wu Jingyue (talk) 11:43, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

吴婧悦 Wú Jìngyuè 俄语语言文学 女 202120081529

徐蝶园即徐元梦，满洲正白旗人，康熙朝重臣，康熙十二年进士，选授庶吉士，先后于雍正、乾隆两朝充任《明史》总裁，以及《清世宗实录》副总裁。徐蝶园精研满汉文，曾于康熙年间署大学士，充起居注讲官，但正史中对于徐氏的译书活动记载较少，而且往往语焉不详，因此难以判断其译者身份。叶德均在《戏曲小说丛考》中，也援引伍子舒（闽浙总督伍拉纳之子）所撰《随园诗话》点校本中的说法，指出《金瓶梅》的满文译者即是徐蝶园，但这一观点始终不如前一种通行。

Xu Dieyuan was Xu Yuanmeng, a native of the Manchu flag, a high-ranking official of Kangxi, and was Scholars in the twelfth year of Kangxi. He was appointed the president of the Ming Dynasty in Yongzheng and Qianlong and the vice president of the Records of the Qing Dynasty. Xu Dieyuan studied Chinese literature. He worked as a college scholar during the reign of Kangxi and made charge of daily life. However, the translation activities of Xu in official history are few, and often vague, so it is difficult to judge the identity of the translator. In the Cong Examination of Opera Novels, Ye Dejun also quoted Wu Zishu (the son of Wu Lana, governor of Fujian and Zhejiang) in the Poetry of the Garden, pointing out that the Manchu translator of The Golden Lotus is Xu Dieyuan, but this view is always not as popular as the previous one. --Wu Jingyue (talk) 11:44, 1 November 2021 (UTC) Xu dieyuan, namely Xu Yuanmeng, a native of Manchuria's Zhengbai banner, was an important Minister of the Kangxi Dynasty. He was elected as a scholar in the 12th year of the Kangxi Dynasty and was awarded to Shu Jishi. He successively served as president of the history of the Ming Dynasty and vice president of the records of emperor Shizong of the Qing Dynasty in the Yongzheng and Qianlong dynasties. Xu dieyuan is a master of Chinese. He once served as a bachelor and a lecturer during the reign of Kangxi. However, there are few records of Xu's book translation activities in official history, and they are often vague, so it is difficult to judge his translator's identity. Ye Dejun also quoted the view in the school edition of Suiyuan poetry written by Wu Zishu (the son of Wu Lana, governor of Fujian and Zhejiang) in his collection of opera novels, pointing out that the Manchu translator of Jin Ping Mei is Xu dieyuan, but this view is not as popular as the former.--Wu Yinghong (talk) 12:07, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

吴映红 Wú Yìnghóng 日语语言文学 女 202120081530

徐蝶园晚年的确参与过翻译之事，但满译本《金瓶梅·序》的署理日期为康熙四十八年，而徐蝶园此前曾经两度被诏罪入狱，因而由他翻译此书，条件上似乎不大成立。而且，徐蝶园虽然精研满汉双语，但其中年后精研理学，这一点与《金瓶梅》的题材内容和思想旨趣，以及序言中对于该书的积极评价等，也不尽符合。与此同时，更有认为满译本《金瓶梅》系出自皇族成员者，这种观点主要见于西方学者，又分成两派。 Xu dieyuan did participate in translation in his later years, but the acting date of the Manchu translation of Jin Ping Mei · preface is the 48th year of Kangxi. Xu dieyuan had been jailed for imperial edicts twice before, so it seems that the conditions for him to translate the book are not tenable. Moreover, although Xu dieyuan studied both Manchu and Chinese, he studied Neo Confucianism in his middle age, which is not consistent with the theme, content and ideological purport of Jin Ping Mei, as well as the positive evaluation of the book in the preface. At the same time, it is also believed that the Manchu version of Jin Ping Mei comes from members of the royal family. This view is mainly seen in western scholars and divided into two schools.

肖毅瑶 Xiāo Yìyáo 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081531

其中，一派认为是出自康熙皇帝的兄弟，如黎马苏（1833：182-183）、克拉普罗特（1633：61）、怀利（1855：XLIII）、加伯连茨（1862：543）、圣德尼斯和赫维侯爵（1894：17）、格鲁伯（1909：431）、劳弗尔（1908：32）、耶格尔（1935：539），以及鲍威尔（1974：1940-1941）等；另一派则认为是出自乾隆皇帝的某个兄弟，如加伯连茨（1879：171）、格列宾西科夫（1879：171）、莫连道尔夫（1890：235）、扎查（1905：130），以及李福廷和西蒙诺夫（1981：259）等。上述两派观点多次出现在欧洲的文学作品中，但二者都缺乏史料考证，至少未能获得中国学界的重视与认可。

Among them, one group attributed it to the brothers of Kangxi Emperor, such as Li Masu (1833:182-183), Clavprot (1633:61), Wylie (1855: XLIII), Gabelenz (1862:543), Saint Denis and the Marquis of Herve (1894:17), Gruberb (1909:431), Lauffer (1908:32), Yeager (1935:539), and Powell (1974:1940 -- 1941); while the other attributed it to the brothers of the Qianlong Emperor, such as Gabrenz (1879:171), Grebinshikov (1879:171), Mollendolf (1890:235), Zacha (195:130), and Li Futing and Simonov (1981:259).These two different viewpoints have appeared many times in European literary works, but both of them lacked historical evidence which failed to win the attention and recognition of Chinese scholars.--Xiao Yiyao (talk) 12:11, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

Among them, one group thought it was from the brothers of Kangxi Emperor, such as Li Masu (1833:182-183), Clavprot (1633:61), Wylie (1855: XLIII), Gabelenz (1862:543), Saint Denis and the Marquis of Herve (1894:17), Gruberb (1909:431), Lauffer (1908:32), Yeager (1935:539), and Powell (1974:1940 -- 1941); while the other thought it was from one of the brothers of the Qianlong Emperor, such as Gabrenz (1879:171), Grebinshikov (1879:171), Mollendolf (1890:235), Zacha (195:130), and Li Futing and Simonov (1981:259).These two different viewpoints have appeared many times in European literary works, but both of them lacked historical evidence which failed to win the attention and recognition of Chinese scholars.--Xie Jiafen (talk) 00:38, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

谢佳芬 Xiè Jiāfēn 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081532

考虑到康、雍以来的历代君主对于淫词小说一直采取禁毁态度，而在此情形下竟有皇族成员翻译《金瓶梅》这样的禁毁小说，其荒唐之程度，难以想象。但不论实际情形如何，《金瓶梅》最终还是译成付梓，这一事实只能说明两点：其一，清代的所谓书禁或禁译只是针对民间，对统治者尤其是君主而言则可能是“无禁”；其二，翻书房的设立固然是为了翻译汉族经典和汉文书籍，但也不能排除翻译禁毁书籍，专供皇帝御览。总之，《金瓶梅》的满文翻译与刊刻，不可能游走在政府禁令之外，而不得到政治力的审查、默认或者首肯。

Considering that the monarchs of Qing dynasties since Kangxi and Qianlong have always adopted the attitude of banning and destroying pornographic novels, and in this case, it is unimaginable that royal family members translate forbidden novels such as The Golden Lotus. However, regardless of the actual situation, the fact that The Golden Lotus was finally translated and published can only explain two points: firstly, the so-called prohibition of some books or translation in the Qing Dynasty was only aimed at the folk, and it may be "no prohibition" for the rulers, especially the monarchs; Secondly, although the establishment of the translation study is to translate Han classics and Chinese books, it can not rule out the prohibition of the translation of books for the emperor's viewing. In a word, the Manchu translation and publication of The Golden Lotus can not walk outside the government ban without political review, acquiescence or approval.--Xie Jiafen (talk) 13:26, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

Considering that the monarchs of Qing dynasties since Kangxi and Qianlong have always adopted the attitude of banning and destroying pornographic novels, and in this case, it is unimaginable that royal family members translate forbidden novels such as The Golden Lotus. However, regardless of the actual situation, the fact that The Golden Lotus was finally translated and published can only explain two points: firstly, the so-called prohibition of some books or translation in the Qing Dynasty was only aimed at the folk, and it may be "no prohibition" for the rulers, especially the monarchs; Secondly, although the establishment of the translation study is to translate Han classics and Chinese books, it can not rule out the prohibition of the translation of books for the emperor's viewing. In a word, the Manchu translation and publication of The Golden Lotus can not walk outside the government ban without political review, acquiescence or approval.--Xie Qinglin (talk) 11:09, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

谢庆琳 Xiè Qìnglín 俄语语言文学 女 202120081533

特别是在康熙朝以后皇权至上的集权政治中，离开了最高统治者的支持，任何汉籍的翻译恐怕都无法成行。事实上，虽然淫词小说的禁毁乃是清代长期的文化政策，但政府在推进、执行这一政策的过程中，也存在不作为或者消极作为的情况。正如余治在《得一录》中所说，清廷对于淫词戏曲，虽有禁毁之条，而当政者中视其为一纸空文，坐视不管者，亦大有人在。

Especially in the centralized politics where imperial power reigned supreme after the Kangxi dynasty, I am afraid that no translation of Chinese books could be made possible without the support of the supreme ruler. In fact, although the prohibition of obscene novels was a long-standing cultural policy of the Qing Dynasty, there were cases of government inaction or passive action in promoting and implementing this policy. As Yu Zhizhi says in "The Record of the First", although the Qing court had a prohibition on the destruction of obscene words and operas, there were many people in power who regarded it as a piece of paper and sat on it.--Xie Qinglin (talk) 11:07, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

Especially in the centralized politics where imperial power reigned supreme after the Kangxi’s reign, I am afraid that no translation of Chinese works could be come out without the support of the supreme ruler. In fact, although the prohibition of obscene novels was a long-standing cultural policy of the Qing Dynasty, there were cases of government inaction or passive action in promoting and implementing this policy. As Yu Zhi says in "The Record of the First", although the Qing court had a prohibition on the destruction of obscene poems and operas, there were many people in power who regarded it as a piece of paper and sat by and did nothing.--Xiong Min (talk) 07:11, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

熊敏 Xióng Mǐn 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081534

乾隆三年，朝廷在颁布禁毁之令时，即关注到了地方官府执行不力的情况，认为这是导致禁毁失败的主要原因。而政府的消极作为主要来自两方面的原因，其一是所谓“人情”，即人之本性，其二是小说本身的应世性，即有助于市民在长期遭受禁欲主义后宣泄情绪。正是由于人心、人情难禁，因而《金瓶梅》的翻译与刊刻便有了生存空间。

In the third year of Qianlong’s reign, the court issued the restraining order and noticed the inefficiency of local governments, which was believed as the main cause of failure. The government’s working inefficiency resulted from two reasons. One was “renqing” which is human nature. The other was the practicality of novel, which did help citizens alleviate pressure after being depressed for a long time. It was human nature that made the translation and publication of “The plum in the Golden Vase” possible.

In the third year of Qianlong’s reign, the court issued the restraining order and noticed the inefficiency of local governments which was believed as the main cause of failure. The government’s working inefficiency resulted from two reasons. One was “RenQing” which is represent human nature. The other was the practicality of novel, which did help citizens alleviate pressure after being depressed for a long time. It was human nature that made the translation and publication of The plum in the Golden Vase has room for survival.--Xu Minyun (talk) 11:50, 4 November 2021 (UTC)

徐敏赟 Xú Mǐnyūn 语言智能与跨文化传播研究 男 202120081535

正如王汝梅先生所说，康熙年间政府一再严谨淫词小说，而以满文翻译《金瓶梅》，其工程可谓浩大，因而该书的翻译不可能只是民间行为。恰恰相反，《金瓶梅》的翻译势必是得到了康熙帝御准的，由翻书房具体策划和实施的“计划内工程”。《金瓶梅》的满文译本成书于康熙四十七年，全书共计四十卷一百回，其存本与抄本被分别收藏于国家图书馆、中央民族大学图书馆、中国社科院民族研究所、北京民族文化宫、大连图书馆、吉林大学图书馆，并另有赵则诚先生藏本一部。

As Mr. Wang Rumei said, during the Kangxi period, the government repeatedly banned pornographic novels, and the task of translating Jin Ping Mei into Manchu was huge. Therefore, the translation of jin Ping Mei could not be just a folk act. On the contrary, the translation of Jin Ping Mei must have been approved by Emperor Kangxi and specifically planned and implemented by Fanshufang. The Manchu translation of Jin Ping Mei was completed in the 47th year of Kangxi, with a total of 40 volumes and 100 chapters. Its deposits and transcripts are collected in the National Library, the Central University for Nationalities Library, the Institute of Ethnic Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing National Culture Palace, Dalian Library, and Jilin University Library, and one copy in the collection of Mr. Zhao Zecheng.--Xu Minyun (talk) 06:20, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

As Mr. Wang Rumei said, during the Kangxi period, the government repeatedly banned pornographic novels, and the task of translating The Plum in the Golden Vase into Manchu was huge. Therefore, the translation of The Plum in the Golden Vase could not be just completed by the folks. On the contrary, it must have been approved by Emperor Kangxi and specifically planned and implemented by Translation Office. The Manchu translation of The Plum in the Golden Vase was completed in the 47th year of Kangxi, with a total of 40 volumes and 100 chapters. Its deposits and transcripts are collected in the National Library, the Central University for Nationalities Library, the Institute of Ethnic Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing National Culture Palace, Dalian Library, and Jilin University Library, and one copy in the collection of Mr. Zhao Zecheng.--Yan Jing (talk) 03:41, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

颜静 Yán Jìng 语言智能与跨文化传播研究 女 202120081536

上述藏本中，既有刊本，又有抄本，其中多数又为残本。如前所述，关于《金瓶梅》满文译本到底出自何人之手，学界长期存在争议，其中原因无疑与译本序言中并未明确译者姓名有关。同时，译本序言本身又缺乏作者，使得译本的归属如同原著的作者一样更加扑素迷离。

Among the above collections, there are both printed and copied edition, most of which are fragmentary. As mentioned above, there has been a long-standing controversy in the academic circles about who wrote the Manchu translation of The Plum in the Golden Vase, which is undoubtedly related to the fact that the name of the translator is not clear in the preface of the translation. At the same time, the preface itself lacks the author, which makes the ownership of the translation more blurred like the author of the original.

颜莉莉 Yán Lìlì 国别 女 202120081537

虽然如此，一般仍认为和素即是该书的译者，一则是因为昭梿的《啸亭杂录》和《啸亭续录》中均提及此事，且昭梿本人又是皇族之后，其所言所记当属可信。另一方面，康熙四十七年，和素曾奉敕纂成《清文鉴》一书，而《金瓶梅》的满文译本刊印于康熙四十五年，其序言的刊行时间则与《清文鉴》的成书时间相同，二者的编纂和翻译时间相距较短，期间必有关联。王汝梅先生在和候忠义先生合编《金瓶梅资料汇编》一书时，曾经从赵则诚先生处借得满文本《金瓶梅》，并请刘厚生先生将满文序文译成汉语，认为该序言表明译者即是和素。

However, it is still generally believed that He Su was the translator of the book, partly because Zhaofan's "Xiao Ting Miscellaneous Records " and "Xiao Ting Miscellaneous Records·Sequel" are mentioned in this matter, and Zhaofan himself is a descendant of the royal family, what he said should be credible. On the other hand, in the 47th year of the Kangxi dynasty, He Su was ordered by the Emperor to write the Imperial Code of Qing Wen Jian, and the Manchu version of Jin Ping Mei was published in the 45th year of the Kangxi dynasty. The publishing time of its preface was the same as that of the Imperial Code of Qing Wen Jian. The compilation and translation time of the two is relatively short, so there must be a correlation between them. When Mr. Wang Rumei and Mr. Hou Zhongyi were co-editing the Jin Ping Mei Data Collection, he borrowed the full text of Jin Ping Mei from Mr. Zhao Zecheng and asked Mr. Liu Housheng to translate the Manchu preface into Chinese, believing that the preface indicated that the translator was He Su. --Yan Lili (talk) 08:31, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

颜子涵 Yán Zǐhán 国别 女 202120081538

但满文本《金瓶梅》序言中，介绍的主要是该书的故事梗概，明确指出了该书的劝戒之意，并有“是以令其译之”，以及“余趁闲暇之时作了修订”等语，但由于序言本身缺乏作者，因而此处所说的“其”（即译者）系指谁，且该译者又是受“令”于谁等，皆成疑问。然而，满文本《金瓶梅》确系译自崇祯本《金瓶梅词话》，同时参照了张竹坡的《金瓶梅》点评本，这一点已成共识。众所周知，张评本《金瓶梅》刊刻于康熙三十四年，其底本同样是崇祯本《金瓶梅词话》，而满译本《金瓶梅》成书于康熙四十五年，前后相距十三年。

However, the preface of the Manchu text Jin Ping Mei mainly introduces the story outline of the book, It clearly points out the meaning of the book's admonition, and has the words "to make it translated" and "I revised it in my spare time". But due to the lack of author in the preamble, It is doubtful who is the "Qi" (the translator) refers to here, and whose "command" the translator has received. However, the Manchu text Jin Ping Mei is indeed translated from Chongzhen's Jin Ping Mei CI Hua, and also refers to Zhang Zhupo's comment on Jin Ping Mei, which has become a consensus. As we all know, Zhang Ping's Jin Ping Mei was published and engraved in the 34th year of Kangxi, and its base copy is also Chongzhen's Jin Ping Mei CI Hua, while the Manchu translation of Jin Ping Mei was completed in the 45th year of Kangxi, 13 years apart.--Yan Zihan (talk) 02:31, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

阳佳颖 Yáng Jiāyǐng 国别 女 202120081540

在此期间，虽然该书的满文翻译到底缘起于何时，仍不得而知，但考虑到译者对于底本的比堪与研究，其翻译的过程势必绵长。三、《金瓶梅》翻译中的意识形态审查。不同于《三国演义》中“文不甚深，言不甚俗”的语言特点，《金瓶梅》中充斥着大量情色描写。

During this period, although the exact origin of the Manchu translation of this book remains to be find, considering the translator’s comparison and research on the original, the process of translation is bound to be long. Third, the ideological review in the translation of Jin Ping Mei. Different from the Romance of The Three Kingdoms, in which the writing is not too abstruse and the words are not vulgar, Jin Ping Mei is flooded with erotic descriptions.--Yang Jiaying (talk) 02:39, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

杨爱江 Yáng Àijiāng 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081541

同时，虽然《金瓶梅》的满文译本最终成书于康熙年间，但统治者对于此书的翻译讳莫如深，这一点也明显不同于《清实录》等文献中关于清初诸帝好读《三国演义》，并敕译此书的历史现实。态度上的前后转变，其中必有起因。正如丁原基在《清代康雍乾三朝禁书原因之研究》中所说，清代各朝之所以频兴文字狱，其中原因虽不尽相同，但亦必有之。例如，康熙初年，明朝遗老怀故国之思者甚多，其所撰作品自然入禁毁之列。

杨堃 Yáng Kūn 法语语言文学 女 202120081542

康熙仙逝，雍正得其帝位，然而由于朝野疑窦重重，政权未稳，朝廷对于舆论也倍加留心。乾隆年间，虽然朝廷奉敕开设四库馆，博取奖励学术的美名，但禁书之苛刻同样无出其右。如康熙朝初期，由于圣祖表彰理学，故而御纂朱子全书，以及群经性理诸编。

Kangxi passed away and Yongzheng won his throne. However, due to the doubts of the royal court and the instability of his regime, the court paid more attention to public opinion. During the period of Qianlong, although the royal court set up Four Storehouses, which won the reputation of rewarding scholarship, the harshness of banned books was also unparalleled. For example, in the early period of the Kangxi, because Kangxi commended Neo-Confucianism, Qianlong ordered to compile the complete books of Zhu Zi and the Confucian classics.--Yang Kun (talk) 12:53, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

Kangxi passed away and Yongzheng succeeded to the throne. However, due to the doubts of the royal court and the instability of his regime, the court paid more attention to public opinions. During the reign of Qianlong, although the royal court set up Four Storehouses, which won the reputation of rewarding scholarship, the harshness of banned books was still incomparable. For example, in the early period of Kangxi Dynasty, the emperor ordered to compile the complete books of Zhu Zi and the Confucian classics because the founding emperor commended Neo-Confucianism.--Yang Liuqing (talk) 03:26, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

杨柳青 Yáng Liǔqīng 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081543

康熙二十五年，上谕礼部及翰林院，指出经学史乘务必以“修齐治平，助成德化者方为有用”，而“有乖经术，异端邪说”，则概不准录。即是在此背景下，南怀仁的《穷理学》译本因为实属“诡言邪说”、“语既不经”，也遭到禁毁。此次遭到禁毁的《穷理学》二书译成于康熙二十二年，共六十卷，由南怀仁于同年八月进呈御览。 In the 25th year of the Reign of Emperor Kangxi,the Ministry of Rites and Literati House have been ordered that Confucian classics and books about official history "cannot be called useful unless they are for the purpose of improving self-cultivation and governance of country and helping people to become virtuous"; "those deviated from Confucian classics and those heresies" will not be embodied. It was in such an background that the translation of "Philosophy of pursuing truth" by Nan Huairen was banned and destroyed because it was regarded as "paradoxical, heretical and unorthodox". The books of "Philosophy of pursuing truth" which were banned and destroyed had been translated in the 26th year of the reign of Kangxi Dynasty,consisting of 60 volumes, which Nan Huairen submitted to the imperial review in August of the same year.--Yang Liuqing (talk) 03:02, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

叶维杰 Yè Wéijié 国别 男 202120081544

所谓《穷理学》，用徐宗泽的话说，便是“论理学”，该书或译自亚里士多德哲学中的某一部分，或续译傅汎际（Francois Furtado）、李之藻合译的《名理探》。南怀仁在进呈此书译本的奏折中指出：进穷理学之书，以明历理，以广开百学之门，永垂万世事。窃惟治历明时，为帝王之首务；今我皇上治历明时，超越百代，如太阳之光，超越诸星之光。

易扬帆 Yì Yángfān 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081545

然盖历法有属法之数，有立法之理，设惟有其法之数，而无其法之理，即如人惟有形体，而无灵性，亦如诸天惟有定所，而无运动之照临焉。夫历理为诸星恒动定规之所由，如泉源为水流之之所自也。……今我皇上之治历，已为全备，其书则有永年历表，有灵台仪象志，有诸历之理指一百五十余卷。

However, the calendar has the number and theory of the law. If there is only the number of the law, but don’t have the theory, that is, as a person only has a body without spirituality, and as the sky only has a fixed place, but no movement of the illumination. The calendar for the constant movement as the stars move the rules of the origin, or as the water flow from the source...Nowadays, our emperor's calendar has been fully prepared, and its books include the calendar of eternal years, the spiritual platform, and more than one hundred and fifty volumes of the calendar.--Yi Yangfan (talk) 07:22, 3 November 2021 (UTC)Yi Yangfan

However, the calendar has both the number and theory of the law. If there is only the number of the law, but don’t have the theory, that is, as if a person only has a body without spirituality, and as if the sky only has a fixed place, but no movement of the illumination. The design for calendar is because of the constant movement of the stars, just as the water flow from the source...Nowadays, our emperor's calendar has been fully prepared, and its books include the calendar of eternal years, the spiritual platform, and more than one hundred and fifty volumes of the calendar.--Yin Huizhen (talk) 08:34, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

殷慧珍 Yīn Huìzhēn 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081546

历典光明，可谓极矣。然臣犹有请者，非为加历理之内光，惟加历理之外光，将所载诸书之历理，开穷理之学，以发明之，使习历者知其数，并知其理，而后其光发见于外也。《穷理学》虽然翻译了亚里士多德的演绎推理等理论，但它也翻译了古希腊的自然哲学内容，以及近代西方的科学知识，因而并非专门的逻辑学译著。

The compilation of the calendar has reached its peak in this dynasty. However, I still have something to present, not aiming to complement the calendar but to further promote it. I will record books on calendar theory and create a study of calendar theory, so as to create new methods on it, so that people who study calendar can know the number of calendar and its principle, and then carry forward the calendar. Although Thorough Iquiry into Physics translated Aristotle's theories like deductive reasoning, it also translated the natural philosophy of ancient Greece and modern western scientific knowledge, so it is not a special translation for logic.--Yin Huizhen (talk) 02:24, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

The grandness of the compilation of the calendar is unparalled. However, I still have something to present, aiming not to complement the calendar but to further promote it. I will record books on calendar theory and create a study of it, so that people who study calendar can know both the number and principles of the calender, and then carry it forward . Although the translation of Aristotle's theories like deductive reasoning were included in Thorough Inquiry into Physics, so were the natural philosophy of ancient Greece and modern western scientific knowledge. Therefore it is by no means a mere translation for logic.--Yin Meida (talk) 01:43, 5 November 2021 (UTC)

殷美达 Yīn Měidá 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081547

《影响中国近代社会的一百种译著》中，曾有人将《穷理学》看作《名理探》的补译，认为南怀仁翻译此书，只是为了证明“目的论”这一经院哲学中的基本概念，这一观点显然值得商榷。《穷理学》译本中，固然摄入了逻辑学、方法论等形而上学的内容，但同时也摄入了力学、数学等自然科学知识。上文中，南怀仁借进呈《穷理学》译本之际，极力宣陈修历的重要性，并将“穷理学”看作“百学之宗”，认为它有如砺石，可以之试真；有如蘑堪，可以之订非；有如眼目，可以之明悟。

In the book One Hundred Translations that influenced Modern Chinese Society, some people viewed Thorough Inquiry into Physics as a supplementary translation of Dialectic, and that Nan Huairen's purpose of translating the book was to prove Skopos Theory, a basic concept in Scholasticism, which is obviously worth discussing. It's true that contents of metaphysics like logic and methodology were included in the translation of Thorough Inquiry into Physics ,but so were knowledge of natural sciences like mechanics and mathematics alike. In the above article, Nan Huairen made an utmost effort to claim the importance of revising calendar. He regarded Thorough Inquiry into Physics as " the center of one hundred schools" ,which is like a burr that could distinguish the genuine from the fake, an exam that could tell problems and the eyes that could see things through.--Yin Meida (talk) 00:54, 5 November 2021 (UTC)

尹媛 Yǐn Yuán 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081548

概言之，便是“诸学之首需者”。康熙二十二年，《穷理学》完成编译，同年八月二十六日进呈康熙皇帝。康熙帝御览此书后，曾降旨礼部和翰林院，敕令其“会同详看议奏”，但士大夫们经过议复之后，不少人对此抱持异议，其中甚至有强烈抵触者，因而康熙帝只能将此书译本退还南怀仁。

In a word, what is needed is what should be learning first. In the twenty-second year of Kangxi, the complication of Through Inquiry into Physics was finished and submitted to the Emperor Kangxi on the August 26th the same year. After reading this book, the Emperor Kangxi had ordered the Ministry of Rites and the Imperial Academy to gather to read and discuss in detail. But after the discussion of scholar-bureaucrats, many people agreed, even some of them had strong resistance about it. Therefore, the Emperor Kangxi had to return this complication to Nan Huairen.

In a word, what is needed is what should be learning first. In the twenty-second year of Kangxi, the compilation of Through Inquiry into Physics was finished and submitted to the Emperor Kangxi on the August 26th the same year. After reading this book, the Emperor Kangxi had issued a imperial decree gathering the Ministry of Rites and the Imperial Academy to read and discuss in detail. But after the discussion of scholar-bureaucrats, many people disagreed, even some of them had strong resistance about it. Therefore, the Emperor Kangxi had to return this compilation to Nan Huairen.--Zhan Ruoxuan (talk) 09:37, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

詹若萱 Zhān Ruòxuān 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081549

格物致知的书籍尚且如此，诲淫诲盗的小说更不用说。仍以《金瓶梅》的满文翻译与传播接受为例，即可知此。众所周知，大清立国之后，虽然制度上有不少因袭明代之处，但文化政策整体偏紧。

This was the case with books which studied phenomena to acquire knowledge , not to mention novels on prostitution and piracy. Still taking the translation and dissemination of "Jin Ping Mei" in Manchu as an example, we can know that. As we all know, after the establishment of the Qing Dynasty, although the system had inherited from that of the Ming Dynasty a lot, but the overall cultural policies were a little bit tight.--Zhan Ruoxuan (talk) 09:27, 3 November 2021 (UTC) The same is true of books about physical knowledge, not to mention novels about obscene deeds. --Zhang Qiuyi (talk) 15:01, 4 November 2021 (UTC)

张秋怡 Zhāng Qiūyí 亚非语言文学 女 202120081550

康熙年间，由于皇帝热衷儒学，后又在汉官劝谏下将兴趣引导至理学方向，因而对君德圣学、政教纪纲等，尤为重视。康熙九年，圣祖颁布《圣训十六条》，强调教化为先，而非法令为亟，其中便对所谓“近见风俗日敝，人心不古”的情形进行训斥。为此，康熙帝敕令内、外文武各官，务必“敦孝弟以重人伦”，“黜异端以崇正学”，“明礼让以厚风俗”，要求他们“督率举行”。

During the reign of Kangxi, because the emperor was keen on Confucianism, he later guided his interest to the direction of Neo Confucianism under the advice of Han officials, so he paid special attention to the study of Jun De Sheng and the discipline of politics and religion. In the ninth year of Kangxi's reign, the emperor Shengzu promulgated the sixteen articles of the holy sermon, which emphasized the importance of education rather than laws and regulations. Among them, he reprimanded the so-called situation of "seeing that the customs are getting worse and the people's hearts are not ancient". Therefore, Emperor Kangxi decreed that civil and military officials at home and abroad must "respect human relations", "dethrone heretics to uphold righteousness", "Ming rites and concessions to thick customs", and asked them to "supervise the holding of meetings".--Zhang Qiuyi (talk) 08:15, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

张扬 Zhāng Yáng 国别 男 202120081551

康熙三十九年，圣祖亲征塑漠蒙古凯旋，并在太学立碑，其中又强调“以文德化成天下”的重要。康熙四十一年，圣祖颁布《训饬士子文》，再次声明“隆重师儒”、“厘剔弊端”、“务期风教修明”。上述谕令皆发生在满译本《金瓶梅》成书之前，无疑会对后者产生重要影响。

In the 39th year under the reign of Kangxi, Shengzu went on an expedition to Mongolian desert by himself and made a triumphant return, erecting a monument in the Imperial College, on which also emphasized the importance of "conquering the world with cultural and moral uprightness". In year 41, Shengzu the emperor promulgated Xunchi Shiziwen, declaring that "to grandly teach Confucianism", "to eliminate malpractices" and "to cultivate morality and wisdom". All the above decrees took place before the completion of the full translation of Jin Ping Mei, which will undoubtedly have an important impact on the latter. --Zhang Yang (talk) 13:46, 2 November 2021 (UTC)

In the 39th year under the reign of Kangxi, Shengzu went on an expedition to Mongolian desert by himself and made a triumphant return, erecting a monument in the Imperial College, on which also emphasized the importance of "conquering the world with cultural and moral uprightness". In the 41th year under the reign of Kangxi, Shengzu the emperor promulgated 'Xunchi Shiziwen', declaring that "to grandly teach Confucianism", "to eliminate malpractices" and "to cultivate morality and wisdom". All the above decrees took place before the completion of the full translation of The Golden Lotus which will undoubtedly have an important impact on the latter.--Zhang Yiran (talk) 07:17, 3 November 2021 (UTC)

张怡然 Zhāng Yírán 俄语语言文学 女 202120081552

康熙五十三年，上谕诸臣，指出“正人心”、“厚风俗”与“治天下”之间的关系，要求崇尚经学，严禁小说淫词。为此，朝臣奉旨议定条例，规定坊间一切小说淫词，务必悉数查绝，并将板片书籍予以销毁，违者从重治罪。在清廷严厉的禁书背景下，《金瓶梅》及其满文译本将会遭受何种命运，便不得而知。

In the fifty-third year of the Kangxi reign,an oracle was issued to all ministers，pointing out the relationship between “correcting the hearts of the people”，“thickening custom”and “ruling the world”，demanding that scripture be revered and that novels and obscene words be strictly forbidden. To this end,the imperial ministers were instructed to agree on regulations that all novels and obscene words must be eliminated from the streets and taht the books must be destroyed,and that offenders should be punished severely. Against the backdrop of the Qing court’s strict ban on books, it is not known what fate would befall The Golden Lotus and its Manchu translation.

In the fifty-third year of the Kangxi reign,an oracle was issued to all ministers，pointing out the relationship between “correcting people‘s minds”，“strengthening custom”and “ruling the empire”，demanding that scripture should be revered and novels and obscene words be strictly forbidden. So the imperial ministers were instructed to stipulate regulations that all novels and obscene words must be eliminated. And the books must be destroyed. All offenders should be punished severely. Against the backdrop of the Qing court’s strict ban on books, it is not known what fate would befall The Golden Lotus and its Manchu translation.--Zhong Yifei (talk) 14:56, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

钟义菲 Zhōng Yìfēi 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081553

自太祖朝以来，清初翻译汉文古典小说，皆以教化为主，而以文学性为次。统治者寄望于翻译的不是文学的审美作用，而是正确的价值观念和人伦纲纪思想。换言之，通过翻译，塑造道德，规范秩序，实现向善求真。

Since the Taizu Dynasty, the translation of Chinese classical novels in the early Qing Dynasty has mainly focused on enlightenment, partially on literariness. The rulers think that the purpose of translation is not for literary aesthetic，but for the establishing of correct values and ethics. In other words, through translation, we can shape morality, standardize order and realize the pursuit of goodness and truth.--Zhong Yifei (talk) 02:56, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

Since the Taizu Dynasty, the translation of Chinese classical novels in the early Qing Dynasty has mainly focused on moralization, partially on literariness. The rulers hope that the purpose of translation is not for literary aesthetic，but for the establishment of correct values and ethics. In other words, through translation, we can shape morality, standardize order and realize the pursuit of goodness and truth.--Zhong Yulu (talk) 01:52, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

钟雨露 Zhōng Yǔlù 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081554

而《金瓶梅》的翻译显然不具备以上作用，它既不像《四书》、《五经》的翻译那样能够启迪心性，荡涤灵魂，又不像《三国演义》般能够探求兵略，维护社会稳定。虽然《金瓶梅》中过于露骨的文字描述使得它不适合翻刻、刊行，但其满文译本最终仍得以成书，并流传于世，其中原因固然有多种可能，但统治者的首肯或默许必是其中之一。如黄润华在《满文翻译小说述略》中所说，满译本《金瓶梅》的问世，不论其译者为谁，或和素，或徐元梦，必定是获得了特别的许可，因而才能译成满文并刊刻行世。

But the translation of Jin Ping Mei obviously does not have the above functions. It is not like the translation of the Four Books and the Five Classics that can enlighten people’s mind, or like the Romance of the Three Kingdoms that can explore strategies and maintain social stability. Although the explicit description of Jin Ping Mei makes it not suitable for translation or publication, its Manchu translation is eventually translated into a book and has spread throughout the world. There are many possible reasons for it, but the consent or acquiescence of the ruler must be one of them. As Huang Runhua said in A Brief Review of Manchu Translated Novels, the publication of the Manchu version of Jin Ping Mei, no matter who the translator is, He Su or Xu Yuanmeng, must have obtained special permission to be translated into Manchu and published in the world.--Zhong Yulu (talk) 01:42, 30 October 2021 (UTC)

But the translation of Jin Ping Mei obviously does not have the above functions. It is not like the translation of the Four Books and the Five Classics that can enlighten people’s mind and purify their souls, or like the Romance of the Three Kingdoms that can explore strategies and maintain social stability. Although the obscene description of Jin Ping Mei makes it not suitable for translation or publication, its Manchu translation is eventually translated into a book and has spread throughout the world. There are many possible reasons for it, but the consent or acquiescence of the ruler must be one of them. As Huang Runhua said in A Brief Review of Manchu Translated Novels, the publication of the Manchu version of Jin Ping Mei, no matter who the translator is, He Su or Xu Yuanmeng, must have obtained special permission to be translated into Manchu and published in the world.--Zhou Jiu (talk) 01:00, 31 October 2021 (UTC)

周玖 Zhōu Jiǔ 英语语言文学（英美文学） 女 202120081555

也只有得到最高统治者的默允，才不致因为擅自翻译刊印而受到惩处。事实上，早在顺治九年，清廷即出台明令，严禁翻刻琐语淫词。康熙二年，圣祖重申此禁，对淫词小说的利害关系晓之以理。

Only being granted the permission of the supreme ruler, can they free away from punishment for translating and printing obscene novel without authorization. In fact, in the ninth year of the Sun Zhi Period, Qing government issued public proclamation to prohibit translating obscene words. In the second year of Kang Xi Period, the emperor Kang Xi reaffirmed this order, which enabled the public to know the dangers of obscene novels.--Zhou Jiu (talk) 05:24, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

Only being granted the permission of the supreme ruler, can they free away from punishment for translating and printing obscene novel without authorization. In fact, in the ninth year of the Sun Zhi Period, Qing government issued public proclamation to prohibit translating risque book. In the second year of Kang Xi Period, the emperor Kang Xi reaffirmed this injunction, which enabled the public to know the dangers of obscene novels.

周俊辉 Zhōu Jùnhuī 法语语言文学 女 202120081556

然而，由于大清入关之初，全国尚未完成一统，统治者的政策重心在于武力征伐和国家统一，为此便需要笼络人心，因而朝廷对于汉族小说及其翻译并未有多大偏见。昭梿在《啸亭杂录》中说，和素翻译绝精，由他所翻译的《金瓶梅》、《西厢记》等书广受好评，所谓“人皆争诵”，即可说明此点。康熙年间，虽然朝廷加大了对于淫词小说的禁毁，但大体而言，自顺治元年至康熙二十二年之间，由于朝廷文禁的重点在于政治倾向显著的作品，因而对于琐语淫词类小说的禁毁和惩处，影响较小。据石昌渝考证，清初小说中被朝廷查处论罪者，仅有两部，即《无声戏二集》和《续金瓶梅》。

However, at the time of the Qing dynasty's invasion, the whole country had not yet been unified, and the ruler's policy focus on military conquest and national unification, so the ruler needed to win the love of people. Therefore, the court did not have much prejudice against Han novels and their version of translation. In You pavilion miscellanea Zhao Lian said Jin Ping Mei, Western chamber and other books translated by He’su were widely praised, reached the level of "everyone rushed to read", which can show Hesu’s superb translation level. During Kangxi’s reign, the government strengthened the prohibition and destruction of the risque novel, but overall, from the first year of Shunzhi to Kangxi twenty-two years, due to the ban of imperial court was focused on political leanings remarkable work, the denial and punishment for the risque novel were mild. According to the Shi Changyu textual research, only two novels were prohibited and punished in early Qing Dynasty, which were Silent Drama 2 and Sequel to Jin Ping Mei.

However, at the beginning of Manchu entered the Shanhaiguan Pass, the unification of the whole country had not been completed, and the emperor focused on military expedition and national reunification. Therefore, the government did not have much prejudice against Han novels and their translation in order to win the supports of the people. In the The Miscellaneous Records of Xiaoting, Zhao zhe said that He Su was proficient in translation. His translations of Jin Ping Mei and the story of The West Chamber were widely praised. The so-called "everyone competes for recitation" can illustrate this point. During the Kangxi period, although the imperial court increased the prohibition and destruction of pornographic novels, generally speaking, from the first year of Shunzhi to the 22nd year of Kangxi, the imperial court focused on works with salient political tendencies. Accordingly, it had little impact on the prohibition and punishment of pornographic novels. According to Shi Changyu's research, there were only two novels in the early Qing Dynasty that were investigated and punished by the imperial court, namely, Silent Drama II and The Sequel to Jin Ping Mei.--Zhou Qiao1 (talk) 00:05, 31 October 2021 (UTC)--Zhou Qiao1 (talk) 00:05, 31 October 2021 (UTC)

周巧 Zhōu Qiǎo 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081557

但需要指出的是，《续金瓶梅》之所以获罪，其原因不在于它续写《金瓶梅》人物在所谓“后世”中的混乱生活，而是因为它将满族的发祥地描写为人、兽同居同食的野蛮地。因而，清初之际，朝廷对于淫词小说的接受，以及对于小说创作的限制，整体上仍然较为宽松。而《金瓶梅》的翻译、成书乃是康熙朝中后期的事，此时的朝廷对于“端风俗、正人心”有了日益深刻的认识，因而不仅强化了思想控制，而且加强了对于小说翻译与小说创作的管制。

But what needs to be pointed out is that the reason why The Sequel of Jin Ping Mei was convicted is not because it continues the chaotic life of the characters in Jin Ping Mei in the so-called "later generations", but because it describes the birthplace of the Manchu as a barbaric place where people and animals live and eat together. However, at the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, the government 's acceptance of pornographic novels was relatively high and the restrictions on novel creation was still relatively loose on the whole. While the translation and completion of Jin Ping Mei was in the middle and late reign of Kangxi. At that time, the imperial court had an increasingly profound understanding of "stick to the customs and purify people's hearts", which not only strengthened the ideological control but the regulation of novel translation and creation.--Zhou Qiao1 (talk) 11:50, 28 October 2021 (UTC)

However, it should be pointed out that the reason why "Continued Jin Ping Mei" was convicted was not because it continued the chaotic life of the characters in "Jin Ping Mei" in the so-called "post generations", but because it described the birthplace of Manchu as the cohabitation of man and beast. The barbaric place of food. Therefore, at the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, the court's acceptance of pornographic novels and restrictions on novel creation were still relatively loose. The translation and completion of "Jin Ping Mei" was a matter of the middle and late Kangxi dynasty. At this time, the imperial court had a deeper and deeper understanding of "customs and morals", which not only strengthened ideological control, but also strengthened the translation and interpretation of novels. The control of novel creation.--Zhou Qing (talk) 07:21, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

周清 Zhōu Qīng 法语语言文学 女 202120081558

至乾隆初年，《金瓶梅》与《水浒传》等书因为诲淫诲盗的原因，又被“久干例禁”。满洲政权兴起于白山黑水之间，在其一路开疆辟土，驰骋向前的过程中，虽然统治者反复高唱“满汉一体”，但相关的政治、文化实践表明，这一说法不过是政治口号。作为满清政权恪守不变的政策，“首崇满洲”既是统治者立法、行政的基本原则，又是统治者处理民族关系、民族事务的圭臬。

In the early years of Qianlong, books such as "Jin Ping Mei" and "Water Margin" were again banned for a long time, because of their Obscene. The Manchurian regime emerged between the white mountains and black waters. In the process of pioneering territory and galloping forward, although the rulers repeatedly sang "Man and Han as one unit", relevant political and cultural practices have shown that this statement is nothing more than a political slogan. As a policy that the Manchu government adhered to unchanged, "first advocating Manchuria" was not only the basic principle of the ruler's legislation and administration, but also the ruler's standard for handling ethnic relations and ethnic affairs.

In the early years of Qianlong, books such as "Jin Ping Mei" and "Water Margin" were again banned for a long time, because of their obscene and illegal content . The Manchurian regime emerged between the white mountains and black waters-- the landscape of northeast China. In the process of pioneering territory and galloping forward, although the rulers repeated"Man and Han as one unit", relevant political and cultural practices have shown that it was nothing more than a political slogan. As the policy that the Manchu government stick "Manchuria First " was not only the fundamental principle of the ruler's legislation and administration, but also the standard for handling ethnic relations and affairs.--Zhou Xiaoxue (talk) 09:12, 1 November 2021 (UTC)

周小雪 Zhōu Xiǎoxuě 日语语言文学 女 202120081559

终清一朝，统治者始终坚持满洲之道，固守满洲本位，崇尚满族特权，维护满洲的典章制度和文化特征。对统治者而言，传承与发展民族文化的重要性不言而喻，它不仅关系到国家政权的性质和满族民族的凝聚力与向心力，而且关系到满族统治集团的优势地位、特殊利益，乃至满族作为民族共同体的生死存亡。为此，满清政府不仅长期坚持“国语骑射”的基本国策，而且通过书籍的审查与禁毁等极端措施，确保满族文化符号和思想传统的专制。

In the Qing Dynasty, the rulers always adhered to the way of Manchu, insisted on Manchu standards, advocated Manchu privileges, and maintained Manchu institutions and cultural characteristics. For the rulers, the importance of inheriting and developing national culture was self-evident,which not only related to the Political Nature and the cohesion and solidarity of Manchu nation, but also related to the dominant position and special interests of Manchu ruling group, and even the survival of Manchu as a national community. Therefore, the Manchu government not only adhered to the basic state policy of "national language and ride" for a long time, but also ensured the despotism of Manchu cultural and ideological traditions by taking extreme measures such as censorship and prohibition of books.--Zhou Xiaoxue (talk) 03:13, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

In the Qing Dynasty, the rulers always adhered to the way of Manchu, insisted on Manchu standards, advocated Manchu privileges,maintained Manchu ancient laws and regulations as well as cultural characteristics. For the rulers, the importance of inheriting and developing national culture was an understood thing,which not only related to the nature of the state power, the cohesion and solidarity of Manchu nation, but also related to the dominant position and special interests of Manchu ruling group, and even the survival of Manchu as a national community. Therefore, the Manchu government not only adhered to the basic state policy of "Mandarin Riding and Shooting" for a long time, but also ensured the despotism of Manchu culture symbol and ideological traditions by taking extreme measures such as censorship and prohibition of books.--Zhu Suzhen (talk) 10:25, 5 November 2021 (UTC)

朱素珍 Zhū Sùzhēn 英语语言文学（语言学） 女 202120081561

与此同时，统治者积极敕撰、敕译汉族书籍，虽然客观上吸收了汉族文化，但这些书籍的编纂与翻译亦如满洲文化的维护一样，只是满洲权贵巩固政权统治的策略与手段，一旦书籍的翻译与编纂有悖于统治者的主观期待，亦或是国家的统治之需，其审查与禁毁即在所难免。结语。作为除《三国演义》之外清初唯一刊印的汉文小说，《金瓶梅》的翻译与传播无疑离不开统治阶级的支持或者默认。

At the same time, the rulers actively wrote and translated Han books. Although objectively absorbing Han culture, the compilation and translation of these books are just like the maintenance of Manchu culture. They are only the strategies and means for Manchu dignitaries to consolidate their reign of power. Once the translation and compilation of books go against the subjective expectations of the rulers or the needs of the country's rule, its censorship and prohibition are inevitable. Conclusion. As the only Chinese novel published in the early Qing Dynasty, except The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, the translation and dissemination of The Golden Lotus are undoubtedly inseparable from the support or acquiescence of the ruling class.

邹岳丽 Zōu Yuèlí 日语语言文学 女 202120081562

《金瓶梅》满文译本的印行不仅说明清代禁书政策的失败，而且说明该政策的虚伪。一方面，所谓汉书的禁毁往往只是针对民间，而统治者尤其是国家君主则往往享有豁免。正如其它汉籍汉书的翻译一样，《金瓶梅》的翻译与刊刻不可能游走在国家法律和政府禁令之外。

The printing of the Manchu translation of 《JinPingMei》 not only shows the failure of the book ban policy in the Qing Dynasty, but also shows the hypocrisy of the policy. On the one hand, the so-called prohibition and destruction of the Han Dynasty is often only aimed at the people, while the rulers, especially the national monarchs, often enjoy immunity. Just like the translation of other Chinese books, the translation and publication of 《JinPingMei》 can not go beyond the national laws and government prohibitions.