History of Chinese Culture/Chapter 12

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Chapter 12: The Encounter with Western Modernity and the Crisis of Chinese Culture (1840–1949)

1. Introduction: The Century of Transformation

The period from the First Opium War (1840) to the founding of the People's Republic of China (1949) was the most traumatic and transformative century in the entire history of Chinese culture. In the space of slightly more than a hundred years, Chinese civilization — which for millennia had understood itself as the cultural center of the world, the standard against which all other civilizations were measured — was forced to confront the devastating reality that it had fallen behind the nations of the West in military power, economic productivity, scientific knowledge, and technological capability, and that its very survival as an independent civilization was in question.

The cultural consequences of this confrontation were revolutionary in the most literal sense of the word. Every fundamental assumption of Chinese civilization — the superiority of Chinese culture, the validity of Confucian moral philosophy, the adequacy of traditional political institutions, the sufficiency of classical education, the value of traditional art, literature, and social practices — was called into question, debated, attacked, defended, reformed, and in many cases rejected outright. The century from 1840 to 1949 was a period of cultural destruction and cultural creation on a scale that China had never experienced before — a period in which the foundations of a two-thousand-year-old civilization were systematically dismantled and the foundations of a new, modern Chinese culture were painfully and incompletely laid.

This chapter examines the cultural crisis and transformation of this period under ten headings: the Opium Wars and the "Century of Humiliation"; the Self-Strengthening Movement and selective Westernization; the abolition of the examination system; the New Culture Movement; Western architecture, fashion, music, and film; Shanghai modernity; the great debate on Chinese versus Western culture; women's emancipation; wartime cultural destruction and preservation; and the cultural legacy of the Republican period.[1]

2. The Opium Wars and the "Century of Humiliation"

The First Opium War (1839–1842), in which the British navy defeated the Qing military forces with humiliating ease and imposed the Treaty of Nanjing — the first of the "unequal treaties" (不平等条约, bu pingdeng tiaoyue) that opened Chinese ports to foreign trade, ceded Hong Kong to Britain, and established the principle of extraterritoriality (the exemption of foreign nationals from Chinese law) — was the event that shattered Chinese cultural self-confidence and inaugurated what Chinese historians call the "Century of Humiliation" (百年国耻, bainian guochi).

The cultural shock of the Opium Wars cannot be overstated. For centuries, the Chinese imperial court had operated on the assumption that China was the center of the civilized world — the "Middle Kingdom" (中国, Zhongguo) — and that all other peoples were, in varying degrees, "barbarians" (夷, yi) who owed deference and tribute to the Chinese emperor. The military defeats of the Opium Wars — followed by the catastrophe of the Taiping Rebellion (1850–1864), the Second Opium War (1856–1860), the burning of the Summer Palace (圆明园) by Anglo-French forces in 1860, the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895 (in which China was defeated by Japan, a nation that the Chinese had long regarded as a cultural inferior), the Boxer Uprising and the subsequent occupation of Beijing by the Eight-Nation Alliance in 1900, and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905 (fought on Chinese soil without Chinese participation) — forced Chinese intellectuals to confront the possibility that the traditional culture in which they had been educated was fundamentally inadequate to the challenges of the modern world.

The treaties imposed on China by the Western powers and Japan after each military defeat — the Treaties of Nanjing (1842), Tianjin (1858), Beijing (1860), and Shimonoseki (1895) — had cultural as well as political and economic consequences. The establishment of "treaty ports" (通商口岸, tongshang kou'an) — cities that were opened to foreign trade and residence, with designated "concession areas" (租界, zujie) governed by foreign powers — created spaces within China where Western architecture, institutions, customs, and values coexisted with — and increasingly overshadowed — traditional Chinese culture. Shanghai, the greatest of the treaty ports, became a cosmopolitan metropolis where Chinese and Western cultures interacted with an intensity and complexity that had no parallel in the history of cross-cultural encounter.[2]

3. Self-Strengthening and Selective Westernization

The first systematic Chinese response to the Western challenge was the Self-Strengthening Movement (自强运动, Ziqiang yundong, ca. 1861–1895), a program of selective Westernization led by progressive officials — notably Zeng Guofan (曾国藩, 1811–1872), Li Hongzhang (李鸿章, 1823–1901), and Zhang Zhidong (张之洞, 1837–1909) — who argued that China could defend itself against Western aggression by adopting Western military technology, industrial methods, and scientific knowledge while preserving the essential values and institutions of Chinese civilization.

The Self-Strengthening Movement established modern arsenals, shipyards, telegraph lines, railroads, mines, and textile mills; created new military academies and schools for the study of Western languages, science, and engineering; sent Chinese students to study in the United States, Britain, France, and Germany; and founded the first Chinese-language newspapers and translation bureaus. The movement's guiding formula — zhongxue wei ti, xixue wei yong (中学为体, 西学为用, "Chinese learning as the substance, Western learning for practical application"), articulated by Zhang Zhidong — encapsulated the hope that Western technology could be adopted without fundamentally altering the cultural foundations of Chinese civilization.

The cultural significance of the Self-Strengthening Movement extended beyond its specific institutional achievements. It initiated a process of cultural self-examination and selective borrowing that would continue, in various forms, throughout the twentieth century and that posed a fundamental question that has never been definitively answered: is it possible to adopt the practical tools of Western modernity — science, technology, industry, democratic institutions — without also adopting the cultural values, philosophical assumptions, and social practices that produced them? The Self-Strengthening Movement's answer — yes, Western technology can be grafted onto the trunk of Chinese culture without changing its essential nature — was tested by the defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1895, which demonstrated that selective technological borrowing, without deeper institutional and cultural reform, was insufficient.

4. The Abolition of the Examination System

The abolition of the imperial civil service examination system (科举, keju) in 1905 was perhaps the single most consequential cultural event of the late Qing period — a decision that destroyed the institutional foundation of the Confucian cultural order that had structured Chinese elite society for more than a millennium.

The examination system, which had been the primary mechanism for the selection and training of the governing elite since the Sui and Tang dynasties, was also the institution that sustained the Confucian classical tradition as a living intellectual and cultural force. The examinations required candidates to demonstrate mastery of the Confucian classics and the ability to compose essays in the prescribed "eight-legged essay" (八股文, baguwen) format — a highly formalized literary genre that demanded both classical learning and rhetorical skill. The system thus ensured that every member of the Chinese political and cultural elite had undergone a common course of intellectual formation centered on the Confucian texts, creating a shared cultural vocabulary, a common set of moral values, and a unified intellectual framework that bound together the vast and diverse Chinese empire.

The abolition of the examination system — motivated by the urgent need to replace classical education with modern schooling in science, technology, and Western knowledge — severed this connection between the Confucian tradition and the governing elite. Almost overnight, the classical education that had been the foundation of elite status, the path to political power, and the content of Chinese intellectual life for centuries became obsolete. The consequences were seismic: a generation of young Chinese who had been raised to prepare for the examinations suddenly found themselves without a clear intellectual or professional identity, and many turned to Western ideas — liberalism, socialism, anarchism, nationalism, scientism — to fill the void left by the collapse of the Confucian intellectual order.[3]

The establishment of modern schools and universities to replace the traditional academy system was one of the most important cultural developments of the late Qing and early Republican period. The new educational institutions — modeled on Japanese and Western prototypes — taught modern subjects (science, mathematics, foreign languages, history, geography) using modern pedagogical methods, and they produced a new generation of Chinese intellectuals whose intellectual formation was fundamentally different from that of any previous generation. The cultural gap between the classically educated older generation and the modern-educated younger generation became one of the defining tensions of twentieth-century Chinese cultural life.

5. The New Culture Movement

The New Culture Movement (新文化运动, Xin wenhua yundong, ca. 1915–1925), centered on Peking University and the journal Xin Qingnian (新青年, New Youth, founded 1915), was the most radical and consequential intellectual movement in modern Chinese history — a comprehensive assault on the Confucian cultural tradition and a passionate embrace of Western ideas of science, democracy, individual freedom, and social reform.

The leading figures of the New Culture Movement — Chen Duxiu (陈独秀, 1879–1942), Hu Shi (胡适, 1891–1962), Lu Xun (鲁迅, 1881–1936), Li Dazhao (李大钊, 1888–1927), and Cai Yuanpei (蔡元培, 1868–1940) — shared a conviction that the fundamental obstacles to China's modernization were not technological or institutional but cultural: that the traditional values of Confucianism — filial piety, obedience to authority, reverence for the past, the subordination of the individual to the family and the state — were incompatible with the modern values of science, democracy, individual autonomy, and critical thinking that were necessary for China's survival in the modern world.

The most enduring cultural achievement of the New Culture Movement was the vernacular literature movement (白话文运动, baihua wen yundong), championed by Hu Shi and others, which advocated the replacement of classical Chinese (文言文, wenyanwen) — the language of the Confucian classics and the traditional literary elite — with vernacular Chinese (白话文, baihuawen) — the spoken language of the people — as the medium of written communication. The adoption of the vernacular as the standard written language — which became official policy in 1920, when the Ministry of Education mandated its use in primary school textbooks — was a cultural revolution of the first order: it democratized literacy, opened Chinese literature to new themes and new audiences, and severed the direct connection between contemporary Chinese writing and the classical literary tradition.

Lu Xun (鲁迅, pen name of Zhou Shuren 周树人), the greatest writer of modern Chinese literature, used the vernacular to create works of devastating power — particularly his short stories "Kuangren riji" (狂人日记, "A Madman's Diary," 1918) and "A Q zhengzhuan" (阿Q正传, "The True Story of Ah Q," 1921–1922) — that exposed the cruelty, hypocrisy, and spiritual bankruptcy of traditional Chinese society with a clarity and moral passion that made them the foundational texts of modern Chinese literature.[4]

6. Western Architecture, Fashion, Music, and Film

The penetration of Western cultural forms into China during the late Qing and Republican periods transformed the material and sensory environment of Chinese urban life. Western architecture, fashion, music, and film — originally introduced through the treaty ports and the missionary presence — gradually spread throughout urban China, creating a cultural landscape that was increasingly hybrid, cosmopolitan, and modern.

Western architecture made its first significant impact in the treaty port concessions, where European and American architectural styles — neoclassical, Gothic, Art Deco, Beaux-Arts — were used for banks, churches, hotels, customs houses, and residential buildings. The Bund (外滩, Waitan) in Shanghai, with its row of imposing European-style buildings facing the Huangpu River, became the most famous symbol of Western architectural presence in China. Chinese architects trained in Western schools — including Lu Yanzhi (吕彦直, 1894–1929), who designed the Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum in Nanjing — began to experiment with styles that combined Chinese and Western architectural elements, creating a distinctively modern Chinese architectural idiom.

Western fashion — particularly men's suits, women's dresses, leather shoes, and Western-style hats — became increasingly popular among the Chinese urban elite and middle class during the Republican period. The qipao (旗袍, sometimes romanized as cheongsam), originally a loose Manchu garment, was transformed during the 1920s and 1930s into a form-fitting, elegant dress that fused Chinese and Western design elements and became the defining fashion of modern Chinese femininity. The bobbed hair, high heels, and lipstick of the "modern girl" (摩登女郎, modeng nulang) became symbols of female emancipation and cosmopolitan sophistication — and also targets of conservative criticism.

Western music entered China through several channels: Christian hymns and church music introduced by missionaries; military band music adopted by the modernized Chinese army; classical Western music taught in the new music schools and conservatories; and popular music — jazz, dance music, Tin Pan Alley songs — that reached China through gramophone records, radio broadcasts, and the Shanghai entertainment industry. Chinese composers, including Xian Xinghai (冼星海, 1905–1945) and He Luting (贺绿汀, 1903–1999), created works that combined Western musical techniques with Chinese melodies and themes, laying the foundations of modern Chinese music.

Cinema arrived in China in 1896, when the first films were shown in Shanghai. By the 1930s, Shanghai had become one of the major centers of world cinema, producing hundreds of films — ranging from romantic melodramas and martial arts adventures to socially conscious dramas and political propaganda — that reached audiences numbering in the tens of millions. The Shanghai film industry created the first Chinese movie stars and established the conventions of Chinese popular cinema that would endure for decades.[5]

7. Shanghai Modernity

Shanghai, the greatest of the treaty ports, was the crucible of Chinese modernity — the city where the encounter between Chinese and Western cultures was most intense, most creative, and most consequential. By the 1920s and 1930s, Shanghai had become one of the largest, most cosmopolitan, and most culturally dynamic cities in the world — a city of skyscrapers and shantytowns, of department stores and opium dens, of jazz clubs and revolutionary cells, of millionaires and factory workers, of foreign concessions and Chinese neighborhoods, of freedom and exploitation, of glamour and squalor.

The cultural creativity of Republican-era Shanghai was extraordinary. The city was the center of the Chinese publishing industry, producing newspapers, magazines, novels, textbooks, and translations in vast quantities. It was the capital of Chinese cinema, music, theater, and popular entertainment. It was the home of China's most innovative artists, writers, and intellectuals — including the writer Mao Dun (茅盾, 1896–1981), the poet Xu Zhimo (徐志摩, 1897–1931), the painter Liu Haisu (刘海粟, 1896–1994), and the cartoonist and essayist Feng Zikai (丰子恺, 1898–1975). It was a laboratory of architectural experimentation, where Art Deco skyscrapers, shikumen (石库门) alley houses, and traditional Chinese garden residences coexisted in vivid juxtaposition. And it was the site of a vibrant consumer culture — department stores, restaurants, dance halls, amusement parks, fashion boutiques — that offered Chinese urban consumers their first experience of the pleasures and anxieties of modern consumer capitalism.

Shanghai modernity was also deeply unequal. The wealth and glamour of the International Settlement and the French Concession coexisted with the poverty and exploitation of the Chinese-administered areas and the factory districts. The modern Chinese woman who walked the streets of the French Concession in her fashionable qipao lived in a different world from the factory girl who worked fourteen-hour shifts in a Japanese-owned cotton mill. The cultural modernity of Shanghai was inseparable from the political and economic structures of colonialism, capitalism, and class inequality that shaped the city, and the tension between the attractions of modernity and the injustices it entailed was one of the central themes of Republican-era Chinese culture.

8. Women's Emancipation and the Transformation of Gender Culture

The transformation of women's status and gender relations was one of the most consequential cultural changes of the century from 1840 to 1949. The traditional Confucian gender order — which confined women to the domestic sphere, denied them access to education and public life, and subjected them to the authority of fathers, husbands, and sons — was challenged, reformed, and in many respects overturned by a combination of Western influence, feminist activism, and revolutionary politics.

The campaign against footbinding was the first and most visible front in the struggle for women's emancipation. Anti-footbinding societies, founded by both Chinese reformers and Western missionaries in the late nineteenth century, waged a sustained campaign against the practice, arguing that it was barbaric, harmful to women's health, and an obstacle to national progress. The Qing government issued an edict against footbinding in 1902, and the practice gradually declined during the early twentieth century, though it persisted in some rural areas until the 1940s and even later.

The expansion of women's education was equally significant. The establishment of girls' schools — initially by Western missionaries and later by Chinese reformers and the government — gave women access to modern education for the first time. By the 1920s and 1930s, women were attending universities, studying abroad, entering the professions (medicine, law, journalism, education), and participating in the intellectual and political life of the nation. The "New Woman" (新女性, xin nuxing) — educated, independent, and politically aware — became one of the iconic figures of Republican-era culture, celebrated in fiction, film, and the popular press.

The feminist movement found powerful literary expression in the works of women writers such as Ding Ling (丁玲, 1904–1986), whose story "Shafei nushi de riji" (莎菲女士的日记, "Miss Sophia's Diary," 1928) explored the inner life of a modern woman with unprecedented frankness, and Xiao Hong (萧红, 1911–1942), whose novels depicted the lives of women in rural Manchuria with unflinching realism. The transformation of gender culture was far from complete by 1949 — patriarchal attitudes and practices persisted, particularly in rural areas — but the changes that had occurred since the late Qing constituted a social and cultural revolution whose significance can hardly be overstated.

9. The Great Debate: Chinese vs. Western Culture

The encounter with the West provoked a profound and protracted debate among Chinese intellectuals about the relationship between Chinese and Western cultures — a debate that touched the most fundamental questions of cultural identity, historical progress, and the possibility of cultural synthesis.

The positions in this debate ranged across a wide spectrum. At one extreme were the wholesale Westernizers, who argued that Chinese culture was fundamentally incompatible with modernity and that China must abandon its traditional culture entirely and adopt Western civilization in its totality. At the other extreme were the cultural conservatives, who argued that the essential values of Chinese civilization — Confucian ethics, the family system, the harmony of man and nature — were superior to those of the West and that China's problems could be solved by a return to its own cultural roots. Between these extremes lay a variety of intermediate positions: those who advocated a "selective" or "critical" adoption of Western culture, taking what was useful (science, technology, democratic institutions) while preserving what was valuable in Chinese tradition (moral philosophy, aesthetic culture, social harmony); those who argued for a "creative synthesis" of Chinese and Western cultures that would produce something entirely new; and those who, like the May Fourth radicals, argued that the real issue was not "Chinese vs. Western" but "old vs. new" — that what China needed was not the adoption of Western culture per se but the embrace of modernity in all its dimensions.

The philosopher and reformer Liang Shuming (梁漱溟, 1893–1988), in his influential work Dongxi wenhua ji qi zhexue (东西文化及其哲学, "Eastern and Western Cultures and Their Philosophies," 1921), proposed a comparative framework that distinguished three fundamental cultural orientations: the Western (oriented toward the conquest of nature and the satisfaction of material desires), the Chinese (oriented toward the adjustment of human relationships and the cultivation of inner harmony), and the Indian (oriented toward the renunciation of desire and the attainment of spiritual liberation). Liang argued that each orientation had its appropriate historical moment and that the Chinese orientation, though temporarily eclipsed by the Western, would eventually reassert its relevance in a world that had exhausted the possibilities of materialist progress.[6]

This debate — which in various forms has continued to the present day — was one of the most consequential intellectual developments in modern Chinese history, and its implications extend far beyond China. The questions it raised — can a non-Western civilization modernize without Westernizing? Is modernity culturally specific or culturally universal? Can traditional cultures survive and adapt in the modern world? — are questions that every non-Western civilization has had to confront, and the Chinese experience of grappling with them remains one of the most instructive case studies in the history of cross-cultural encounter.

The debate over Chinese and Western culture also found expression in the arts. Chinese painters debated whether to adopt Western techniques (oil painting, perspective, chiaroscuro) or to reform the Chinese ink painting tradition from within. Xu Beihong (徐悲鸿, 1895–1953), who studied at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris, advocated the adoption of Western realist techniques and applied them to Chinese subjects, creating a synthesis that was enormously influential. Lin Fengmian (林风眠, 1900–1991), who also studied in France, pursued a different path, creating works that combined elements of Chinese ink painting, Western modernism, and folk art in a highly original personal style. The traditionalists, led by painters such as Qi Baishi (齐白石, 1864–1957) and Huang Binhong (黄宾虹, 1865–1955), demonstrated that the Chinese ink painting tradition was capable of continued vitality and innovation without the adoption of Western techniques — though even they were inevitably influenced by the artistic conversation between Chinese and Western traditions that characterized the period.

10. Wartime Cultural Destruction and Preservation

The Japanese invasion of China (1937–1945) was a cultural catastrophe of the first order. The destruction of cities, towns, and villages throughout eastern China; the systematic looting of libraries, museums, and private collections; the disruption of the educational system; and the displacement of millions of refugees inflicted enormous damage on the material and institutional infrastructure of Chinese culture.

The most dramatic act of cultural preservation during the war was the evacuation of the treasures of the Palace Museum (故宫博物院, Gugong bowuyuan) — the vast collection of paintings, calligraphies, porcelains, jades, bronzes, and rare books accumulated by the Chinese emperors over centuries and housed in the Forbidden City. Beginning in 1933, as the threat of Japanese invasion became imminent, the museum's staff packed more than 19,000 crates of treasures and transported them by rail, truck, and boat across thousands of kilometers of war-torn China — first to Nanjing, then to various locations in the interior, including Chongqing, Sichuan, and Guizhou. The evacuation, which continued for more than a decade and involved extraordinary feats of logistics and dedication, succeeded in preserving intact one of the world's greatest cultural collections — a collection that was eventually divided, after the Communist victory in 1949, between the Palace Museum in Beijing and the National Palace Museum in Taipei.

The wartime period also saw important cultural developments. The relocation of universities, cultural institutions, and intellectual communities to China's wartime capital of Chongqing (重庆) and other cities in the interior created new centers of cultural activity and new forms of cultural exchange between the cosmopolitan intellectuals of the eastern cities and the traditional cultures of the Chinese hinterland. The National Southwestern Associated University (西南联合大学, Xinan lianhe daxue), formed by the merger of Peking University, Tsinghua University, and Nankai University in Kunming, became one of the most remarkable educational institutions of the twentieth century — a place where some of China's greatest scholars and scientists taught under conditions of extraordinary hardship and produced work of enduring significance.[7]

11. Conclusion: The Republican Cultural Legacy

The cultural achievements and transformations of the century from 1840 to 1949 were so vast and so consequential that any summary must be inadequate. In the space of a hundred years, Chinese culture underwent a transformation more radical and more comprehensive than any it had experienced in its previous three millennia of continuous development. The classical language was replaced by the vernacular; the examination system was abolished and replaced by modern education; the Confucian moral framework was challenged and in many respects overthrown; Western science, technology, philosophy, art, literature, music, architecture, and political ideology were imported, debated, and assimilated; new literary and artistic forms were created; the status of women was transformed; and the very concept of "Chinese culture" was reconceived — no longer the self-evident center of the civilized world but one culture among many, struggling to define its identity in a world dominated by Western power.

The cultural legacy of the Republican period remains deeply contested. For some, it was an age of destruction — the dismantling of a great civilization by foreign imperialism and misguided radicalism. For others, it was an age of liberation — the overthrow of oppressive traditions and the creation of the foundations of a modern, democratic, egalitarian Chinese culture. For most, it was both — a period of painful loss and exhilarating possibility, of cultural destruction and cultural creation, that laid the groundwork for everything that followed. The Communist revolution of 1949, which inaugurated a new phase of radical cultural transformation, was itself a product of the cultural crisis and intellectual ferment of the century that preceded it.

References

  1. Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China, 3rd ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2013), 143–490.
  2. John King Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast: The Opening of the Treaty Ports, 1842–1854 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1953), 1–45.
  3. Benjamin A. Elman, A Cultural History of Civil Examinations in Late Imperial China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 1–50.
  4. Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement: Intellectual Revolution in Modern China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960), 1–50.
  5. Leo Ou-fan Lee, Shanghai Modern: The Flowering of a New Urban Culture in China, 1930–1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 1–45.
  6. Guy S. Alitto, The Last Confucian: Liang Shu-ming and the Chinese Dilemma of Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 1–40.
  7. John Israel, Lianda: A Chinese University in War and Revolution (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 1–40.