20200921 trans
Dear students, this is the homework of Sep 21.
Task
A Chinese paper on Manchu translation policies was submitted to the English editor. The English editor starts to translate it into English, but has only translated the first part and runs out of time. He asks his students, to read the first part and then to continue to translate the paper sentence by sentence. He also asks the students to help improve the translation of at least one fellow student. Please sign your translations with the signature button (buttons on the top, third from right).
First part of the text (already translated), please read for background
“崇儒重道”背景下的“五经”满文翻译 ——清代中、前期翻译政策研究之（二）
摘要：自汉代起，“崇儒重道”即是中国历代封建王朝的“文治”之道。清初以来，“崇儒重道”既是国家文化政策的重要内容，也是统治者构建精神威权，实现帝王敷治的重要手段。在此背景下，以“五经”、“四书”为代表的众多儒学典籍被相继翻译或编译，其译本不仅被用于科举考试，而且被用作旗学教材。对统治者而言，“五经”的翻（编）译有着极其特殊的意义，这一点表现在诗学与政治文化等方面：首先，“五经”的翻（编）译是旗人学习汉族主流学术体系与传统道德规范的重要途径；其次，“五经”译本的阅读拉近了民族与民族之间的文化、心理距离，有利地缓和了民族关系，增进了民族交流，巩固了统治基础。
关键词：崇儒重道;“五经”;汉籍翻译;科举考试;政治文化意涵
导论
“崇儒重道”是汉代以降，中国历代封建王朝的文治之道。作为历代统治者信奉的官方哲学，孔、孟学说及其代表的儒学价值体系长期享有“定于一尊”的社会地位。对社会大众而言，儒家学说是其普遍信仰和精神支柱。对统治者而言，儒家学说则是其建构精神威权，实现帝王敷治的重要工具。清代的官方文献中，并未明确出现“文化政策”字样，而是代之以“文教”、“教化”等概念，但这并不能说明清代的文化建设缺乏既定的政策理念与行为准则。恰恰相反，自顺治十年起，清廷即制订了“崇儒重道”的文化政策，将中国传统的文化概念融入政治实践，并在嗣后各朝逐渐形成“兴文教”、“崇经术”的治国方针。如康熙九年提出的“圣训十六条”、乾隆年间修纂的《四库全书》等，都是“崇儒重道”的重要实践。在文化政策的范畴中，“崇儒重道”有其衍生物，如科举取士、博学鸿词等，而访求、编纂书籍，以及翻译汉文典籍等也是其重要内容。清代的汉籍（书）翻译既面对“四书”、“五经”等儒学典籍，也面对《金瓶梅》、《西厢记》等通俗作品。尤其是前者，其中蕴含着丰富的伦理观念与道德准则，它们的翻译有效沟通了满、汉民族之间的关系，促进了文化交流。通过引导与规范翻译事业，统治者不仅学习了汉族文化与典章制度，而且以思想为治术，完善了治国理念与模式，建构了政权的合法性，实现了“治统”与“道统”的和谐统一。
1.清初以来的汉籍翻译传统
同“四书”一样，“五经”也是儒家学说的主要经典。《白虎通·五经》中，所谓“经”即是“常也”，而按照《释名》中的说法，“经”则是“常典也”，可见“经”作为典籍必具有恒常意义。（袁行霈，2009：6）那么，“五经”的恒常意义何在？无疑，其意义当在于修身养性、塑造德行。当然，不同经书的具体意义不尽相同，如《礼记·经解篇》中曾援引孔子的话，认为《诗经》的作用在于使人“温柔敦厚”，《书经》（《尚书》）使人“疏通知远”，《易经》使人“洁静精微”，《礼记》使人“恭俭庄敬”，《春秋》则使人“属辞比事”。（同上：7）概言之，所谓“五经”之核，当在于“君子人格”的培养。从此意义上讲，“五经”经义甚合于满清统治者的文治理念与教化政策，因而得到后者的力主与推广。
天聪年间，随着汉官相继加入满族政权，许多具有汉族文化内涵或汉化特征的改革建议被相继提出。如天聪七年八月初九日，宁完我奏请满洲政权“参汉酌金，用心筹思”，不可一味移植中原汉制，而必须通权达变，依次渐进，开创合于自身需求的制度章程。（罗振玉，1980：82）自此，满洲统治者在进行治国施政，振兴文教时，便以“采行汉制”作为重要的指导原则。为沟通思想，探寻汉制，满洲权贵在汉官的引介下，翻写并讲解汉文典籍，促进了满文译书事业的发展，及统治者对汉族文化的认识。如天聪七年九月，宁完我奏请太宗敕译《大学》、《中庸》、《孝经》等书，虽然译书范围并不涉及“五经”，但所奏译书通过嗣后的“日讲”，仍对太宗撷取儒学思想产生了潜移默化的影响。事实上，早在天聪二年，太宗即赐书朝鲜李氏王朝，索求《尚书》、《诗经》的金、元两朝译本。同时，在太祖敕译汉籍的基础上，命达海续译汉文书籍。然而，尽管太宗本人性嗜典籍，披览弗倦，希望通过翻译与阅读学习汉族文化，但所译书籍乃以“四书”居多，而鲜有涉及“五经”者。由于满洲统治者多不通汉文，因而此局面的造成主要归因于汉官的具疏谏言。如天聪六年九月，王文奎条陈时宜，提到的主要是“四书”，认为它涵盖了帝王治平之道之微妙者。翌年九月，宁完我请译汉书，虽然提及者甚众，但仍限于《学》、《庸》、《论》、《孟》等。此外，便是《通鉴》、《六韬》、《三略》、《素书》等所谓“知古来兴废”，以及“益聪明智识，选练战功机权”的书籍，以上诸中皆与“五经”无关。（同上：24、71）
满清统治者对于翻译汉籍的支持有着一惯性。事实上，早在亲政之前，顺治皇帝便表现出对于汉族制度和文化的极大兴趣。顺治元年，世祖令祁充格等人翻译辽、金、元三史，并因此对其进行赏赐。顺治二年，祁充格授弘文院大学士，以及明史总裁官，一定程度上即是对其翻译工作的肯定。次年，内国史院大学士刚林奉旨翻译《洪武宝训》（又名《洪武要训》），该书为清朝入关之后翻译的第一部汉文典籍，意在借用前朝开国皇帝的训词教训满洲贵族。同其先祖一样，顺治皇帝一方面把八旗满洲贵族作为法外之人，给予特别恩惠，另一方面又对汉籍官员和汉族文化采取信任政策。为了进行教化，加强思想统治，顺治帝诏令臣民尊孔读经，讲求忠孝节义，不仅亲率诸王大臣赴太学祭祀孔子，并行两跪六叩礼，而且命人翻译五经。顺治十一年，世祖命深谙汉文的鄂貌图翻译《诗经》，后者曾为清太宗讲解译书史，并参与翻译《大明会典》。清军入关后，鄂貌图又奉敕参与太祖、太宗两朝实录的修纂，并以满文翻译《礼记》、《尚书》、《纲鉴会纂》等汉文典籍。顺治十一年，内务府刊刻二十卷《诗经》的满文译本，该译本出鄂貌图之手，对当时的满洲政权了解汉族传统与文化发挥了重要作用。
康熙皇帝对于翻译事业也是极尽支持之责，这一点明显体现在“翻书房”和“武英殿修书处”两处机构的设置，及其相关活动上。康熙十年，圣祖敕设“翻书房”，用以翻译谕旨、起居注、御论等文书。所谓“翻书房”又称“内翻书房”、“内书房”，设立之初并无定员。顾名思义，“翻书房”的设立是出于书籍翻译的需要，而此处所说的“书”, 主要指汉文典籍，如“四书”、“五经”等。遵圣祖圣谕，“翻书房”的主要任务包括两大方面，其一是奉旨翻译经史，其二是圣祖敕翻御制诗文，二者皆“纂辑以候钦定”。（章宏伟，2009：83）作为专司翻译的机构，“翻书房”还负责语言文字的审定。关于“翻书房”的译书经历，《啸亭续录》中也有记载，认为由它所翻译的《资治通鉴》、《性理精义》、《古文渊鉴》等书行文简洁，义理明晰，流传甚广。（昭梿，1997：397）康熙皇帝自幼聪颖好学，对于汉籍和汉族文化有着很深的情愫，这一点即是他支持翻译事业的文化原因。《东华录》中曾说，圣祖好学不倦，不仅深谙帝王政治，而且于圣贤心学、六经要旨等，也能融会贯通。圣祖认为，儒学经典义理无穷，对于“教化”尤其重要。（中国第一历史档案馆，1984：80） 雍正在位期间，汉文书籍的满文翻译和出版仍在发展，但种类与数量稍嫌单调和稀少。之所以如此，显然与雍正年间的政治形势有关。雍正二年，世宗敕颁《朋党论》和《雍正上谕》，表明统治集团内部存在激烈斗争。与此同时，为了强化皇权统治，清廷遵旨颁行《上谕八旗》和《上谕旗务议复》，意在削弱王公旗主之权势。同是在雍正二年，世宗又对圣祖“上谕十六条”进行演绎与注解，并与后者合成《圣谕广训》，以加强伦理道德教育。在世宗的设计中，《圣谕广训》的成书和颁行，并非只是语言文字工作的具体实践，它同样也是重要的文化政策，有助于加强对老百姓的思想和法制教育，维护统治的稳定。
Second part of the text, to be translated sentence by sentence into English
Cao Runxin 曹润鑫
乾隆朝期间，汉字书籍的翻译与顺、康、雍三朝多有类似，所译作品大体分为两类：一类为儒家经典，另一类为佛教典籍。
Chang Huiyue 常慧月
乾隆帝认为，经义之教可以启迪人心，其翻（重）译虽然废时耗工，但仍属必要。
Chen Han 陈涵
以《御制翻译四书》为例，该书由大学士鄂尔泰奉敕在厘定满文本《日讲四书解义》的基础上纂成，于乾隆六年由武英殿首次刊刻，后又于乾隆二十年刊刻满、汉合璧本。
Chen Hui 陈惠
鄂尔泰奉敕进行厘定，目的是为了确保译文准确，使译文和原文在“文义”、“意旨”和“语气”上保持一致。
Chen Jiangning 陈江宁
清初以来的汉书翻译与刻印，有着明确的流程。
Chen Jiaxin 陈佳欣
康熙朝以前，书籍的译印均由内三院或翰林院经理。
Chen Jing 陈静
康熙十年前后“内翻书房”设立之后，汉书翻译的工作由内翻书房先行办理，完成翻译后送交内务府，并由其下设机构武英殿刊刻。康熙十九年，武英殿增设修书处，汉书译本再次转移至此，至雍正七年成为清初刻印书籍的专门机构。
Chen Jingjing 陈静静
循例，汉文书籍译毕成书后，由皇帝颁赐诸王及文武大臣，其中儒家经典的译本另行颁赐给八旗官学，用作研习满文的教材。
Chen Sha 陈莎
2.“五经”翻译情况概览
清初的“五经”翻译始于顺治年间。
Chen Sunfu 谌孙福
对此，《国立故宫博物院善本旧籍总目》、《世界满文文献目录》、《全国满文图书资料联合目录》及《清代内府刻书目录解题》等文献中均有记载，毋庸赘述。
No redundancy is needed because that has been recorded in a multitude of journals, including The Whole Catalog of Ancient Rare Books in Taipei Palace Museum, The Catalog of World Manchu Journals, The Union Catalog of National Manchu Books and Materials, Explanatory Notes on the Catalog of Engraving Books in Qing Dynasty’s Household Department and so on.--Chen Sunfu (talk) 03:13, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Chen Yongxiang 陈永相
顺治十一年，世祖敕译《诗经》成书，由内府刊印，计二十卷二十册，是为清代翻译“五经”之始。
Cheng Yusi 成于思
据《御制诗经·序》（顺治本）中所言，世祖敕译《诗经》，是因为该书的意旨能使人明性意、崇礼义，其言其论上可用于治国，下可用于修身，以其事君必忠，以其事父必孝，如此则可期人伦敦厚、教化端正。（叶高树，2002：72）
Deng Jinxia 邓锦霞
当然，此书的翻译也与汉籍官吏的推荐密不可分。 Of course, the translation of this book is also inseparable from the recommendation of the Han Dynasty officials. --Deng Jinxia (talk) 01:39, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Certainly, the translation of this book is also closely related to the recommendation of the Han Dynasty officials.--Yang Yue (talk) 03:45, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Ding Daifeng 丁代凤
顺治二年三月，大学士冯铨、洪承畴等即奏陈世祖，认为自古帝王安定天下，必以修德勤学为首务，如金世宗、元世祖等便“博综典籍”、“勤于文学”，而帝王修身治人之道，尽备于“六经”，若能以满、汉词臣朝夕进讲，则圣德势必日进。（巴岱、图海等，1985：3-4） In March of the second year of Emperor Shunzhi of the Qing Dynasty(AD 1645), Grand Secretaries Feng Quan and Hong Chengchou submitted memorials to Emperor Shizu of the Chen Dynasty, and held the opinion that since ancient emperors settled the world, they must give top priority to striving for virtues and acquiring knowledge. For example, Emperor Shizong of the Jin Dynasty and Emperor Shizu of the Yuan Dynasty were well versed in classics and diligent in literature. What’s more, the principles of emperors' self-cultivation and governance in people are demonstrated in the Six Classics. If emperors could always accept advice from civil officials of Manchu and Han, then their virtues would surely advance day by day. (Ba Dai, Tu Hai et al., 1985: 3-4)--Ding Daifeng (talk) 06:02, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Fang Jieling 方洁玲
嗣后，朱允显、张璿（xuán）等也相继奏设“经筵”，进讲“四书”、“六经”等有关身心要务、治平大道者。
Gan Fengyu 甘奉玉
儒学典籍虽然众多，然世祖尤为偏爱《易经》与《孝经》，认为《孝经》“言近而指远，理约而该博”，放之四海而皆准。（清世祖御注，1986：1-2）
--Gan Fengyu (talk) 04:57, 24 September 2020 (UTC)Despite of a multitude of confucian classics, the emperor of Qing Dynasty still prefered to The Book of Changes and The Book of Filial Piety. He accliamed that the latter can transcend time and space owing to its constrianed but abundant principles. So he considered that it was much of the truth at all times and in all countries.--Gan Fengyu (talk) 04:57, 24 September 2020 (UTC)--Gan Fengyu (talk) 04:57, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Gao Mingzhu 高明珠
至于“六经”之一的《易经》，世祖也认为它“义精而用博”，囊括了天地万物之理，因而被历代硕儒所阐发。（同上：2）
Gong Yumian 龚钰冕
顺治十三年十二月，奉世祖圣意，傅以渐、曹本荣等通过殚心研究，融会贯通，纂修《易经通注》成书。
Gu Dongfang 顾东方
世祖希望通过此书，将原本中的义经奥旨悉数阐明，使其如同“日星”般灿然。（傅以渐、曹本荣等，1986：1）
Guan Qinqing 管钦清
圣祖康熙帝热衷学问，但其兴趣主要在宋儒理学上。
Gui Yizhi 桂一枝
《康熙帝御制文集》中说，上古帝王之治本于道，其道本于心，而辨析心性之理，能羽翼“六经”，发挥圣道者，莫详于宋代诸儒。（玄烨，1966a：1-2）
Guo Lu 郭露
圣祖提倡宋儒之学，尤其是朱子理学，当然有其政治意图，但其在推崇朱熹之余，也对“五经”教义给予赞誉。
Patriarch advocates Song confucianism, especially the Zhu Xi’s theory, which is politics-oriented, but besides that, he is also in support of the Five Classics.--Guo Lu (talk) 02:45, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Han Haiyang 韩海洋
在他看来，朱熹阐发“五经”，因经取义，理正言顺，和平宽弘，融天地正气、宇宙大道于一体，既可施诸政事，也可验诸“日用”。（玄烨，1966b：10-12） In his opinion, Zhu Xi illustrated and used points of " The Classic Five", extracting theories from them, which are reasonable, peaceful and large-minded. They are not only applied to political affairs but also to daily life because they combine universal justice and ethic into harmony.--Han Haiyang (talk) 05:12, 23 September 2020 (UTC)--Han Haiyang (talk) 05:17, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
In his opinion, Zhu Xi illustrated and streched the content of The Five Classics.Zhu Xi's theory,extracted from the Five Classics,is just and proper,peaceful and wide, intergrating the righteousness of heaven and earth and the law of universe,which can not only be applied to politics but also be verified in daily life.--Xu Pengfei (talk) 14:40, 23 September 2020 (UTC)Xu Pengfei
In his opinion, the Five Classics illustrsted and published by Zhu Xi can not only be applied in politics, but also in daily life. Because it integrated the righteousness with the law both of the universe, from which he gained loyalty in a reasonalble and gentle way.--Gan Fengyu (talk) 04:58, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Han Wanzhen 韩宛真
如学界共知，圣祖亲政之后，满洲政权对于汉族文化的运用即步入全面阶段。It's well-known in academic circles that Manchuria regime could make use of Chinese culture skillfully after the governance of Kangxi Great Emperor.--Han Wanzhen (talk) 01:42, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
As the educational circles well-knowed that after the emperor had taken over the reins of government, the Manchuria regime stepped in a comprehensive stage in the aspect of using Han nationality culture.--Wensixing (talk) 03:25, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
He Changqi 何长琦
康熙六年六月，圣祖接纳汉官熊赐履奏议，指出敦崇实行，扶持正教，必非“六经”和《论语》、《孟子》等书而不读。（马齐等，1985：14-15）
Hu Baihui 胡百辉
为学习汉族的主流学术体系，以及传统的道德规范，圣祖不仅留意典籍，而且敕译、编定群书，将其当作自己的主要政绩，其中与“五经”相关者如康熙十七年敕撰，并于两年后完成译印的《日讲书经解义》。
Hu Huifang 胡慧芳
该书计二十六卷二十六册，由内府刊刻，卷前有《御制序》、译撰者库勒纳的《进呈疏》，以及库勒纳、叶方蔼等五十八位编（译）撰者的姓名与官衔。
Hu Jin 胡瑾
虽然此书名为“奉敕撰”，实际上却是编撰与翻译相间，因此叶高树在其《清朝前期的文化政策》一书中，仍将其定为“汉籍满文译本”之一。（叶高树，2002：68）
Ji Tiantian 纪甜甜
自康熙十九年起，至乾隆朝末期，清代官方译印的“五经”书籍还有《日讲易经解义》（康熙二十二年，牛钮、孙在丰等奉敕撰）、《诗经》（雍正十一年，顺治皇帝敕译）、《日讲春秋解义》（乾隆二年，库勒纳等奉敕译）、《御制翻译书经集传》（乾隆二十五年，乾隆皇帝敕译）、《御制翻译周易》（乾隆三十年，乾隆皇帝敕译）、《御制翻译诗经》（乾隆三十三年，乾隆皇帝敕译）、《御制翻译礼记》（乾隆四十八年，乾隆皇帝敕译）、《御制翻译春秋》（乾隆四十九年，乾隆皇帝敕译）等。
Jiang Fengyi 蒋凤仪
上述译本中，多数并未明确交待译者姓名，而只是在卷前写明“敕译”二字。
Jiang Hao 姜好
虽然如此，从清代文教政策和职官体系看，其译者当属兼通满、汉文之笔帖式、庶吉士、中书、库使等无疑。
Jiang Qiwei 蒋淇玮
需要指出，顺、雍、乾期间，《诗经》一书前后被译印三次，其中顺治十一年、雍正十一年刊印的系同一版本，而乾隆三十三年的《御制翻译诗经》在卷数、册数上均少于前者，显然不同于前者。
Kang Haoyu 康浩宇
一部书籍被译印多次，足见统治者对翻译之重视，以及对所译汉籍经义之推崇。
Kang Lingfeng 康灵凤
3.“五经”译本在科试与旗学中的应用
与明、清二朝以“四书文”取士一样，“五经”教义也是八旗科试中的重要内容。
Kong Xianghui 孔祥慧
早在清军入关之际，朝廷即规定乡、会二试中，首场考试“五经”各四题，共计二十题，由考生自行决定，各占一经，作答四题。
Kong Yanan 孔亚楠
由于五经题和四书题一样采用八股体，因而也称制艺，又称时文。
Lei Fangyuan 雷方圆
童生考试及其岁、科考试中，除考试四书文一道之外，同样考试经文一题。
Lei Kuangxi 雷旷溪
据商衍鎏（liú）考证，清代童生之县试共试五场，其中第一场主要考试四书文和五言六韵试帖诗，第二场加入性理论或者孝经论，但自第三场起，考试内容中便加入经文一篇，出题范围以“五经”为限。（商衍鎏，2014：9-10）
Li Haiquan 李海泉
《清史稿·选举志一》中，对于儒童入学考试的程式也有记载。
Li Lili 李丽丽
据此可知，清代的儒童考试初用四书文、孝经论各一题，但以前者为主，孝经题较少。
Li Lingyue 李凌月
这一办法后来被调整，改为“正试”用四书文二道，“复试”用四书文和小学论各一题。 This method was later adjusted to two questions taken from four books in the "regular examination". And the two questions in the "second examination" are one taken from four books and the other taken from the theory of learning. This method was later adjusted and changed into two questions of The Four Books in the primary test and two questions in retrial, one of The Four Books--Xu Mengdie (talk) 15:50, 23 September 2020 (UTC) and the other of The Primary Learning.--Xu Mengdie (talk) 15:50, 23 September 2020 (UTC)Xu Mengdie
Li Liqin 李丽琴
但康熙三十九之际，圣祖令各直省考试儒童时，由于学生平日即以“五经”和小学等作为学习内容，因而考试时也考试经书，并要求学臣将考生中能够“成诵三经、五经者”，“酌量优录”。（同上：28）
Li Luyi 李璐伊
康熙四十二年，顺天学政甚至专门以背诵五经作为取士原则，这一做法虽被奉旨申饬，但“五经”之重要，由此可见。 During the forty-second year of the Kangxi Dynasty(AD 1703),the officials in charge of the imperial examination in Shuntian Prefecture even specially take the recitation of The Four Books and The Five Classics as the principle for grading the exam.Although this practice was clearly ordered to rectify,but this shows the importance of The Five Classics.--Li Luyi (talk) 15:39, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
In the 42nd year of Emperor Kangxi(AD 1703), education administrator of Shuntian Prefecture even specially took the recitation of the Five Classics as the standard of candidate selection. Although this practice was just made on imperial orders, the importance of the Five Classics could be seen from it. --Deng Jinxia (talk) 02:37, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Li Meng 李梦
如乾隆朝中期以后，将儒童之“复试”改为四书文、经文（即“五经”）各一道，即是明证。
Li Yongshan 李泳珊
生员参加岁考（学政到任第一年的考试）、科考（学政到任第二年的考试）时，自清初起便考试经文，初定为一篇，嗣后暂遭裁撤。
Li Yu 李玉
雍正六年，又复考经文题一道，无论岁试、科试，都是一样。
Lin Min 林敏
乾隆二十三年，岁试改为四书文一道、经文题一道。
Lin Xin 林鑫
虽然科试不再考试经文题，但岁试中考试经文的做法成为“永制”。
Ling Zijin 凌子瑾
清代的举贡体制中，也有考试经文者。
Liu Bo 刘博
以“拔贡”考试为例，廪、增、附生在应考拔贡之前，需向所在府、州、县儒学署（教育管理机构）报名，然后分两场参加拔贡考试，其中每场也需要考试经文一篇。
Liu Jinxingqi 刘金惺琦
乾隆十六年，拔贡考试中增加“会考”，仍试以经文、四书文各一题。
Liu Liu 刘柳
乾隆十七年，经文题改为经解题，出题范围不变。
Liu Ou 刘欧
“优贡”考试也是如此，如乾隆二十九年，“优贡”考试四书文二篇、经解一篇。
Liu Yangnuo 刘洋诺
即便在清末之际，如光绪二十七年，“优贡”考试也仍在第二场中考试“五经义”一篇。
Liu Yi 刘艺
“优贡”中的会考环节也一样考试经文一篇，与“拔贡”会考相同，且宣统元年（1905）废除八股文之后，五经义试题作为考试内容仍照常办理。
Liu Yiyu 刘怡瑜
清代乡举考试（俗称“乡试”）也多承明制，其考试诸法如场期、试题、弥封、誊录、对读等，大体沿袭明代，更张者不多。
Liu Zhiwei 刘智伟
清制，乡试共分三场，一般定于八月举行，遇重大事故时也可推移。
Lou Cancan 娄灿灿
考试题型及内容上，仍以“制艺”形式为主，别称“时文”，头场考试七篇，其中四书文三篇、五经文二十篇（每经出四题）。
Luo Weijia 罗维嘉
康、雍年间，对乡试的考法进行了调整，如二场试论初用《孝经》，后兼用《性理》。
Luo Yuqing 罗雨晴
雍正初年，又复改初制，只考《孝经》。
Ma Juan 马娟
又如康熙二年，朝廷因故暂废八股文，并将原制中第三场考试的“策”五题移至第一场，同时将二场改为四书论、经论各一篇。
Ma Shuya 马淑雅
凡此种种，都是乡试考法的临时调整。
Ma Zhixing 马智星
无论作何调整，乡试中考试五经文题，却是清代定制。
Meng Ying 孟莹
如乾隆五十二年，高宗以考生专治一经，而不能兼通其它经书，不合于敦崇实学的理念，因而敕令自翌年起，废除乡试中“专治一经”的做法，要求分年轮试一经，以后再改为每经中各出一题，即经文五题。（同上：80）
Mo Ling 莫玲
经文五题的底本即《易经》、《书经》、《诗经》、《春秋》和《礼记》，但内容上并非专考先秦诸子的原说，其中加入了宋儒的章句、注疏。具体而言，便是《易经》中融入程、朱学说的本义，《书经》中融入蔡沈的注解，《诗经》中融入朱熹的集传，《春秋》中融入胡安国的研究，以及《礼记》中融入陈澔的传注。
Mo Nan 莫南
清末光绪年间，清廷因故对乡试的办理再作改革，但五经文或五经义仍照考不误。
Nie Xiaolou 聂晓楼
由于清沿明制以来，“则会场各题目，皆与乡试无异矣”，因而此处不再详述，但可以肯定的是，无论乡试会试，“五经”乃是重要的命题依据。（王凯旋，2015：42）
Ou Rong 欧蓉
《清史稿》中说，自唐以后，废选举之制，改用科目，历代相沿。
Ouyang Jinglan 欧阳静兰
明代以来，专取四子书，以及五经命题，谓之“制艺”，而“有清一沿明制，二百全年，虽有以他途进者，终不得与科第出身者相比。”（赵尔巽等，1977：3099）
Ouyang Ling 欧阳玲
可见，清代科考的场次和内容等，与明朝旧制整体上乃是相向而行的。
It indicates that the schedule and contents of the imperial examination system in the Qing Dynasty remained consistent with the old one of the Ming Dynasty in general.--Ouyang Ling From this we can see, things like sessions and contend of the imperial competitive examination of Qing Dynasty are almost on the same track of the old one of Ming Dynassty.--Zhou Shiqing (talk) 06:00, 24 September 2020 (UTC)Zhou Shiqing 周诗卿
It can be seen that the sessions and contents of the imperial examination system in the Qing Dynasty were still in the same direction as the old one of the Ming Dynasty on the whole.--Li Luyi (talk) 06:04, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Peng Dan 彭丹
清代科试对五经文的倚重，与官学中的教、习内容密不可分。
Peng Juan 彭娟
清初以来，以满译汉籍文本作为旗学教材，渐成传统。
Peng Ruihong 彭锐宏
早在太祖年间，为教导八旗子弟读书，并解决“无书可读”的窘境，上谕达海着手翻译汉籍。
Peng Xiaoling 彭小玲
虽然此时翻译的汉文书籍并不涉及“五经”，但此事表明译书与旗人教育之间的关系。
Peng Yongliang 彭永亮
太宗即位以后，愈发重视旗人教育，并为此向朝鲜王朝索要译书，其中即包括《诗经》和《书经》。
Peng Yuzhi 彭育志
《朝鲜王朝实录·仁祖实录》中对此事的记载如下：
It was recorded in the Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty · the True Record of Injo as:--Peng YuZhi (talk) 04:06, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
It was recorded in the Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty · the True Record of king Injo as:--Wu Kai (talk) 04:20, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
Qi Kai 漆凯
闻贵国有金、元所译《书》、《诗》等经及《四书》，敬求一览，惟冀慨然。（韩国国史编纂委员会，1973：38）
Qu Miao 瞿淼
太宗索书一事发生在天聪二年，即1628年。
Quan Meixin 全美欣
同年十二月，朝鲜政府回函，以“第国中所有，只是天下通行本，而金、元所译，则未曾见得”为由，谢绝了太宗的请求。
Sagara Seydou
然而次年十月，仁祖又改变主意，将太宗索取的部分汉籍译本赠予大清。
Shi Diwen 石迪文
同书中对此亦有记载，其文如下： This event was also recorded in the Veritable Records and it said:--Shi Diwen (talk) 04:50, 24 September 2020 (UTC) It was also recorded in the same book and it said: --XiaoXi (talk) 05:50, 24 September 2020 (UTC)Xiao Xi
Shi Haiyao 石海瑶
金汗求书册，以《春秋》、《周易》、《礼记》、《通鉴》、《史略》等书赐之。（同上：352）
Si Yu 司妤
虽然太宗最为看重的《诗》、《书》二经，以及“四书”等均未获得封赠，但“五经”中其它三经的到来，即《礼记》、《春秋》和《周易》，仍有助于缓解清初旗人教育中教材短缺的问题。
Song Jianru 宋建茹
顺治朝初期，因满清王朝刚刚入关，朝廷在开办国子监八旗官学时，即同意满、汉官员子弟可根据自身意愿选择习汉书，或者习清书，而此时的学习教材无非就是传统的汉文经史，或者汉文典籍的满文译本。
Su Lin 苏琳
后者仍以经、史居多，其中又以“四书”多于“五经”。
And these Manchu versions are still dominated by classics and history,among which the Four Books is more than the Five Classics.--Su Lin (talk) 05:19, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Tan Xingyue 谭星越
如顺治二年选授他赤哈哈番的阿什坦所翻译的《大学》、《中庸》等，便被用作旗人教育的主要教材。（陈康祺，1997：362）
Tan Xinjie 谭鑫洁
顺治九年，礼部题准，嗣后坊间书贾只能刊行、售卖理学政治、裨益文业的各类书籍。
Tan Yuanyuan 谭媛媛
至于“其他琐语淫词，及一切滥刻窗艺社”，则“通行严禁”，违者从重究治。（索尔讷等，1968：165）
Tang Bei 汤蓓
为端正士风，顺治帝通令直省学政，将“五经”和“四子书”等，“责成提调教官课令生儒诵习讲解。”（稽璜等，1988：5486）
Tang Ming 唐铭
翌年二月，又命内院诸臣翻译“五经”，并亲自审阅译稿，感叹“天德王道，备载于书，真万世不易之理也。”（巴岱、图海等，1985：572）
Tang Yiran 汤伊然
此书于顺治十一年译成，从当时坊间存在满文抄本、满汉合璧本的事实看，可以推见其流传情况仍然无外乎两种：其一，被颁赐群臣；其二，被用于旗学教材。
Tao Ye 陶冶
顺治年间，虽然皇帝因过度亲近汉臣、仰慕汉族文化，而遭到来自满族统计阶层的压力，但旗学教育中以汉籍满文译本作为教材的传统却未改变。
Wang Meiling 王美玲
如康熙年间傅达礼翻译的《大学衍义》，一经告蒇便颁赐诸臣，及八旗官学。
Wang Xuan 王轩
与此同时，翰林院按日进讲，并年终汇呈的各类“讲义”也被选用作旗学教材，如《日讲书经解义》、《日讲易经解义》、《日讲春秋解义》、《日讲礼记解义》等。
Wang Yu 王煜
由于这些以“解义”形式出现的各类满文书籍有其汉文底本，因而实质上仍是汉籍“五经”的重译。
Wang Yuan 王源
无论编译这些书籍的目的是“因国书以通经义”，还是“因经义以通国书”，其作为旗学教材使用的事实可得验证。（叶高树，2006：1-42）
Wei Honglang 韦洪朗
乾隆年间，“五经”的翻译继续进行，其原因之一便是对作为满文教材使用的旧译本进行修订，以适应满洲文化的新变化，尤其是满语作为国语的最新发展。
Wei Yafei 魏亚菲
满文创设之初，词汇较少，文法也很简单。
Wen Sixing 文偲荇
至乾隆年间，由于经历百余年发展，语言的新特点早已显现，这一点不仅表现在新词汇的添设上，而且表现在语法和句型的完整性上。 Until to the qianlong period,because of having passed over a century of development,the new characteristics of language already emerged, the one point not only had appeared in adding more on new words，but also completeness of grammar and sentence patterns.--Wensixing (talk) 03:11, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Up to the period of Qianlong Dynasty, the language's development in the past century or more has rendered itself newly-emerged traits, which can be reflected from not only new words' addition but also from the integrity of grammar and sentence patterns.--Chen Sunfu (talk) 00:29, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
With the development of language,so during the governance of Qianlong Emperor,the new features of language had already arised,which could be reflected from not only addition of new words but completeness of grammar and syntax.--Han Wanzhen (talk) 02:06, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Wen Xiaoyi 文晓艺
从乾隆朝纂辑的《钦定新清语》档册上，也可看出满语的这一演变，主要表现在五个方面：其一，将满语中的许多汉语借词，从原来的音译改为意译；其二，对意译汉语的许多问题进行纠正；其三，对满语中某些音位的对译汉字进行规范；其四，对有声调的汉语词在译为满文时出现的问题进行解决；其五，对满语中的某些词汇进行意义上的阐发与拓展。（佟永功、关嘉禄，1995：66-69）
Wu Kai 吴恺
正因为这样，旧译本作为旗学教材已不合时宜。
Because of this, the old version is out of date as a Eight Banners of Manchuria textbook of flag studies.--Wu Kai (talk) 04:06, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
そのようなことによって、旧来に満語で書かれた漢籍の教材として使われていた古い訳本はもはや時代に合わなかったわけだ。--Wu Kai (talk) 04:06, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
Because of this, the old version is out of date as the textbook for Manchurian nobles.--Peng YuZhi (talk) 04:27, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
Wu Qi 吴琪
如乾隆三十二年，《御制翻译诗经》成书，内有乾隆帝的御制序言，其中便提到“参采新定国语”进行重译，以“复为折衷是正”。（清高宗敕译，1986：7-8）
For example, in the 32nd year of Qianlong's reign, Shi Jing (the book of songs) translated by Emperor Qianlong’s order was finished containing Emperor Qianlong's imperial preface, which refers that the retranslation should refer and adopt to the newly established national language and make a compromise. (translated by the order of Qing emperor Gaozong, 1986:7-8) --Wu Qi (talk) 05:01, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Wu Qiong 吴琼
乾隆帝在新清语的标准下敕译的“五经”文本，对嗣后汉文旧籍译本的新译，以及改进旗学教材等，均有较大帮助。
Wu Xiang 邬香
如咸丰六年七月，文宗重新校阅并厘定《翻译孝经》（雍正五年敕译）时，便参照了《御制翻译五经》中的新清语。
Wu Yilu 吴一露
同年，大学士文庆进呈孟保翻译的《大学衍义》，文宗在“覆加批阅”此书时，也遵从乾隆年间《五经》的钦定译本。
Wu Zijia 吴子佳
虽然新译本成书的同时，某些汉籍的旧译本仍被作为教材使用，但无论新译旧译，皆为清代的旗学教育与人才培养，贡献甚蜚。
Xiao Shuangling 肖双玲
4.“五经”翻译的诗学与政治文化原因 以《诗经》为例，其前后两次的满文翻译相距百年以上，因而两个译本在句法、词汇、文体特征上存在差异，如旧译本文体上较为简洁，新译本文体上较为详细，造成这一显著区别的原因乃是前、后两个年代的满语发展情况，以及社会的主流诗学观念。 4.The poetic and political and cultural causes of the translation of the Five Classics Take The Book of Songs as an example; the two Manchu translations are moree than one hundred years apart, so there exist differences between the two translations in the aspect of syntax, vocabulary and stylistic features. For instance, the old translation is more concise, while the new one more detailed. The reason for this remarkable distinction lies in the development of the Manchu language between the two periods and the mainstream poetics of the society.
Xiao Ting 肖婷
有关这一点，日本学者山琦雅人在其《论满文<诗经>新旧翻译之差异》中已有详细论证，此处亦不再详述。（山琦雅人，2000：246-261）
Xiao Xi 肖茜
叶高树在其《<诗经>满文译本比较研究》一文中，也对《诗经》的两个译本做了考订与研究，其研究较之山琦雅人（2000）更为详实，内容上不仅涉及语言，如名词的翻译、叠字的翻译、用字的比较、语法的比较、而且引用、阐释了乾隆朝重译《诗经》的原委，其中指出： Ye Gaoshu also made an investigation and research on the two versions of The Book of Songs in the article the Comparative study of Manchu Versions of The Book of Songs, his research is more detailed than Yamazaki's(2000). The content not only involves the language, such as the translation of nouns and reduplicated words, the comparison of words and grammar, but also quotes and explains the whole story of retranslation of The Book of Songs in Qianlong Dynasty. --XiaoXi (talk) 05:31, 24 September 2020 (UTC)Xiao Xi
Xiao Yining 肖伊宁
是经于世祖章皇帝顺治十一年译定初本，体裁已备，阅时兹久，凡《清文鉴》所未赅皙者，参采新定国语，侔揣务极精详，因命分册签题，几余复为折衷是正。（清高宗敕译，1768：6-8） The first version was translated in the 11th year of emperor Shunzhi of Shizu Zhang. The genre was prepared and review spent lots of time. Those who are not comprehensive in "Qing Wenjian" can take part in the newly established national language. Mou Chuai is very detailed. So he was ordered to Classify materials into books and decided the title. He revised several times in accordance with opinions of all parties (translated by Emperor Gaozong of the Qing Dynasty, 1768:6-8)
--Xiao yining (talk) 15:16, 23 September 2020 (UTC)xiao yining
Xie Fan 解帆
上文中，明确阐述了重译《诗经》的诗学原因，即，乾隆年间满语发展的变革，以及“钦定新清书”的编订等，使得旧译中的语言文字与时下通行者凸显差距，重译之事不可不为。
Xie Ziyi 谢子熠
至于重译此书是否仅出于语言变革的原因，而与政治实践或者文化政策全然无关，或者说重译是否也有政治文化意涵，重译本御制序言中并没有提及，但这一点在旧译本中已有交代。
As for retranslating this book,which is only for the reasons of language change, and has nothing to do with political practice or cultural policy, or whether retranslation also has political and cultural implications.That was not mentioned in the preface of the retranslated version of the imperial system, but this has been in the old version.--Ishikami (talk) 05:05, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
In the preface of the retranslated version,it was not mentioned whether the retranslation was fully out of linguistic revolution, or had something to do with political or cultural policy concerns. Yet, it has been explained in former translated one.--Yao Cheng (talk) 05:30, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
Xu Jia 徐佳
康熙朝期间，译印汉书的工作继续进行，主要包括两个方面：其一，整理前朝尚未刊行的译本；其二，新译其它汉族书籍。
Xu Jing 许晶
此间虽并未翻译“五经”作品，却将“日讲”中用到的“五经”章句讲义集结刊印，如《日讲书经解义》、《日讲易经解义》等，以阐发义理、裨益政治，使天下臣民知其“仰法前代圣王”，孜孜求治之意。（玄烨，1966b：10）
Xu Jing 许静
这些“解义”并非直接译自汉文典籍，因此严格意义上并非翻译，但因为它们系经汉文编写后再译写为满文，因而仍可纳入广义上的翻译范畴。
Xu Mengdie 徐梦蝶
康熙朝以此种方式编译的“五经”作品还有《日讲春秋解义》和《日讲礼记解义》，但上述二者均未在本朝印行，而是延宕至乾隆时期。 In Kangxi Dynasty, works of The Five Classics compiled in this way also include Daily Talks on the Annotations of The Spring and Autumn and Daily Talks on the Annotations of The Book of Rites. However, before the Qianlong period, neither of the two books was printed or distributed.--Xu Mengdie (talk) 15:06, 23 September 2020 (UTC)Xu Mengdie
In Kangxi Dynasty, works about The Five Classics compiled in this way also include Daily Talks on the Annotations of The Spring and Autumn and Daily Talks on the Annotations of The Book of Rites. However, neither of the two books was published untill the Qianlong period.--Xu Mengdie (talk)--Xiao yining (talk) 15:53, 23 September 2020 (UTC)Xiao Yining
Xu Pengfei 许鹏飞
关于《日讲春秋解义》延期刊布的原因，《清高宗（乾隆）御制诗文全集·御制文初集》中有明确解释，其意是康熙晚年图书编纂任务繁重，雍正即位后又认为康熙朝汉文本《钦定春秋传说汇纂》与胡安国本人的思想颇多出入，且“于圣心自多未洽”，故而命果亲王允礼、大学士张廷玉，以及内阁学士方苞等对其进行校订，如此才使得刊印有所牵延。（清高宗御制，1993a：13-14） As for the reasons for the delay of the publication of The Commentary of Spring and Autumn Annals,there is a clear explanation in The Complete Collection of Poetry and Essays of Emperor Gaozong of Qing(Qianlong)·The First Collection. In this book, it explains that the task of compiling books is quite heavy in the later years of Emperor Kangxi. Then, after Emperor Yongzheng ascended the throne, he reckoned that The Official Compilation of Legends during the Spring and Autumn Annals differs a lot from Hu Anguo's own thoughts and it is "not consistent with the emperor's will".So Yongzheng ordered Guo Prince Yunli, Grand Secretary Zhang Tingyu and secretaries of Cabinet like Fang Bao to revise it. Therefore, the publication was kind of delayed.(Written by Emperor Gaozong of Qing,1993a:13-14)--Xu Pengfei (talk) 13:55, 23 September 2020 (UTC)Xu Pengfei
Yang Chenting 杨晨婷
《日讲礼记解义》虽然成书于康熙朝，但因为该书卷帙浩繁，一直存放在翻书房，导致满文翻译迟迟未能完成。
Yang Hairong 杨海容
至乾隆朝初期因为修纂《三礼义疏》，才将该书取出，以便参校异同，并将此书的翻译加以完成。
Yang Hui 阳慧
至于《日讲诗经解义》，康熙年间亦未付梓。
Yang Yi 杨逸
其中原因，可能与顺治年间《诗经》满文译本的流通，以及《钦定诗经传说汇纂》的纂辑有关。
Yang Yue 杨悦
康熙朝后期，汉书翻译的范围得到拓展，在翻译经、史之外，兼及明儒之书，如《菜根谭》、《醒世要言》等，这些书同样涉及治世之道、除恶扬善之法，但无一者关乎“五经”。 In the late Kangxi Dynasty, the scope involved in the translation of Han History was expanded. Besides the translation of Classics and history, it also included the works of Ming Dynasty and Confucianism, etc. These books also involved the way to govern the world and the way to get rid of evil deeds and make one’ s values well-known, but none of them related to the Five Classics.--Yang Yue (talk) 03:44, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
In the late Kangxi Danasty, the translated books of Han Dynasty have been expanded. Besides classical and historical ones, the confucian works of Ming Dynasty have been a part of them, such as the Vegatable Roots , Awaken the World and so on. These books also involved the way to govern the word, as well as eliminated evil and promote good as before,while none of them was about the Five Classics.--Gan Fengyu (talk) 06:01, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Yang Ziling 杨子泠
雍正年间，前朝既定的学术方针大体得以遵循。
Yao Cheng 姚诚
一方面，世宗敕撰《诗经传说汇纂》成书，以竟圣祖未竟之志；另一方面，又以朱熹弟子蔡沈的《书集传》为底本，并荟萃汉、唐以来诸家学说，敕纂《书经传说汇纂》成书。 Emperor YongZheng mandated that Collection of Authorized Poetry be completed to meet unrealized ambition of Emperor Kangxi. At the same time，He required that Collection of Authorized Books be completed with Books collection by Scholar Cai Shen, Students of Scholar Zhu Xi, as the standardized script and with other theories formed since Han and Tang Dynasty as complement.--Yao Cheng (talk) 05:16, 23 September 2020 (UTC) On the one hand, Emperor Yongzheng mandated that Collection of Authorized Poetry be completed to meet unrealized ambition of Emperor Kangxi. On the other hand, he required that Collection of Authorized Books be completed with Books collection by Scholar Cai Shen, Students of Scholar Zhu Xi, as the standardized script and with other theories formed since Han and Tang Dynasty as complement.--Zhang Xueyi (talk) 04:27, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Yao Jia 姚佳
与此同时，朝廷刊行《五经四书读本》、《五子近思录辑要》等汉文旧籍，并应世宗圣谕将其中部分颁赐国子监，及其它旗学机构。 Meanwhile, the court published some old books in Chinese such as The Five Classics and The Four Books Reader and The Abstract of WuZi JinSiLu. Then the court issued some of these books to the Imperial College and other branches of Eight Banners Official School called QiXue institutions in response to the edict of the Emperor Yongzheng of Qing Dynasty.--Yao Jia (talk) 03:04, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Yi Huan 易欢
然而，雍正朝官方刊刻的七种汉籍满译本中，无一种为“五经”类，其中原因，仍待详考。 However, among seven Manchus versions officially inscribed, none of them are of the Five Classics. For reason, we will still examine it in more details. --Yi Huan (talk) 04:56, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Yi Zichu 义子楚
乾隆朝以后，朝廷延续“崇儒礼佛”的政策，翻译中又以儒学典籍为大宗。
You Yuting 游雨婷
其中，翻译“五经”者如《御制翻译书经集传》、《御制翻译周易》、《御制翻译诗经》、《御制翻译礼记》、《御制翻译春秋》等。
Yu Ni 余妮
固然，“五经”教义足以启迪心灵、荡涤灵魂，但高宗不畏耗时耗力之苦，重译或重刻上述典籍，如此坚持必有良苦用心。
Yuan Shiqi 袁诗琦
据《清高宗（乾隆）御制诗文全集·御制文初集》中所说，高宗曾自称“朕于几政之暇，每爱以国语翻译经书，如《易》、《书》、《诗》及《四子书，无不蒇事》”（同上：15）高宗对“五经”教义的遵崇，从他以“五经卷”调整科举程式的做法中可见一斑。 According to initial collection of Literature Collection of Poems by Emperor Gaozong(Qianlong）, emperor Gaozong once declared "I love to spend my spare time tranalating Confucian classics into Mandarin. Classics like The Books of Changes, The Book of History, The Book of Songs and The Four Books are all translated without exception." (Ibid, :15) Emperor Gaozong's reverence for the doctrine of The Five Classics can be seen from his practice of adjusting imperial examination by using papers which examine The Five Classics.--Yuan SHiqi (talk) 02:53, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Yuan Tianyi 袁天翼
众所周知，清代科举考试在“四书”、“五经”的出题上有其规定，如《清史稿》中说“初场试书艺三篇、经义四篇”，即是说考试四书题三道，从《论语》、《大学》、《中庸》、《孟子》中进行抽取，于每部各出一题。
Yuan Yuchen 袁雨晨
而“经义四篇”是指从《诗经》、《尚书》等五部经籍中进行出题，每部各出一题，共计二十题。
Zeng Fangyuan 曾芳缘
考生在作答时，既可选择某一经书的四题作答，也可选择全部五经之题作答，前者即所谓“认习一经”，后者则系“全作五经文”。（赵尔巽等，1977：3159）
Zeng Liang 曾良
虽然“全作五经文”与清代科场条例不合，但“认习一经”又容易导致学风空疏，视野狭隘，因而为使学风敦实醇厚，提倡“实学”精神，“五经中式”势在必行。
Zeng Xinyuan 曾心媛
乾隆五十二年，高宗降旨，指出士子束发读书，本应“五经”全读，而现在的读书人中，于“本经之外，或竟至束书不观”者大有人在，这一点绝非崇尚经术之道。
Zeng Yanhu 曾雁湖
于是，高宗决定自次年开始，采取“五经”轮试的办法，五十八年后又改为“五经并试”，并将此法“定为永制”，以凸显“五经”学习的重要性。（陈文新、潘志刚，2018：171）
Zhang Hu 张虎
受此影响，高宗时期的“五经”翻译不仅数量上超越前代，而且质量和成效上较为理想，官方对此颇感自豪。
Affected by this, the translation of the "Five Classics" during the Emperor Gaozong period not only surpassed the previous generation in quantity, but also was relatively satisfactory in quality and effectiveness. Officials were quite proud of this.--Blank (talk) 05:27, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
Due to this policy, the Emperor Gaozong Period witnessed the flourishment of the "Five Classics" translation, with officially satisfactory in its good quality, high efficiency and higher quantity than ever before.--Shi Diwen (talk) 05:15, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Zhang Hui 张慧
《钦定八旗通志》中说，开国以来，清代诸帝先译“四书”，“示初学之津梁”，后又译“五经”，《周易》、《尚书》、《诗经》、《春秋》、《礼记》等均在其列。
Zhang Ling 张玲
五部经书，意旨、功用各自不同，其中“《易》则略象数之，示其吉凶；《书》则疏诘屈之词，归于显易；《诗》则曲摹其咏叹，而句外之寄托可思；《春秋》则细核其异同，而一字之劝惩毕见；《礼记》则名物度数考订必详，精理名言推求必当，尤足破讲家之聚讼。”（铁保等，1968：5-6）
Zhang Peiwen 张佩闻
其中进一步指出，先儒于“五经”中的诂经，大多“株守其文”，既显拘泥，且文义不通，而翻译五经四书，正可疏通其意，使其明白无误，这一点对于裨治文教，意义至大。（同上：6）
Zhang Qi 张琪
乾隆朝翻译“五经”，除翻译原典的正文内容之外，也不时将章句训诂含括在译文之内，以助学者、读者研习经义。
Besides translating the contents of the main body in the Five Classics(an authoritative book of Confucianism in China written before 300 BC) , the translation for it in Qianlong Dynasty also contains some sections and sentences from poems and prose and some explanations of words from old books, which is helpful for scholars and readers to study and research .--Zhangqi (talk) 05:19, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Zhang Weihong 张维虹
这么做至少有两方面的好处：其一，统一学术；其二，实现文化统制。
Zhang Xueyi 张雪仪
众所周知，乾隆朝初期以前，汉文经史的翻译主要以满文本为主，或者以满文本、满汉合璧本并行，但乾隆二十年以后，所有汉籍译本均为满汉合璧本。 As is known to all, before the early Emperor Qianlong, the translation of Chinese Confucian classics and history books was mainly based on the texts written in Manchu language, or both the Manchu and the combined version of Manchu and Chinese. However, after the 20th Year of Emperor Qianlong, all Chinese translations were combined version of Manchu and Chinese.--Zhang Xueyi (talk) 04:07, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
As is known to all, before the earlier period of Emperor Qianlong, the translation texts of Chinese Confucian classics and history books were mainly in Manchu language, while some of them were in both Manchu language and combined versions of Manchu and Chinese. However, after the 20th year of Emperor Qianlong's reign, all the translation of Chinese works were in combined versions of Manchu and Chinese.--Ouyang Ling
Zhang Yinliu 张银柳
之所以进行此番调整，实源于旗人国语学习的现状，即，从清初王公大臣“无不弩强善射，国语纯熟”，渐变为“不能人人尽通国语”。（昭梿，1997：16；杨钟义，1969：1）
Zhang Yu 张瑜
与顺治年间旗人在“既习满书”的前提下，通过翻译汉书“观玩”，以了解汉族文化的动机不同，乾隆二十年后的“五经四书”翻译，其主要目的即是劝导那些渐习汉字，渐染汉俗的八旗子弟重拾“国语”，以固满洲旧俗、国之根本。
Zhang Yujie 张毓婕
正所谓“或因经义以通国书，而同文之圣化被于四方”，又或者“因国书以通经义，而明道之遗编彰于万世”，二者之中均以“国书”为要，而以通经明道为轻。（铁保等，1968：6）
Zhang Yuxing 张宇星
至于高宗本人，不仅熟读《诗》、《书》，而且精研《易》、《春秋》，尤其偏好历史，曾著“史论”五十余篇，以探讨历代治理之得失。
Zhao Xi 赵茜
同时，高宗秉承世宗之志，阐释“狄夷”、“籍贯”之说，以构建政权的意识形态，认为国之“正统”必须遵从“《春秋》大一统之义”，“尊王黜霸”，立万世纲常，以正人心。（庆桂等，1985：34-35）
Zhao Xiaoyan 赵晓燕
通过译印《春秋》，并就其与《通鉴纲目》等进行论证，高宗不仅驳斥了关于自身的批评与质疑，而且为国家建构了统治理论。
Zheng Huajun 郑华君
高宗对于《春秋》的推崇是极其明显的，以致乾隆四十七年当皇子与军机处大臣奉敕订正《通鉴纲目续编》时，高宗仍要求他们将原书中的某些内容“量为删润”，以符合《春秋》之体例。（清高宗御制，1993b：57） The Emperor Gaozong's esteem for the Spring and Autumn Annals was extremely obvious, so that in the 47th year of the reign of the Emperor Qianlong,when the princes and Military Chancellor were odered by the Emperor Gaozong to cut and polish the content of the original book to fit the style and form of the Spring and Autumn Annals.(The Emperor Gaozong of the Qing Dynasty,1993b:57) --Zheng Huajun (talk) 14:56, 23 September 2020 (UTC)--Zheng Huajun (talk) 15:01, 23 September 2020 (UTC)
Zhou Luoping 周罗平
高宗年间，虽然汉籍翻译范围冗杂，佛经翻译显著增加，但崇儒重道之风并未改变，经史翻译仍是继往圣之绝学，开万世之太平的重要手段。 In the reign of Emperor Gaozong, the scope of translation of Chinese books was diverse and the translation of Buddhist scriptures increased significantly,but the trend of respecting and stressing Confucianism didn’t change, and the translation of Confucianism classics and history was still the important way to inherit the thoughts of sages and to create peace for generations.--Zhou Luoping (talk) 05:30, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
--Zhou Shiqing (talk) 06:08, 24 September 2020 (UTC)Zhou Shiqing==Zhou Shiqing 周诗卿== 高宗对“《春秋》，天子之事；是非，万世之公”的论调倍加推崇，指出为人之君，固然有褒贬群臣的权力，但是非公理也是人君必须秉持的常轨。（中国第一历史档案馆，1998：830）
The Emperor Gaozong of Tang Dynasty praised highly of the argument, one that the Spring and Autumn should be taken charge by the emperor, while the right and wrong is the common thinking philosophy of the public which does not change through times. He pointed out that, am emperor wass endowed with the right to make comments on his inferiors. However, the emperor should also act beyond the generally acknowledged truth. (The first Historical Archives of China, 1998:830)
Zhou Shuyao 周书尧
高宗指出，历来编年之书，数量繁多，皆以《通鉴纲目》为准，而《通鉴纲目》只是纂述《春秋》之义，以明天统、正人纪、昭监戒。（清高宗御制，1993a：11）高宗在位期间，对宋儒理学推崇备至，认为不仅“道统”“绍于周、程、张、朱五子”，而且“经典”也因“程、朱表章”，而“赫然昭著而大行”。（弘历，2005：20-21）
Insert non-formatted text here==Zhou Siqing 周思庆== 然而即便如此，自乾隆十四年起，高宗仍然调整了独尊理学的政策方针，将关注的目光重新投射至经学。 But even so, Emperor Gaozong still adjusted the policy of the exclusive reign of Neo-Confucianism, and cast his view on Confucian classics again.--Zhou Siqing (talk) 04:34, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Zhou Yiwen 周艺文
《乾隆朝上谕档》对此事有着详实的记载，其中指出： 圣贤之学：行，本也；文，末也。
Zhou Yuanqu 周园曲
而文之中，经术其根底也，词章其枝叶也。
Zhou Yujuan 周玉娟
翰林以文学侍从，近年来因朕每试以诗赋，颇致力于词章，而求其沉酣六籍，含英咀华，究经训之阃（kǔn）奥者，不少概见，岂笃志正学者鲜与？……夫穷经不如敦行，然知务本则于躬行为近。
Zhu Meimei 祝美梅
崇尚经术，良有关于世道人心。People worship the knowledge from ancient classics because there are indeed descriptions of what the world looks like and how people feel others. --Zhumeimei (talk) 03:32, 24 September 2020 (UTC)
Zhu Suyao 朱素瑶
……内大学士、九卿，外督抚，其公举所知，不拘进士、举人、诸生，以及退休闲散人员，能潜心经学者，慎重遴访。
Zhu Xu 朱旭
务择老成敦厚，纯朴淹通之士，以应精选。
Zou Xinyu 邹鑫雨
勿滥，称朕意焉。（中国第一历史档案馆，1998：393）
Ziyuanzhe 自愿者
所谓“经学”原指先秦时期的各家学说，但汉代以后往往专指儒学“十三经”，其中又以“四书”、“五经”为要。
Ziyuanzhe 自愿者
因而，高宗此处强调经术乃“文”之根本，理应含括“五经”学问。
Ziyuanzhe 自愿者
从高宗颁赐内阁的此谕中，不难看出其对于经学研究的鼓励，因而敕令朝臣遍访学界，考选潜心经学者，以便“耆儒夙学”得以“布列朝班”。（昭梿，1997：15-16）