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杂文集 by Lu Xun (鲁迅, 1881–1936)

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总目录

【总目录】

鲁迅全集•第一卷

鲁迅全集•第二卷

鲁迅全集•第三卷

鲁迅全集•第四卷

鲁迅全集•第五卷

鲁迅全集•第六卷

鲁迅全集•第七卷

鲁迅全集•第八卷

鲁迅全集•第九卷

鲁迅全集•第十卷

鲁迅全集•第十一卷

鲁迅全集•第十二卷

鲁迅全集•第十三卷

鲁迅全集•第十四卷

鲁迅全集•第十五卷

鲁迅全集•第十六卷

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例如就是那篇《文学是有阶级性的吗？》的高文，结论是并无阶级性。要抹杀阶级性，我以为最干净的是吴稚晖先生的“什么马克斯牛克斯”以及什么先生的“世界上并没有阶级这东

例如就是那篇《文学是有阶级性的吗？》的高文，结论是并无阶级性。要抹杀阶级性，我以为最干净的是吴稚晖先生的“什么马克斯牛克斯”以及什么先生的“世界上并没有阶级这东西”的学说。那么，就万喙息响，天下太平。但梁先生却中了一些“什么马克斯”毒了，先承认了现在许多地方是资产制度，在这制度之下则有无产者。不过这“无产者本来并没有阶级的自觉。是几个过于富同情心而又态度偏激的领袖把这个阶级观念传授了给他们”，要促起他们的联合，激发他们争斗的欲念。不错，但我以为传授者应该并非由于同情，却因了改造世界的思想。况且“本无其物”的东西，是无从自觉，无从激发的，会自觉，能激发，足见那是原有的东西。原有的东西，就遮掩不久，即如格里莱阿说地体运动，达尔文说生物进化，当初何尝不或者几被宗教家烧死，或者大受保守者攻击呢，然而现在人们对于两说，并不为奇者，就因为地体终于在运动，生物确也在进化的缘故。承认其有而要掩饰为无，非有绝技是不行的。

但梁先生自有消除斗争的办法，以为如卢梭所说：“资产是文明的基础”，“所以攻击资产制度，即是反抗文明”，“一个无产者假如他是有出息的，只消辛辛苦苦诚诚实实的工作一生，多少必定可以得

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从前年以来，对于我个人的攻击是多极了，每一种刊物上，大抵总要看见“鲁迅”的名字，而作者的口吻，则粗粗一看，大抵好象革命文学家。但我看了几篇，竟逐渐觉得废话太多了

从前年以来，对于我个人的攻击是多极了，每一种刊物上，大抵总要看见“鲁迅”的名字，而作者的口吻，则粗粗一看，大抵好象革命文学家。但我看了几篇，竟逐渐觉得废话太多了。解剖刀既不中腠理，子弹所击之处，也不是致命伤。例如我所属的阶级罢，就至今还未判定，忽说小资产阶级，忽说“布尔乔亚”，有时还升为“封建余孽”，而且又等于猩猩；（见《创造月刊》上的《东京通信》；）有一回则骂到牙齿的颜色。在这样的社会里，有封建余孽出风头，是十分可能的，但封建余孽就是猩猩，却在任何“唯物史观”上都没有说明，也找不出牙齿色黄，即有害于无产阶级革命的论据。我于是想，可供参考的这样的理论，是太少了，所以大家有些胡涂。对于敌人，解剖，咬嚼，现在是在所不免的，不过有一本解剖学，有一本烹饪法，依法办理，则构造味道，总还可以较为清楚，有味。人往往以神话中的Prometheus比革命者，以为窃火给人，虽遭天帝之虐待不悔，其博大坚忍正相同。但我从别国里窃得火来，本意却在煮自己的肉的，以为倘能味道较好，庶几在咬嚼者那一面也得到较多的好处，我也不枉费了身躯：出发点全是个人主义，并且还夹杂着小市民性的奢华，以及慢慢地摸出解剖刀来，反而刺进解

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张资平氏的“小说学”

【张资平氏的“小说学”】

张资平氏据说是“最进步”的“无产阶级作家”，你们还在“萌芽”，还在“拓荒”，他却已在收获了。这就是进步，拔步飞跑，望尘莫及。然而你如果追踪而往呢，就看见他跑进“乐群书店”中。

张资平氏先前是三角恋爱小说作家，并且看见女的性欲，比男人还要熬不住，她来找男人，贱人呀贱人，该吃苦。这自然不是无产阶级小说。但作者一转方向，则一人得道，鸡犬飞升，何况神仙的遗蜕呢，《张资平全集》还应该看的。这是收获呀，你明白了没有？

还有收获哩。《申报》报告，今年的大夏学生，敬请“为青年所崇拜的张资平先生”去教“小说学”了。中国老例，英文先生是一定会教外国史的，国文先生是一定会教伦理学的，何况小说先生，当然满肚子小说学。要不然，他做得出来吗？我们能保得定荷马没有“史诗作法”，沙士比亚没有“戏剧学概论”吗？

呜呼，听讲的门徒是有福了，从此会知道如何三角，如何恋爱，你想女人吗，不料女人的性欲冲动比你还要强，自己跑来了。朋友，等着罢。但最可怜的是不在上海，只好遥遥“崇拜”，难以身列门墙的青年，竟不能恭听这伟大的“小说学”。现在我将《张资平全集》和“小说学”的精华，

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这种心理，实在是应该责难的。但在实际上，我却还未曾见过这样的杂感，譬如说，同一作者，而以为三民主义者是违背了英美的自由，共产主义者又收受了俄国的卢布，国家主义太

这种心理，实在是应该责难的。但在实际上，我却还未曾见过这样的杂感，譬如说，同一作者，而以为三民主义者是违背了英美的自由，共产主义者又收受了俄国的卢布，国家主义太狭，无政府主义又太空……。所以梁先生的《零星》，是将他所见的杂感的罪状夸大了。

其实是，指摘一种主义的理由的缺点，或因此而生的弊病，虽是并非某一主义者，原也无所不可的。有如被压榨得痛了，就要叫喊，原不必在想出更好的主义之前，就定要咬住牙关。但自然，能有更好的主张，便更成一个样子。

不过我以为梁先生所谦逊地放在末尾的“好政府主义”，却还得更谦逊地放在例外的，因为自三民主义以至无政府主义，无论它性质的寒温如何，所开的究竟还是药名，如石膏、肉桂之类，──至于服后的利弊，那是另一个问题。独有“好政府主义”这“一副药”，他在药方上所开的却不是药名，而是“好药料”三个大字，以及一些唠唠叨叨的名医架子的“主张”。不错，谁也不能说医病应该用坏药料，但这张药方，是不必医生才配摇头，谁也会将他“褒贬得一文不值”（“褒”是“称赞”之意，用在这里，不但“不通”，也证明了不识“褒”字，但这是梁先生的原文，所以姑仍其旧）的。

倘这医生羞恼

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医生告诉我们：有许多哑子，是并非喉舌不能说话的，只因为从小就耳朵聋，听不见大人的言语，无可师法，就以为谁也不过张着口呜呜哑哑，他自然也只好呜呜哑哑了。所以勃兰兑

医生告诉我们：有许多哑子，是并非喉舌不能说话的，只因为从小就耳朵聋，听不见大人的言语，无可师法，就以为谁也不过张着口呜呜哑哑，他自然也只好呜呜哑哑了。所以勃兰兑斯叹丹麦文学的衰微时，曾经说：文学的创作，几乎完全死灭了。人间的或社会的无论怎样的问题，都不能提起感兴，或则除在新闻和杂志之外，绝不能惹起一点论争。我们看不见强烈的独创的创作。加以对于获得外国的精神生活的事，现在几乎绝对的不加顾及。于是精神上的“聋”，那结果，就也招致了“哑”来。（《十九世纪文学的主潮》第一卷自序）

这几句话，也可以移来批评中国的文艺界，这现象，并不能全归罪于压迫者的压迫，五四运动时代的启蒙运动者和以后的反对者，都应该分负责任的。前者急于事功，竟没有译出什么有价值的书籍来，后者则故意迁怒，至骂翻译者为媒婆，有些青年更推波助澜，有一时期，还至于连人地名下注一原文，以便读者参考时，也就诋之曰“炫学”。

今竟何如？三开间店面的书铺，四马路上还不算少，但那里面满架是薄薄的小本子，倘要寻一部巨册，真如披沙拣金之难。自然，生得又高又胖并不就是伟人，做得多而且繁也决不就是名著，而况还有“剪贴”。但是，小小的一本“什

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春梦是颠颠倒倒的。“夏夜梦”呢？看沙士比亚的剧本，也还是颠颠倒倒。中国的秋梦，照例却应该“肃杀”，民国以前的死囚，就都是“秋后处决”的，这是顺天时。天教人这么着

春梦是颠颠倒倒的。“夏夜梦”呢？看沙士比亚的剧本，也还是颠颠倒倒。中国的秋梦，照例却应该“肃杀”，民国以前的死囚，就都是“秋后处决”的，这是顺天时。天教人这么着，人就不能不这么着。所谓“文人”当然也不至于例外，吃得饱饱的睡在床上，食物不能消化完，就做梦；而现在又是秋天，天就教他的梦威严起来了。

二卷三十一期（八月十二日出版）的《涛声》上，有一封自名为“林丁”先生的给编者的信，其中有一段说——

“……之争，孰是孰非，殊非外人所能详道。然而彼此摧残，则在傍观人看来，却不能不承是整个文坛的不幸。……我以为各人均应先打屁股百下，以儆效尤，余事可一概不提。……”

前两天，还有某小报上的不署名的社谈，它对于早些日子余、赵的剪窃问题之争，也非常气愤——

“……假使我一朝大权在握，我一定把这般东西捉了来，判他们罚作苦工，读书十年；中国文坛，或尚有干净之一日。”

张献忠自己要没落了，他的行动就不问“孰是孰非”，只是杀。清朝的官员，对于原被两造，不问青红皂白，各打屁股一百或五十的事，确也偶尔会有的，这是因为满洲还想要奴才，供搜刮，就是“林丁”先生的旧梦

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记得幼小时，有父母爱护着我的时候，最有趣的是生点小毛病，大病却生不得，既痛苦，又危险的。生了小病，懒懒的躺在床上，有些悲凉，又有些娇气，小苦而微甜，实在好象秋的

记得幼小时，有父母爱护着我的时候，最有趣的是生点小毛病，大病却生不得，既痛苦，又危险的。生了小病，懒懒的躺在床上，有些悲凉，又有些娇气，小苦而微甜，实在好象秋的诗境。呜呼哀哉，自从流落江湖以来，灵感卷逃，连小病也不生了。偶然看看文学家的名文，说是秋花为之惨容，大海为之沉默云云，只是愈加感到自己的麻木。我就从来没有见过秋花为了我在悲哀，忽然变了颜色；只要有风，大海是总在呼啸的，不管我爱闹还是爱静。

冰莹女士的佳作告诉我们：“晨是学科学的，但在这一刹那，完全忘掉了他的志趣，存在他脑海中的只有一个尽量地享受自然美景的目的。……”这也是一种福气。科学我学的很浅，只读过一本生物学教科书，但是，它那些教训，花是植物的生殖机关呀，虫鸣鸟啭，是在求偶呀之类，就完全忘不掉了。昨夜闲逛荒场，听到蟋蟀在野菊花下鸣叫，觉得好象是美景，诗兴勃发，就做了两句新诗——

野菊的生殖器下面，

　　蟋蟀在吊膀子。

写出来一看，虽然比粗人们所唱的俚歌要高雅一些，而对于新诗人的由“烟士披离纯”而来的诗，还是“相形见绌”。写得太科学，太真实，就不雅了，如果改作旧诗，也许不至于这样。生殖机关，

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我们也不说写大字，画国画的名人，单来说真实的办事者。在这类人，毛笔却是很不便当的。砚和墨可以不带，改用墨汁罢，墨汁也何尝有国货。而且据我的经验，墨汁也并非可以常

我们也不说写大字，画国画的名人，单来说真实的办事者。在这类人，毛笔却是很不便当的。砚和墨可以不带，改用墨汁罢，墨汁也何尝有国货。而且据我的经验，墨汁也并非可以常用的东西，写过几千字，毛笔便被胶得不能施展。倘若安砚磨墨，展纸舔笔，则即以学生的抄讲义而论，速度恐怕总要比用墨水笔减少三分之一，他只好不抄，或者要教员讲得慢，也就是大家的时间，被白费了三分之一了。

所谓“便当”，并不是偷懒，是说在同一时间内，可以由此做成较多的事情。这就是节省时间，也就是使一个人的有限的生命，更加有效，而也即等于延长了人的生命。古人说，“非人磨墨墨磨人”，就在悲愤人生之消磨于纸墨中，而墨水笔之制成，是正可以弥这缺憾的。

但它的存在，却必须在宝贵时间，宝贵生命的地方。中国不然，这当然不会是国货。进出口货，中国是有了帐簿的了，人民的数目却还没有一本帐簿。一个人的生养教育，父母化去的是多少物力和气力呢，而青年男女，每每不知所终，谁也不加注意。区区时间，当然更不成什么问题了，能活着弄弄毛笔的，或者倒是幸福也难说。

和我们中国一样，一向用毛笔的，还有一个日本。然而在日本，毛笔几乎绝迹了，代用的是铅笔和墨水

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现在看了施先生自己的解释，（一）才知道他当时的情形，是因为稿纸太小了，“倘再宽阔一点的话”，他“是想多写几部书进去的”；（二）才知道他先前的履历，是“从国文教员

现在看了施先生自己的解释，（一）才知道他当时的情形，是因为稿纸太小了，“倘再宽阔一点的话”，他“是想多写几部书进去的”；（二）才知道他先前的履历，是“从国文教员转到编杂志”，觉得“青年人的文章太拙直，字汇太少”了，所以推举了这两部古书，使他们去学文法，寻字汇，“虽然其中有许多字是已死了的”，然而也只好去寻觅。我想，假如庄子生在今日，则被劈棺之后，恐怕要劝一切有志于结婚的女子，都去看《烈女传》的罢。

还有一点另外的话——

（一）施先生说我用瓶和酒来比“文学修养”是不对的，但我并未这么比方过，我是说有些新青年可以有旧思想，有些旧形式也可以藏新内容。我也以为“新文学”和“旧文学”这中间不能有截然的分界，然而有蜕变，有比较的偏向，而且正因为不能以“何者为分界”，所以也没有了“第三种人”的立场。

（二）施先生说写篆字等类，都是个人的事情，只要不去勉强别人也做一样的事情就好，这似乎是很对的。然而中学生和投稿者，是他们自己个人的文章太拙直，字汇太少，却并没有勉强别人都去做字汇少而文法拙直的文章，施先生为什么竟大有所感，因此来劝“有志于文学的青年”该看《庄子》与《文选》了呢？做了考官

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十龄上下的孩子会造反，本来也难免觉得滑稽的。但我们中国是常出神童的地方，一岁能画，两岁能诗，七龄童做戏，十龄童从军，十几龄童做委员，原是常有的事实；连七八岁的女

十龄上下的孩子会造反，本来也难免觉得滑稽的。但我们中国是常出神童的地方，一岁能画，两岁能诗，七龄童做戏，十龄童从军，十几龄童做委员，原是常有的事实；连七八岁的女孩也会被凌辱，从别人看来，是等于“年方花信”的了。

况且“冲”的时候，倘使对面是能够有些抵抗的人，那就汽车会弄得不爽利，冲者也就不英雄，所以敌人总须选得嫩弱。流氓欺乡下老，洋人打中国人，教育厅长冲小学生，都是善于克敌的豪杰。

“身当其冲”，先前好象不过一句空话，现在却应验了，这应验不但在成人，而且到了小孩子。“婴儿杀戮”算是一种罪恶，已经是过去的事，将乳儿抛上空中去，接以枪尖，不过看作一种玩把戏的日子，恐怕也就不远了罢。

（十月十七日。）

【“滑稽”例解                                                                                                                                                                         

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我在贵报向青年推荐了两部旧书，不幸引起了丰之余先生的训诲，把我派做“遗少中的一肢一节”。自从读了他老人家的《感旧以后》（上）一文后，我就不想再写什么，因为据我想

我在贵报向青年推荐了两部旧书，不幸引起了丰之余先生的训诲，把我派做“遗少中的一肢一节”。自从读了他老人家的《感旧以后》（上）一文后，我就不想再写什么，因为据我想起来，劝新青年看新书自然比劝他们看旧书能够多获得一些群众。丰之余先生毕竟是老当益壮，足为青年人的领导者。至于我呢，虽然不敢自认为遗少，但的确已消失了少年的活力，在这万象皆秋的环境中，即使丰之余先生那样的新精神，亦已不够振拔我的中年之感了。所以，我想借贵报一角篇幅，将我在九月二十九日贵报上发表的推荐给青年的书目改一下：我想把《庄子》与《文选》改为鲁迅先生的《华盖集》正续编及《伪自由书》。我想，鲁迅先生为当代“文坛老将”，他的著作里是有着很广大的活字汇的，而且据丰之余先生告诉我，鲁迅先生文章里的确也有一些从《庄子》与《文选》里出来的字眼，譬如“之乎者也”之类。这样，我想对于青年人的效果也是一样的。本来我还想推荐一二部丰之余先生的著作，可惜坊间只有丰子恺先生的书，而没有丰之余先生的书，说不定他是像鲁迅先生印珂罗版木刻图一样的是私人精印本，属于罕见书之列，我很惭愧我的孤陋寡闻，未能推荐矣。

此外，我还想将丰之余先生介绍给贵报，以后

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（二）丰先生说不懂我劝青年看《庄子》与《文选》与“做了考官以词取士”有何分界，这其实是明明有着分界的。前者是以一己的意见供献给青年，接受不接受原在青年的自由；后

（二）丰先生说不懂我劝青年看《庄子》与《文选》与“做了考官以词取士”有何分界，这其实是明明有着分界的。前者是以一己的意见供献给青年，接受不接受原在青年的自由；后者却是代表了整个阶级（注：做官的阶级也），几乎是强迫青年全体去填词了。（除非这青年不想做官。）

（三）说鲁迅先生的文章是从《庄子》与《文选》中来的，这确然是滑稽的，我记得我没有说过那样的话。我的文章里举出鲁迅先生来作例，其意只想请不反对青年从古书求得一点文学修养的鲁迅先生来帮帮忙。鲁迅先生虽然一向是劝青年多读外国书的，但这是他以为从外国书中可以训练出思想新锐的青年来；至于像我那样给青年从做文章（或说文学修养）上着想，则鲁迅先生就没有反对青年读古书过。举两个证据来罢：一、“少看中国书，其结果不过不能作文而已。”（见北新版《华盖集》第四页。）这可见鲁迅先生也承认要能作文，该多看中国书了。而这所谓中国书，从上文看来，似乎并不是指的白话文书。二、“我常被询问，要弄文学，应该看什么书？……我以为倘要弄旧的呢，倒不如姑且靠着张之洞的《书目答问》去摸门径去。”（见北新版《而已集》第四十五页。）

现在，我想我应该在这里“带住”了，我

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然而风格和情绪，倾向之类，不但因人而异，而且因事而异，因时而异。郑板桥说“难得糊涂”，其实他还能够糊涂的。现在，到了“求仕不获无足悲，求隐而不得其地以窜者，毋亦

然而风格和情绪，倾向之类，不但因人而异，而且因事而异，因时而异。郑板桥说“难得糊涂”，其实他还能够糊涂的。现在，到了“求仕不获无足悲，求隐而不得其地以窜者，毋亦天下之至哀欤”的时代，却实在求糊涂而不可得了。

糊涂主义，唯无是非观等等——本来是中国的高尚道德。你说他是解脱，达观罢；也未必。他其实在固执着，坚持着什么，例如道德上的正统，文学上的正宗之类。这终于说出来了：——道德要孔孟加上“佛家报应之说”（老庄另帐登记），而说别人“鄙薄”佛教影响就是“想为儒家争正统”，原来同善社的三教同源论早已是正统了。文学呢？要用生涩字，用词藻，秾纤的作品，而且是新文学的作品，虽则他“否认新文学和旧文学的分界”；而大众文学“固然赞成”，“但那是文学中的一个旁支”。正统和正宗，是明显的。

对于人生的倦怠并不糊涂！活的生活已经那么“穷乏”，要请青年在“佛家报应之说”，在《文选》、《庄子》、《论语》、《孟子》里去求得修养。后来，修养又不见了，只剩得字汇。“自然景物，个人情感，宫室建筑，……之类，还不妨从《文选》之类的书中去找来用。”从前严几道从甚么古书里——大概也是《庄子》罢——找着了“幺匿”两个字

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女婿问题                                                                            

女婿问题                                                                                                                                                                                           如是　　

最近的《自由谈》上，有两篇文章都是谈到女婿的，一篇是孙用的《满意和写不出》，一篇是苇索的《登龙术拾遗》。后一篇九月一日刊出，前一篇则不在手头，刊出日期大约在八月下旬。

苇索先生说：“文坛虽然不致于要招女婿，但女婿却是会要上文坛的。”后一句“女婿却是会要上文坛的”，立论十分牢靠，无瑕可击。我们的祖父是人家的女婿，我们的父亲也是人家的女婿，我们自己，也仍然不免是人家的女婿，比如今日在文坛上“北面”而坐的鲁迅、茅盾之流，都是人家的女婿，所以“女婿会要上文坛的”是不成问题的，至于前一句“文坛虽然不致于要招女婿”，这句话就简直站不住了。我觉得文坛无时无刻不在招女婿，许多中国作家现在都变成了俄国

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听说，现在是连用古典有时也要被检查官禁止了，例如提起秦始皇，但去年还不妨，不过用新典总要闹些小乱子。我那最末的《青年与老子》，就因为碰着了杨邨人先生（虽然刊出的

听说，现在是连用古典有时也要被检查官禁止了，例如提起秦始皇，但去年还不妨，不过用新典总要闹些小乱子。我那最末的《青年与老子》，就因为碰着了杨邨人先生（虽然刊出的时候，那名字已给编辑先生删掉了），后来在《申报》本埠增刊的《谈言》（十一月二十四日）上引得一篇妙文的。不过颇难解，好象是在说我以孝子自居，却攻击他做孝子，既“投井”，又“下石”了。因为这是一篇我们的“改悔的革命家”的标本作品，弃之可惜，谨录全文，一面以见杨先生倒是现代“语录体”作家的先驱，也算是我的《后记》里的一点余兴罢──

聪明之道                                                                                                                                                                                          邨人　　

畴昔之夜，拜访世故老人于其庐：庐为三层之楼，面街而立，虽电车玲玲轧轧，汽车呜呜哑哑，市嚣扰人而不觉

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杂感                                                                              

杂感                                                                                                                                                                                                        洲　　

近来有许多杂志上都在提倡小文章。《申报月刊》、《东方杂志》以及《现代》上，都有杂感随笔这一栏。好象一九三三真要变成一个小文章年头了。目下中国杂感家之多，远胜于昔，大概此亦鲁迅先生一人之功也。中国杂感家老牌，自然要推鲁迅。他的师爷笔法，冷辣辣的，有他人所不及的地方。《热风》、《华盖集》、《华盖续集》，去年则还出了什么三心《二心》之类。照他最近一年来“干”的成绩而言大概五心六心也是不免的。鲁迅先生久无创作出版了，除了译一些俄国黑面包之外，其余便是写杂感文章了。杂感文章，短短千言，自然可以一挥而就。则于抽卷烟之际，略转脑子，结果就是十元千字。大概写杂感文章，有一个不二法门。不

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钱氏之言曰，有摹仿欧文而谥之曰欧化的国语文学者，始倡于浙江周树人之译西洋小说，以顺文直译之为尚，斥意译之不忠实，而摹欧文以国语，比鹦鹉之学舌，托于象胥，斯为作俑

钱氏之言曰，有摹仿欧文而谥之曰欧化的国语文学者，始倡于浙江周树人之译西洋小说，以顺文直译之为尚，斥意译之不忠实，而摹欧文以国语，比鹦鹉之学舌，托于象胥，斯为作俑。效颦者乃至造述抒志，亦竞欧化，《小说月报》，盛扬其焰。然而诘屈聱牙，过于周诰，学士费解，何论民众？上海曹慕管笑之曰，吾侪生愿读欧文，不愿见此妙文也！比于时装妇人着高底西女式鞋，而跬步倾跌，益增丑态矣！崇效古人，斥曰奴性，摹仿外国，独非奴性耶。反唇之讥，或谑近虐！然始之创白话文以期言文一致，家喻户晓者，不以欧化的国语文学之兴而荒其志耶？斯则矛盾之说，无以自圆者矣，此于鲁迅之直译外国文学，及其文坛之影响，而加以訾謷者也。平心论之，鲁迅之译品，诚有难读之处，直译当否是一问题，欧化的国语文学又是一问题，借曰二者胥有未当，谁尸其咎，亦难言之也。钱先生而谓，鄙言为不然耶？

钱先生又曰，自胡适之创白话文学也，所持以号于天下者，曰平民文学也！非贵族文学也。一时景附以有大名者，周树人以小说著。树人颓废，不适于奋斗。树人所著，只有过去回忆，而不知建设将来，只见小己愤慨，而不图福利民众，若而人者，彼其心目，何尝有民众耶！钱先生因此而断之曰，周

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Rhapsody on the Lute (Qin fu)

Only where the sterculia and paulownia trees grow, upon the lofty ridges of towering mountains, do they spread their roots through the heavy earth and soar upward to the stars at the firmament. They absorb the pure harmony of heaven and earth and drink in the radiant light of sun and moon. Luxuriantly and uniquely they flourish, their blossoms rising to the vast sky. At evening they capture the last glow at the Yuanyu Abyss, at morning they dry in the light of the nine suns. For a thousand years they await a worthy buyer, resting in divine stillness and eternal peace.

As for the form of mountains and rivers: they wind and hide in the depths, and craggy, jagged rocks and peaks rise up. Red cliffs plunge steeply, green rock walls tower a thousand fathoms high. Peaks pile upon peaks, arching like clouds. Spiritual mists rise and form clouds; from sacred springs streams gush forth. Waves break wildly, rush forward madly, crash against rocks and bends, roaring and raging. They pour into great rivers, traverse the center of the realm, glide gently and calmly, floating long and still, embracing the hills.

Considering what the soil produces and the earth nurtures: precious and wondrous jade, gleaming gems accumulate on the flanks. In the east, a carpet of spring orchids spreads; in the west, sandalwood trees grow. On the sunny slopes dwells the hermit Juanzi; before him a jade spring bubbles forth. Dark clouds give shade, at the peaks phoenixes gather. Clear dew moistens the bark, gentle wind blows through. Still and peaceful, dense and delicate — pure silence.

There the recluses gather, the companions of Rongqi and Qiji; they ascend the swaying bridge over hidden ravines, grasp jade branches and climb steep cliffs, to wander beneath these trees. They gaze into the distance, lofty as if in flight. Sideways they look to the Kunlun Mountains, downward they peer at the sea coast. Pointing to the distant expanse of Cangwu, lingering by the mighty river, they perceive the many burdens of the world and gaze in admiration at Mount Jishan. They marvel at the breadth of this mountain and in their rapture forget to return home.

Thus they fell a branch, measuring and weighing for fitness and purpose; the sage unfolds his spirit and fashions a noble lute. Lizi oversees the ink lines, Master Shi swings the axe; Kui and Xiang set the rules, Ban and Chui exercise their genius. Carefully they join and connect, tuning sound and tone. Artfully carved and painted, adorned with patterns and ornaments, inlaid with rhinoceros horn and ivory, set upon emerald green ground. Strung with the silk of the Garden Guest, with bridges of jade from Mount Zhong.

Then the lute sounds: at first all tones rise together, Gong and Zhi notes answer one another, merging and rising and falling in mutual echo. Then the pure tones are tuned, wondrous melodies played: the air of “White Snow” sounds forth, the clear Jue tone rings out. The sounds stream and flow, surge and swell, radiate and soar high, chasing and following one another. Now they resemble high mountains, now flowing waves — vast and mighty, sublime and majestic.

The song says: I ascend to the whirlwind and rest on the Isle of the Blessed, inviting Liezi as my good companion. I nourish myself on morning dew and wear the dawn, floating lightly through the azure sky. Transcending all things I attain the self; fate and life I leave to coming and going.

Finally, as the melody nears its end and all sounds are about to fall silent, the rhythm changes and a wondrous air arises. The performer shows her radiant countenance, lifts her bright arm, lets her slender fingers dance — and the sounds pour forth in manifold splendor.

The epilogue praises: Still and unfathomable is the virtue of the lute, pure of heart and remote — scarcely to be measured. Noble substance and masterful hand meet in this age, and the intertwining sounds crown all arts. Few know the true sound — who can treasure it? Only the perfected one can fully exhaust the noble lute!

Letter to Shan Juyuan on the Severance of Friendship (Appendix)

Ji Kang sends greetings: In the past you commended me at Yingchuan, and I have always regarded this as a discerning word. Yet upon reflection I am surprised at this sentiment, for you had not yet come to know me thoroughly — whence, then, this confidence? When I returned from Hedong two years ago, Xianzong Adou told me that you had proposed to have me take your place. Although this did not come to pass, I recognized thereby that you do not truly understand me. You are broadly learned, approve of much and wonder at little. I, however, am of a straightforward nature with narrow limits, cannot endure many things, and became your friend only by chance. When I heard of your promotion, I was startled and not pleased — I feared you might be like the cook ashamed of carving the sacrificial meat alone, calling upon the temple priest for help; taking the butcher’s knife in hand and staining it with the smell of raw flesh.

I once read of the type of the unadapted man, whom some claimed did not exist — now I truly believe he does. There are things in my nature I cannot endure, and they cannot be forced. The ancient masters Laozi and Zhuangzi are my teachers; Liu Xiahui and Dongfang Shuo were free spirits content in lowly positions — I dare not belittle them.

Therefore I declare openly: I have seven things I cannot endure and two that are absolutely impossible. I love to sleep late and rise late, but a servant stands at the door and will not let me be — the first intolerable thing. I love to stroll with my lute and fish and hunt in the wilds, but officials guard me and will not let me move freely — the second intolerable thing. I hate sitting still for long, my legs go numb, I am covered in lice and must constantly scratch — yet I am supposed to wear court dress and bow before superiors — the third intolerable thing.

I am neither skilled at writing nor fond of correspondence, yet in the world there are many affairs and documents pile up on the desk — the fourth intolerable thing. I dislike attending funerals, yet society sets great store by them — the fifth intolerable thing. I dislike ordinary people, yet I would have to work alongside them — the sixth intolerable thing. My heart cannot bear tedium, yet official duties bring a thousand cares — the seventh intolerable thing. Moreover, I constantly criticize Kings Tang and Wu and hold the Dukes of Zhou and Confucius in low esteem — this is the first absolute impossibility. I am of sharp temper, hate evil, and speak freely — this is the second absolute impossibility.

Letter to Lü Changdi on the Severance of Friendship

Ji Kang sends greetings: Once we were of the same age and thus became close. Through your sincerity our friendship deepened. Though our paths in life differed, the affection never faded. But then Adou confided in me that you intended to bring him before the court; I restrained him. Yet you secretly filed charges against him. Your word to me was a sworn oath between father and son, and yet you broke your word. Adou trusted you because of my words; now that he has been punished, I have failed him. My fault toward Adou stems from your fault toward me. In dismay and without counsel — what more can I say? I will no longer continue our friendship. The ancients said: When gentlemen end a friendship, they speak no ugly words. From now on we are parted! As I write this letter, deep sorrow fills me. Ji Kang sends greetings.

Sixth Chapter

On Selflessness

On Selflessness

He who is called a gentleman is one whose heart does not cling to right and wrong and whose conduct does not deviate from the Way. Why do I say this? He whose spirit is still and soul empty does not dwell in his heart upon the pursuit of prestige; he whose mind is clear and heart understanding does not let his feelings attach to what he desires. If the pursuit of prestige does not dwell in the heart, one can transcend the dictates of reputation and follow nature; if feelings do not cling to desire, one can see through the distinction between precious and base and understand the nature of things.

Thus it is said of the gentleman: Having no fixed judgment is his guiding principle; penetrating all things is his virtue. Of the petty person it is said: Concealing feelings is his fault; deviating from the Way is his deficiency. Concealed feelings and arrogance are the greatest evil of the petty person; an open heart without fixed judgment is the most steadfast virtue of the gentleman.

Therefore the Daodejing says: If I had no body, what sorrow would I have? He who does not regard life as the most precious thing is nobler than he who does. Thus the sage has no fixed judgment in his heart. So Yi Yin was upright toward King Tang of Shang, and his fame shone through the ages. The Duke of Zhou acted without suspicion or pretense, and under his regency culture flourished. Guan Zhong did not conceal his abilities from Duke Huan of Qi, and so the realm grew powerful and the ruler was honored.

On Guan and Cai

Someone asked: “According to the records, Guan and Cai spread rumors and rebelled against the eastern capital, and the Duke of Zhou subjugated them as criminals. Their evil nature has been notorious for a thousand years. Yet the wise father and holy brother could not discern the wickedness of the younger ones; they appointed them to govern the defeated people of Yin and bestowed honorable titles upon them in the vassal states. Thus their crimes accumulated until disaster befell them. This makes no sense, and my heart is troubled by it. I ask for an explanation.”

The answer: “A good question! King Wen’s employment of Guan and Cai was a matter of sincerity; their punishment by the Duke of Zhou was a matter of circumstance. Circumstances are visible, but inner truth is hidden. Therefore people consider Guan and Cai thoroughly evil.”

On Clarity and Determination

“If one wishes to fathom the foundations of nature and temperament, and to work out differences and similarities, one must trace the origin to its beginning and follow back the distribution of vital energy. To follow the beginning and fathom the end — only thus can one avoid contradictions. But now you wish to set aside the original unity and gather only what is visible — that is like loving the individual meshes of a net while detesting the guiding thread.”

On the Natural Inclination to Learn

The feelings of man — joy, anger, sorrow, pleasure, love, hate, desire, and fear — are given to him by nature. When one achieves one’s goal, one rejoices; when offended, one is angry; at separation, one grieves; hearing harmony, one is glad; in procreation, one loves; when turned from the good, one hates; when hungry, one desires to eat; under coercion, one fears. These eight things need not be taught — they are innate. In the language of the treatise: this is nature.

The people love security and hate danger, love leisure and hate toil. If not disturbed, their wishes are fulfilled; if not oppressed, they follow their will. In the primeval age of great simplicity, the rulers governed without display, and the people knew no competition; all was whole and in order, everyone content with themselves. When full, they slept peacefully; when hungry, they sought food. Cheerfully they drummed on their bellies, not knowing that this was the age of supreme virtue.

Seventh Chapter

Refutation of the Natural Inclination to Learn

Tenth Chapter

Admonition to the Grand Master

Family Precepts

Family Precepts (continued)

A person without purpose is no true person. Yet the gentleman must carefully weigh what his heart pursues. He should measure the good and act only after mature deliberation. Once he has decided, he swears an oath to himself and holds firm unto death, never wavering. He feels shame when his deeds do not match his words and is resolved to achieve his goal at all costs. If his heart grows weary and his body slack, if he is distracted by external things or burdened by inner desires, he wavers between staying and leaving. But if he wavers, two hearts contend within him. And when two hearts contend, what he previously recognized as good begins to fade.

The ten-volume collection of Ji Kang is a manuscript from the library of Master Wu of the Paoan school, in which Master Wu himself corrected the erroneous characters with his own hand. Since the advent of printing, people no longer copy books by hand; and even when they do, they do not carefully proofread the text — it is hardly better than having no books at all. When one sees the care with which earlier scholars treated their books, one can also recognize the errors of other editions.

Postscript to the Collection of Ji Kang

Of the collections from the Six Dynasties period, only a few survive. Without good editions, even those that exist are useless. This ten-volume collection of Ji Kang is a copy from the Congshu-tang library. Moreover, Master Wu collated it with his own hand, making it especially precious. This collection does not appear in the various bibliographies. Since there is no Song dynasty printed edition, the old manuscript is all the more valuable.

Textual Study of Lost Texts from the Collection of Ji Kang

Bibliographic Study of the Transmission of the Collection of Ji Kang

From the General Catalogue of the Siku quanshu: The Collection of Ji Kang, Zhongsan Recluse, in ten volumes (submitted copy from the Governor-General of the two Jiang provinces). The old title names Ji Kang of the Jin dynasty as author. However, since Ji Kang was killed by Sima Zhao while the Wei mandate had not yet expired, Ji Kang should be regarded as a man of Wei, not of Jin. That the Jin History devoted a chapter to him was an error by Fang Qiao and others. That the present collection adopted this title is incorrect. The bibliography of the Sui History records fifteen volumes of Ji Kang’s collection. The Old and New Tang Histories agree on this. Zheng Qiao’s Tongzhi Lue also gives the same number of volumes. Only with Chen Zhengsun’s Shulu Jieti does the count drop to ten volumes.

From the Abridged Catalogue of the Siku: The Collection of Ji Kang, Zhongsan Recluse, in ten volumes. Author: Ji Kang of the Wei dynasty. That the Jin History gave him a chapter and the old edition called him a man of Jin is erroneous. His collection has been largely lost over time; by the Song dynasty, only ten volumes survived. The present edition was compiled by Huang Shengzeng during the Ming dynasty. Although the number of volumes matches the Song edition, according to Wang Mao in the Yeke Congshu it contains only forty-two poems and together with prose texts only sixty-two pieces — much has been lost.

From the Book Catalogue of Zhu Xueqin (Jieyilu Shumu): The Collection of Ji Kang, Zhongsan Recluse, in ten volumes. One fascicle. Author: Ji Kang of the Wei dynasty. Ming print based on the Song original from the fourth year of the Jiajing era, by the Huang family.

Lu Xun Complete Works, Volume 12

Preface

Lu Xun Complete Works, Volume 13

Lu Xun Complete Works, Volume 15

1. On the Ignorance Toward Art 2. The Caricature-Like Representation 3. Caricature in Art History

The art of caricature is as old as humanity itself. Already in the earliest cave paintings, exaggerated depictions of animals and humans can be found that may be considered precursors of caricature. The systematic development of caricature as an independent art form, however, began only during the Renaissance.

Primitive art frequently shows a tendency toward simplification and exaggeration akin to caricature. When a Stone Age person drew a mammoth with oversized tusks or depicted a hunter with excessively large arms, this was not yet conscious caricature, but it shows the same fundamental method: the emphasis of the essential through exaggeration.

In the ancient civilizations of Egypt and Mesopotamia, early examples of conscious caricature already appear. On Egyptian papyri, satirical depictions have survived showing animals in human roles — foxes herding geese, or cats waiting on mice as servants. These images are at once comic and socially critical.

Greek and Roman antiquity knew caricature in the form of wall graffiti and vase paintings. In Pompeii, numerous caricaturistic wall paintings were found that mocked the city’s politicians and citizens. The Roman tradition of political satire — from Aristophanes through Juvenal to Martial — has its counterpart in the visual arts as well.

In China, the caricature-like representation also has a long tradition. Already in the Tang dynasty, satirical pictures appear, and in the Song period a rich tradition of humorous painting developed. The combination of calligraphy, painting, and satirical text is a specifically Chinese achievement.

Modern caricature as we know it originated in 18th and 19th century Europe. Hogarth in England, Daumier in France, and the artists of the magazine “Simplicissimus” in Germany created a new genre that combined the power of art with the sharpness of political critique.

Lu Xun Complete Works, Volume 16

The Flea (France, Apollinaire)

China Is on Fire (Austria, Hans Mayer)

Gide Describing Himself (Japan, Ishikawa Yu)

Love Song (Romania, Sadoveanu)

This collection brings together translations of poems and short prose pieces from various languages and literatures. Apollinaire’s surrealist poem “The Flea” plays with the boundaries between animal and human, between the trivial and the sublime. Hans Mayer’s “China Is on Fire” bears witness to European perceptions of China at the beginning of the 20th century — a mixture of fascination and misunderstanding.

Ishikawa Yu’s essay on André Gide illuminates the French writer from a Japanese perspective. Gide’s self-portrayal, his honesty, and his acknowledgment of his own complexity fascinated Japanese intellectuals of his time. Sadoveanu’s Romanian love poem, on the other hand, stands in the tradition of Eastern European folk poetry, which Lu Xun particularly valued.

These translations reveal the breadth of Lu Xun’s interests: from the French avant-garde through Austrian literature to Japanese essay writing and Romanian poetry. As a translator, Lu Xun was as important as he was as an original writer. His translations brought China into contact with modern world literature for the first time and opened new horizons of thought and feeling for Chinese readers.

Lu Xun Complete Works, Volume 17

[33] Tarde, in his 1897 publication "L'opposition universelle, essai d'une Théorie des Contraires," fortunately found an excellent opportunity to study the fundamental psychological mechanism. But for unknown reasons, he did not take advantage of this opportunity and expressed only very few opinions regarding the aforementioned foundations. Tarde says on page 245 of his work:

[34] Let us not forget that the conversation refers to the Pyrenees.

[35] Voyage aux Pyrénées, cinquième édition, Paris, pp. 190–193.

These annotations come from the scientific works on comparative cultural studies and anthropology translated by Lu Xun. They relate to the theories of social imitation and cultural opposition as developed by French sociologists of the late 19th century.

The discussion of cultural oppositions and imitation processes was of particular interest to Lu Xun, as it helped him understand the mechanisms of cultural transmission between East and West. Tarde’s theory of universal opposition — the idea that all phenomena can be explained through the interplay of contraries — resonates with Chinese Yin-Yang philosophy, even though the intellectual traditions are different.

The ethnological and anthropological sources cited in these annotations reflect the scientific zeitgeist of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. European scholarship was just beginning to study cultures outside Europe with scientific methods. Lu Xun’s translation of these texts into Chinese was an important step in conveying Western science to Chinese readers.

Particularly noteworthy is Lu Xun’s interest in the connection between primitive art and modern forms of expression. The examples of cave art, rock drawings, and ritual dances of primeval peoples described in these texts served as the basis for his own reflections on the function of art in society.

[75] Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa in the Years 1803, 1804, 1805, and 1806, second part, p. 74.

[76] "Four Outlines," p. 75, note.

[77] Ibid., second volume, p. 472. The natives of Tierra del Fuego likewise know how to communicate with one another by means of fire signals; see Darwin, Journal of Researches, London 1839, p. 238.

These annotations belong to Lu Xun’s translations of anthropological and ethnological works dealing with the primitive forms of communication and cultural practices of indigenous peoples. The references to Lichtenstein’s travel reports from southern Africa and to Darwin’s observations in Tierra del Fuego demonstrate the range of scientific sources Lu Xun drew upon for his translations.

The description of fire signals as a means of communication is a fascinating example of the universal human capacity to develop sign systems. Whether in southern Africa or in Tierra del Fuego — independently of each other, humans developed similar techniques to communicate over great distances.

Lu Xun’s interest in these ethnological studies was not merely academic. He saw in the study of primitive cultures a key to understanding human nature itself. The question of what makes humans human — tool use, language, art, religion — was of central importance to him.

The works cited in these footnotes come from an era when European science was beginning to systematically record the diversity of human cultures. Despite all reservations about the Eurocentric perspective of these early anthropologists, Lu Xun recognized the value of their observations and made them accessible to a Chinese audience.

Particularly noteworthy is the mention of Darwin, whose theory of evolution exerted a tremendous intellectual impact in China at the beginning of the 20th century. Lu Xun himself was strongly influenced by Darwinian thinking, although he viewed the simplistic application of biological concepts to society with a critical eye.

[127] The characteristics of economic activity can likewise be observed in certain customs of the Australian aborigines. This also proves that they think about the future. Among them, it is forbidden to uproot plants whose fruits they eat, or to destroy the nests of birds whose eggs they consume. Ratzel, Anthropo-Geographie, I, 348.

[128] "Four Outlines," pp. 92–93.

[129] "Four Outlines," pp. 93–94.

These annotations describe the economic behaviors of so-called primitive peoples that display a remarkable degree of foresight and sustainability. The prohibition against uprooting food plants and destroying bird nests reveals an intuitive understanding of ecological relationships that was only rediscovered by the modern environmental movement.

Ratzel’s Anthropo-Geographie was one of the most influential geographical works of the late 19th century and attempted to systematically grasp the relationship between humans and their environment. Lu Xun translated these texts to give Chinese readers insight into Western science.

The taboos and prohibitions described here are by no means expressions of primitive superstition but rather testimonies to a deep wisdom in dealing with the natural environment, accumulated over generations. They recall the Confucian idea of harmony between man and nature and the Daoist notion of accord with the Dao.

Lu Xun’s interest in the sustainability of primitive societies also had a political dimension. At a time when China was rapidly industrializing and modernizing, he warned of the dangers of reckless progress that destroys the natural foundations of life. The lessons of so-called primitive peoples seemed to him quite modern in this regard.

The references to the "Four Outlines" refer to a systematic work on comparative cultural studies that presents the economic, social, religious, and artistic foundations of various societies in comparative perspective. Such comparative approaches were particularly valuable to Lu Xun, as they helped him better understand China’s position in the world community of cultures.

[182] See: Die Umsegelung Asiens und Europas auf der Vega, by A. E. Nordenskiöld, Leipzig 1880, Volume I, p. 463, and Volume II, pp. 125, 127, 129, 135, 141, 231.

[183] See: Die Urgeschichte des Menschen nach dem heutigen Stande der Wissenschaft, by Dr. M. Hörnes, first half-volume, p. 19 ff., p. 213 ff. And numerous related facts compiled by Mortillet.

[184] Nordenskiöld, Volume II, pp. 123, 133, 135.

These final annotations refer to the great scientific expeditions and research works of the 19th century. Nordenskiöld’s legendary expedition on the Vega, the first successful navigation of the Northeast Passage (1878–1880), was a milestone in the history of exploration. His observations of Arctic peoples and their cultures remain of scientific value to this day.

Hörnes’ "Prehistory of Man" was among the authoritative works on prehistoric research of its time and attempted to reconstruct the beginnings of human culture on the basis of archaeological finds. The connection between Nordenskiöld’s ethnographic observations in the far north and Hörnes’ archaeological findings about the Stone Age shows how 19th-century science sought to paint a comprehensive picture of human cultural development.

Lu Xun translated these scientific texts at a time when China urgently needed access to Western knowledge. His translation work was not a mere act of knowledge transfer but a deliberate cultural-political act: he wanted to acquaint China with the findings of modern science while also encouraging a critical view of its own tradition.

The works cited here represent various disciplines — geography, archaeology, ethnology, anthropology — and demonstrate Lu Xun’s encyclopedic interests. As one of the most important translators of modern China, he rendered not only literary works but also scientific texts into Chinese, thereby making a substantial contribution to China’s intellectual modernization.

Lu Xun Complete Works, Volume 19

Lu Xun Complete Works, Volume 20