2021 Application Social Sciences Project

国家社科基金重大项目选题推荐表

Empfehlungsformular für Großprojekte des Nationalfonds für Sozialwissenschaften

选题名称 Title of the chosen topic

《红楼梦》海外学术史研究

涉及学科

Covered disciplines

文学、文化、历史

填写主要的一级学科，不得超过3个。

Please fill in the most important primary disciplines, not more than three.

1.选题的学术依据和提出背景。

1. The scientific foundation and the background of the chosen topic.

2.选题的国内外研究状况及选题价值。

2. Current status of the national and international research on the chosen topic and the value of the chosen topic.

3.选题的研究内容、总体框架、基本思路和研究目标。（3000字左右）

3. Content of the chosen research, general framework conditions, basic ideas and research aims of the chosen topic. (approximately 3000 Chinese characters)

请注意：不得在本表中透露推荐人与报送单位信息。

Please note: Information about the sponsoring unit or the submitting organization cannot be revealed in this form.

《红楼梦》海外学术史研究

选题的学术依据和提出背景

The Red Chamber Dreams is an example of a product of traditional Chinese culture which has successfully been distributed worldwide and has been awarded its place in world literature. The history of the overseas research on the Red Chamber Dreams shows, that it went a stony path until it was acclaimed as a Chinese masterpiece of world literature. This project wants to document this process as a model for other pieces of traditional Chinese art, how to be exported successfully overseas and for Chinese ideas, values, inventions in general to go abroad successfully.

《红楼梦》是中国传统文化的产物，成功得以在世界范围内传播，并在世界文学获得一席之地。从《红楼梦》的海外研究史来看，它走过了一条石子路，直到被誉为世界文学的中国名著。本项目希望将这一过程记录下来，为中国传统艺术作品的海外输出提供借鉴，让中国的思想、价值观、发明创造成功走向海外。

The research project uses a socio-historical approach, describing the changing attitude (from ethnocentric to dialogical) of Western scholars, translators, critiques and points out the role the availability of the novel in translation played. During times when the novel was not yet available in English, misunderstandings of the novel were frequent and were passed down in reception history.

该研究项目采用社会历史的方法，描述了西方学者、译者、批评家态度的变化（从民族中心主义到对话主义），并指出了小说在翻译中的可用性所起到的作用。在小说尚未有英文版本的时代，人们对该小说的误解屡见不鲜，并在后续的接收过程中流传下来。

The research project applies Bourdieu’s theory of the cultural field, identifies agents in the 200 years from the early 19th century until today and describes how the cultural capital was accumulated. These agents were not just sinologists like Herbert Allen Giles 翟理思 in 1900, but, especially at the beginning, missionaries and Chinese teachers like Robert Morrison 马礼逊 (esp. 1815), British delegation members to China like John Barrow (1792-1794) and John Francis Davis (1816), the journal Quarterly Review 《评论季刊》 in London and the book Lao-seng-eul 《老生儿》 in France, which already in 1819 published the first English and French excerpt translations, reviewers, British authors like Oliver Goldsmith 奥利弗•史密斯 with his book 《奥利弗•史密斯的各项工程》 in 1837.

该研究项目运用布迪厄的文化场理论，明晰了从19世纪初至今200年中的代理人，并描述了文化资本是如何积累的。代理人不仅包括1900年的翟理思（Herbert Allen Giles）在内的汉学家，还包括最初的传教士和中文教师，如马礼逊（Robert Morrison），英国访华代表团成员，如约翰（John）。英国代表团成员如约翰•巴罗（John Barrow) (1792-1794)和约翰•弗朗西斯•戴维斯（John Francis Davis） (1816)，伦敦的《评论季刊》杂志和法国的《老生儿》一书，该书在1819年就已经出版了第一本英法节选译本，评论家、英国作家如Oliver Goldsmith 奥利弗-史密斯在1837年出版了他的《奥利弗-史密斯的各项工程》。

Great Britain sent an embassy to the Qing court in 1792-1794, with Ambassador George Macartney, Secretary George Leonard Staunton, and comptroller John Barrow . The embassy was not successful, partly because Macartnay refused to kowtow. From the accounts of Staunton and the various reports of Barrow we know that the delegation extensively documented Chinese language and literature. As far as we know, Barrow also became the first to publish extracts of Red Chambers Dreams in Western translation.

1792年至1794年，英国向清廷派出了由大使乔治•马戛尔尼（George Macartney）、大臣乔治•伦纳德•士丹顿（George Leonard Staunton）以及主审计长约翰•巴罗（John Barrow）组成的使团。 这个使团没有完成使命。部分原因是他们不肯向清廷下跪。从士丹顿记载和各种报告中，我们可以知道：代表团广泛地记载汉语言文学。据我们所知，巴罗也成为第一个在西方翻译出版的《红楼梦》节译本之人。

Great Britain sent a second embassy to China in 1816 with Ambassador William Amherst, accompanied by 21-year-old John Francis Davis, who was author of the East India Company’s factory in Canton since 3 years. It failed like the first. However, Barrow and J. Davis learned the language and collected and translated a lot of Chinese literature. J. Davis translated extracts of the novel under the title Red Chamber Dreams and sent them to his predecessor Barrow, who now worked for the Quarterly Review, and to the French translator Antoine-André Bruguière, who at that time published a French translation of J. Davis’ English translation, An Heir in His Old Age. Both published the extracts simultaneously, in 1819, in Barrow in English and Bruguière in French.

英国在1816年第二派出了以威廉•阿默斯特（William Amherst）为大使的使团，并由21岁的约翰•弗朗西斯•戴维斯（John Francis Davis） 陪同，他三年前开始担任东印度公司在广州工厂的创始人。他们像上次使团一样失败了。但是，巴罗（Barrow）和约翰•戴维斯学到的语言，并收集和翻译了不少汉语文学作品。约翰•戴维斯翻译了一部分标题为Red Chamber Dreams小说的节选， 并将之送给他的前任——当时正在为《评论季刊》 工作的巴罗和法国法语翻译家安托万•安德烈•布鲁盖尔(Antoine-André Bruguière)——当时他正在将约翰•戴维斯的《老生儿》英译本转译成法译本。这两种语言的节译本几乎同时在1819出版——巴罗的英文版和布鲁盖尔的法文版。

The end of the 18th to the beginning of the 20th century saw an encounter between two high civilizations, the Chinese and the Western. The innumerable discourses of the time reveal that the mutual curiosity of both sides was immense and comparable. The larger impact of European literature is documented by the larger number of translations into Chinese compared to translations from Chinese into Western languages.

18世纪末到20世纪初，世界见证了两大高度发展文明的碰撞——中华文明和西方文明。那个时期两大文明彼此之间互相吸引，这从当时的海量文献中可以窥见。而中西文献的译介比较则表明：欧洲文学对中国的影响大于中国文学对欧洲之影响。

Dream was among the first representative literary works to be introduced to Western readers. The research project examines early Western reception and critique at a time when there was no full translation available. It sees a polarization between supporters and opponents of Dream. The discourse on Dream was used as a means to interpret Chinese literature or even Chinese culture as a whole. At the beginning of the discourse, a few opinion leaders in both civilizations shaped the key judgment that the other literary culture was inferior to their own. Despite cultural differences, the need for change in Chinese society and the attractiveness of the “modernity” of Western culture lead to a modernization of Chinese society.

《红楼梦》几乎是第一部进入西方读者视线的代表性文学作品。本研究项目探讨的是早期西方对《红楼梦》的接受和在尚不存在完整译本时对《红楼梦》的批评。对于《红楼梦》，支持和反对似乎存各执一端。而对于《红楼梦》的讨论常常被认为是对中国文学，甚至是整个中国文化的解释。讨论之初，双方论争的领袖都形成了这样一种核心判断：其他的文学文化都比自己的文学文化低等。尽管文化存在差异，但中国社会内在改革的需要和西方文化的‘现代性’促进了中国社会现代改革的进程。.

It took half a century to get to know each other better, to change attitudes from ethnocentric to dialectical, to stop exploiting the novel and to come to the insight that Chinese literature with Dream as one of its masterpieces was not only comparable to other world literatures but also could bring value to Western readers (Mayers 1867).

经过半个世纪，双方增进了解，并从“民族中心主义”的优越感向辩证思想转变，停止利用小说互相攻击，开始深入了解中国文学，不仅将《红楼梦》这类杰作与其他世界文学相比较，而且，更重要的是将价值观带给西方读者（梅辉立(Mayers) 1867年）。

This project concentrates on the phase between the early reception of Dream in the West since 1815, the first full translation, which appeared in 1929 and until today.

本研究项目关注于自1815年《红楼梦》在西方的早期认同到1929年第一版完整译本的出现和到今天。

An important research approach of the project is intercultural communication:

In every culture, readers associate the literature they know with new literature they read. So literature is always cumulative, it grows out of existing literature and can refer back to it. When Western readers read the Red Chamber Dreams, they foremost associate novels and other pieces of literature of their own cultural tradition with the Dreams. This has also influenced the first full translation into German. Cao Xueqin and even more his protagonist Jia Baoyu both are early humanists, universalists and world citizens. The Red Chamber Dreams function worldwide. The Dream is a complex showroom of diverse aspects of Chinese cultures and is the embodiment and essence of Chinese cultures, but it has also a global impact, therefore it should be honoured as “World Documentary Heritage”.

本研究项目重要的一个研究方法是跨国文化研究：

在每一种文化中，读者都会把他们读到的新文学与已知文学联系起来，所以文学总是积累的，它从现有的文学中生长出来，并以已有文学为参考。西方读者在阅读《红楼梦》时，首先会把《红楼梦》与自身文化传统中的小说和其他文学作品联系起来，这也影响了首次德语全译本。 曹雪芹，尤其是他的主人公贾宝玉，都是早期的人文主义者，普世主义者和世界公民。《红楼梦》具有普世价值。《红楼梦》综合展示了中国的多元文化，是中国文化的集中体现和精华，同时在全球范围内产生影响，理应列入世界记忆遗产名录。

The Western history after it was accepted also differs much from domestic scholarship on the novel: While in China, the research is endless and every little detail has been explored, in the West only certain ###aspects like “emotion”, “sexuality” … are studied, applying modern research theories on this traditional novel.

被接受后的西方历史与国内学术界对小说的研究也有很大的不同。在中国，研究是无止境的，每一个小细节都被探讨过，而在西方，只有某些###方面，如 "情感"、"性"......被研究，将现代研究理论应用于这部传统小说。

选题的国内外研究状况及选题价值

This research project is a pioneer study, since there is no overview on overseas’ research on the Red Chamber Dreams so far, neither overseas nor in China. Recently, translations of the novel are studied in China (translation strategies, mistakes etc.), with not so much success, because to judge on translations, a closer cooperation of the Chinese scholars with colleagues from the target language cultures is necessary. This project provides one of the “missing links” between the domestic Hongxue and the upcoming domestic Hongloumeng translation studies. It provides the socio-historical background (attitudes, expectations etc.) of the translators and the audience, and it explains the translators’ approaches and strategies.

截至目前，国内国外尚无《红楼梦》海外学术概况相关研究，本研究项目具有开创性。对翻译进行评判，需要中国学者与目标语学者密切合作，因此国内对《红楼梦》译本所进行的翻译策略、错误等方面的分析成效甚微。本项目为国内红学和即将开展的国内《红楼梦》翻译研究提供了其中一个"缺失的环节 "-给译者和受众提供社会历史背景(态度、期望等)，阐释译者的方法和策略。

This project reviews the existing research and aims to gives an overview as well as compare this Overseas research to domestic Red Chamber Dreams studies. It also aims to judge how useful, benefitial and reasonable it is to apply modern theories on traditional objects.

本项目将回顾现有的研究，对海外的研究进行综述，并将海外研究与国内的红楼梦研究进行比较。同时也是为了判断现代理论是否适用于、助力于中华传统文化的海外传播。

选题的研究内容、总体框架、基本思路和研究目标

This project aims to promote the overseas exchange and dissemination of Chinese culture through combing the overseas academic history of "Dream of the Red Chamber". The research idea includes "what is needed", "what to do", "how to do", and "how effective". What is needed: Using a combination of literature review, academic exchange, and scholar-student exchange visits, we will compile and summarize information about the current overseas exchange and dissemination of Dream of the Red Chamber, as well as the image and influence of red studies in mainstream countries in Europe and the United States, reveal the current situation of the dissemination of red studies, and explore what more needs to be done. Then, we will use transnational cultural research, such as questionnaires, fieldwork, and in-depth interviews, to understand and grasp the current situation of overseas recognition and acceptance of red studies, so as to provide documentary support for "Chinese culture going abroad" and prepare for the whole project.

本课题旨在通过梳理《红楼梦》海外学术史，推进中华文化海外交流与传播。研究思路包括“需要什么”“做什么”“怎么做”“效果如何”。 需要什么：综合运用查阅文献、学术交流、学者学生互访等方式，整理与归纳有关目前《红楼梦》海外交流和传播的情况，以及红学在欧美主流国家的形象与影响，揭示红学流播现状，探究还需要做哪些努力。再采用跨国文化研究再采用问卷调查、实地考察、深度访谈等方式，重点了解和掌握当下海外对红学的认同与接受情况，以便为“中华文化走出去”提供文献支撑，为整个课题做好前期准备。

What to do.

做什么：

How to do it.

怎么做：

The project is divided into three phases.

项目分成三各阶段：

In the first phase, the research project collects and analyzes the existing overseas research literature on the Red Chamber Dreams. The result will be an open access database, which will build the foundation for further research of generations of domestic (and overseas) scholars.

第一阶段，本研究项目对海外现有的《红楼梦》研究文献进行收集和分析。研究成果将独立成一个开放数据库，以期为国内（及海外）学者的进一步研究打下坚实基础。

In the 2nd phase, international researchers are invited to a conference in China to display chapters of the history of overseas Hongxue. The collected material is categorized and sorted chronologically and prepared for a monograph on the topic.

第二阶段，邀请国际研究者来华参加会议，展示海外红学研究史。对收集到的资料按时间顺序进行分类整理，准备编写专题专著。

In the 3rd phase, the monograph with the research findings is written, Chinese Hongxue experts are integrated and draw comparisons to domestic Hongxue. The chapters of the monograph are published in international and Chinese journals before the monograph will be published.

第三阶段，撰写有研究成果的专著，整合中国红学专家，并与国内红学进行比较。在专著出版之前，国际和国内期刊上发表相关论文。

What are the results:

效果如何：

（可加附页） (weitere Seiten können hinzugefügt werden)

Notes about the early reception

“to amuse the beaux and belles” The Early Western Reception of the Red Chamber Dreams

Martin Woesler University of Applied Languages, Munich, Germany / Harvard University, Cambridge MA, USA

“俊男美女的调笑” (to amuse the beaux and belles) ——西方早期《红楼梦》接受研究

吴漠汀(Martin Woesler) 德国慕尼黑应用语言大学/美国哈佛大学

“In these days there appears to be a commendable desire on the part of many Americans to know something about China. That desire tends to meet discouragements. When the story from China in Tuesday's newspapers seems to contradict the story in Monday's papers, on Wednesday we feel inclined to keep to items from Washington and Chicago and Wall Street which we flatteringly believe ourselves to understand. But the newspapers have to be too factual and occidental. The China of today is not springing full grown from the headaches of America or Great Britain or Russia. It is emerging out of the China of yesterdays. And into the life of old China the reading of ‘The Dream of the Red Chamber’ offers a first lesson in real insight.”

这段时间，许多的美国人似乎都急切地渴望了解中国，甚至这种渴望到了无以复加的地步。当周二的报纸中有关中国的的新闻与周一所报道的故事相左时，周三我们就会向华盛顿、芝加哥和华尔街那些自诩了解新闻的人求证。但新闻太过客观化和西方化。而今天的中国，并非完全兴起于美国、英国或者俄国所遭遇头痛的环境，它脱胎于古代中国。如果你想深入窥探古老中国，那么阅读《红楼梦》是深层次了解中国文化生活的第一课。

This quote is not from 2010; it is a review by Harry Clemons from 1930

本段引言并非来自2010；而是摘自克乃文（Harry Clemons）1930年的有关评论。

Abstract

摘要

The end of the 18th to the beginning of the 20th century saw an encounter between two high civilizations, the Chinese and the Western. The innumerable discourses of the time reveal that the mutual curiosity of both sides was immense and comparable. The larger impact of European literature is documented by the larger number of translations into Chinese compared to translations from Chinese into Western languages.

18世纪末到20世纪初，世界见证了两大高度发展文明的碰撞——中华文明和西方文明。那个时期不计其数的文献透露出这样一种信息：两大文明间的好奇是巨大而可比的。而中西文献的译介比较则表明：欧洲文学对中国的影响大于中国文学对欧洲之影响。

Dream was among the first representative literary works to be introduced to Western readers. This paper examines early Western reception and critique at a time when there was no full translation available. It sees a polarization between supporters and opponents of Dream. The discourse on Dream was used as a means to interpret Chinese literature or even Chinese culture as a whole. At the beginning of the discourse, a few opinion leaders in both civilizations shaped the key judgment that the other literary culture was inferior to their own. Despite cultural differences, the need for change in Chinese society and the attractiveness of the “modernity” of Western culture lead to a modernization of Chinese society.

《红楼梦》几乎是第一部进入西方读者眼帘的具有代表性的文学作品。本文探讨的是早期西方对《红楼梦》的接受和在尚不存在完整译本时对《红楼梦》的批评。对于《红楼梦》，支持和反对似乎存各执一端。而对于《红楼梦》的讨论常常被认为是对中国文学，甚至是整个中国文化的解释。讨论之初，双方论争的领袖都形成了这样一种核心判断：其他的文学文化都比自己的文学文化低等。尽管文化存在差异，但中国社会内在改革的需要和西方文化的‘现代性’促进了中国社会现代改革的进程。

It took a century to get to know each other better, to change attitudes from ethnocentric to dialectical, to stop exploiting the novel and to come to the insight that Chinese literature with Dream as one of its masterpieces was not only comparable to other world literatures but also could bring value to Western readers (Mayers 1867).

经过一个世纪，双方增进了解，并从“民族中心主义”的优越感向辩证思想转变，停止利用小说互相攻击，开始深入了解中国文学，不仅将《红楼梦》这类杰作与其他世界文学相比较，而且，更重要的是将价值观带给西方读者。（梅辉立(Mayers) 1867年）。

This paper concentrates on the phase between the early reception of Dream in the West since 1815 and the first full translation, which appeared in 1929.

本文关注于自1815年《红楼梦》在西方的早期认同到1929年第一版完整译本的出现。

Introduction

简介

In this paper, I will first outline the reasons of the polarized perception of China in the West either as an ideal or as a negative counter foil at the historical epoch when Dream became known in the West.

在本文中，我将首先概述西方对中国的两极分化的看法的原因——无论是作为一种理想，抑或是一种在《红楼梦》闻名于西方时的反面对抗的挫败。

In the third part, I will present the early reception with 20 reviews of the novel in chronological order until 1930 and analyze them regarding their intercultural approach, the function of the novel for the reviews and the background of the polarized Western attitude towards China.

在第三部分，我将按照时间顺序，介绍截止于1930年的20个早期关于这部小说的评论，分析它们的跨文化分析方法、《红楼梦》对这些评论的作用以及西方对中国态度的两极分化的背景。

In the beginning, there was not a translation, but just a mention of the novel. However, there were already very distinctive judgments by Westerners who could not read Chinese, revealing their underlying general attitudes towards China. No wonder that the first presentations of the novel are full of misunderstandings and mistakes. The novel was too readily taken as a proof of one’s own argument of exoticism, inferiority, the incompatibility of Chinese and Western literature etc.

一开始，并没有译本，只是偶尔提及这部小说。但是，那些不懂中文的西方读者已经有非常独特的评价，并显露出他们对中国的基本立场。这也就难怪有关小说起初几次介绍中充满了误解和错误。这部小说太易被作为评论者对异域风情、自卑、中西方文学不相容等看法的证据。

Before the first full English translation came out in 1929, the Western reader was introduced to Dream only in abridged translations. For non-English Western languages this holds true for a much longer period, since many European literatures based their translation on the German One-Third paraphrase by Franz Kuhn. Therefore, the Western reader was introduced not to Dream, but to the ‘Dream phenomenon’ of scholars, who saw a broad reception of this so-called modern Chinese literature in China which formed a counter-movement towards the main stream of Western literature flooding into China.

在1929年第一部完整英文译本出现之前，西方读者只能看到节译。对于非英语的西方语言来说，第一次出现本国全译本的日期要更晚，因为1946年的荷兰语版、1958年的意大利语版、1959年的匈牙利语版等许多欧洲语言都是据库恩本转译的，并且该版本只是意译了原版小说的三分之一。所以西方读者很长时间看到的并不是《红楼梦》，而是学者的“红楼梦轶事”，他看到的只是一个所谓的“现代中国文学”的宽泛的文学接受，而这种文学形成恰恰是西方文学主流浸入所产生中国的回流。

Unlike Tale of Genji, the original text of the Dream never belonged only to elite culture; in fact it was popular literature from the very beginning, written in colloquial language and read by the elites as well as ordinary literate people, even being adapted into oral and visual forms for the illiterate. It created a ‘Red Chamber fever’ in China: young women read excessively, exchanged their real life for the fictional world of the novel, neglected their basic physical needs, identified with Lin Daiyu and were said to die like the protagonist or to have committed suicide. The banning of Dream was supposed to be due either to its revelation of secrets of the imperial court (Holcombe 1900), or due to [the myth of?] its suicidal influence on young female readers (Giles 1900).

不同于《源氏物语》，《红楼梦》原文从来不仅仅属于精英文化；事实上，它起初是通俗文学，用口语化的语言记述，并被上层社会和普通学者阅读，甚至还被改编成连环画给文化较低的人阅读。它曾在在中国掀起了一股“红楼热”：年轻女子反复阅读，并将小说里虚构的世界与自己是现实生活相交错，忽视自己的基本的生理需求，同情和认同女主角林黛玉，并像她那样寻死觅活。 而《红楼梦》遭查禁，有可能是因为它揭露了宫廷真相（何天爵（Chester Holcombe）1900年），也可能是因为它对年轻女读者的（传说的）自杀影响（翟理思（Herbert Allen Giles）1900年）。

One major reason for the endless variations and abridged versions is the length of the story and the immense cast of characters, which the reviewer William Frederick Mayers described as against the taste of modern time. Although Dream was considered popular literature, it was in fact high-brow popular literature, becoming a model for all the middle-brow continuations and the flood of middle-brow “Mandarin Duck and Butterfly School” romances dominating the Chinese book market in domestic contemporary literature in the 1910s. Dream was still relevant for middle-brow soap operas of the 1920s and low-brow pulp fiction in the 1920s and 1930s.

《红楼梦》出现无数变体本和节译本的重要原因是由于它的篇幅太过庞大和人物形象太过纷繁复杂。评论家梅辉立将其视为对《红楼梦》近现代性的反驳。虽然《红楼梦》被认为是通俗文学，但是事实上它是精品通俗文学，并成为中层文化水平的续集的典范，在20世纪10年代的国内当代文学中，中层文化水平的“鸳鸯蝴蝶派”小说占统治地位。《红楼梦》和20世纪20年代中等水平的肥皂剧以及20—30年代通俗小说相关。

In China, Dream by Wang Guowei in 1904 and later by the reformists was called a new novel, and it was compared to modern Western novels. In fact, the novel itself is modern in Chinese eyes because of its critical attitude against canonized literature. But also in the early phase of Western reception it is compared by Western scholars to novelists like William Makepeace Thackeray and Sir Edwar George Earl Lytton Bulwer, to novels like Decameron, Green Henry, David Copperfield, Les Miserables, and later to the Buddenbrooks. In 1930, Clemons called Dream a modern novel.

在中国，在与现代西方小说相比较之后，1904年王国维称《红楼梦》为现代小说，王国维之后的改革者也这样认为。事实上，在中国人眼中，比如它对封建文学的的批判态度，使得小说本体具有现代性。但是，在西方接受的早期，它却被像威廉•梅克比斯•萨克雷（William Makepeace Thackeray）和愛德華•喬治•布爾沃-利頓（Sir Edward George Bulwer-Lytton）等西方学者拿来同《十日谈》、《绿衣亨利》、《大卫•科波菲尔》、《悲惨的世界》以及后来的《布登勃洛克家族》相比较。1930年，克雷蒙(Clemons)称《红楼梦》为现代小说。

I. Historical background and the reasons for the positive perception of China

I. 历史背景以及对中国文学正面接受的原因

I will briefly recount the development of the Western world’s reception of China. Contacts between the different civilizations of the Chinese region with those in Europe date back to the earliest times, with merchants exchanging goods on the ‘Silk Road’ as early as 2000 BC. Aristotle (384-322 BC) writes in the 4th century BC: “Those who live in a cold climate and in Europe are full of spirit, but wanting in intelligence and skill; and therefore they retain comparative freedom, but have no political organization, and are incapable of ruling over others. Whereas the natives of Asia are intelligent and inventive, but they are wanting in spirit, and therefore they are always in a state of subjection and slavery.”

我将简单的概述西方世界对中国的接受。中国区域内不同文明与欧洲范围的文明最早的接触可以追溯到公元前2000年的“丝绸之路”。亚里士多德（公元前384年-公元前322年）在公元前4世纪写到：“那些生活在欧洲寒冷气候里的人们，他们充满灵感但是缺乏智慧和技巧；所以虽然他们保留了相对的自由，但却没有政治组织，也没有能力管理其他人。然而，亚洲人聪明而善于发明，但是他们缺乏勇气，所以他们总是顺从和被奴役。”

Although the Han period (210 BC - 220 AD) stabilized the empire’s interior, it was open to foreign influences, such as Buddhism, which spread freely from India to China about 100 AD. During the Tang dynasty (618-907 AD) Islam arrived in China from Arabic countries. Also, Judaism, after its first contacts in the Zhou dynasty, founded a community in Kaifeng (He'nan), and Syric-Nestorian Christianity also arrived in Tang dynasty China.

虽然在汉代（公元前210年-公元220年）中国建立了大陆帝国，并对外开放，例如像佛教就是在公元100年左右从印度传播到中国。在唐朝（公元618年-公元907年），伊斯兰教从阿拉伯地区传入中国。犹太教在周朝之后，在开封（河南）建立了一个联络点，景教也在唐朝时期传入中国。

In the 13th century, the Venetian merchant Marco Polo, in the tradition of the Byzantine adventure story (Alexander novel), medieval Mirabilien literature (magic, saints and miracles), and the Bible, created the first comprehensive literary treatment of China with his travel report. Almost a leitmotif (guiding theme), he describes superstition, courtesy, sophisticated eating habits, the importance of filial piety and severe punishments. The wealthy Chinese merchants were described by him as cowards, “business-minded”, and “resourceful”, while physicians and philosophers were called “very clever.” The “prosperous and peaceable Qinsai [Hangzhou]” with its courtesans he described as “paradise of sensual delights”.

在公元13世纪，通过传统拜占庭的冒险故事（亚历山大小说）、中世纪奇迹文学（魔术，圣人和奇迹）以及圣经中的传说，威尼斯商人马可•波罗（Marco Polo）利用他的游记第一次创造了西方人对中国第一次全面的文学体验。几乎只有一个主题（指导主题），他描述了中国人的迷信、礼仪、精致的饮食习惯以及“孝”在文化中的重要性以及“不孝”所带来而来的严厉的惩罚。 富裕的中国商人被他描绘成具有“生意头脑”、“足智多谋”的胆小鬼，而内科医生和哲学家则被赞为“非常聪明”。他还将“繁荣与和平的Qinsai（杭州）”以及名妓，描绘成“感官愉悦的天堂”。

After the Reformation (1517-1529/55/59) an active missionary activity started, initiated by the Jesuits, who were respected by the emperors of the Ming and Qing dynasty for their knowledge of mathematics and astronomy. In 1601, they arrived together with Matteo Ricci (1552-1610). After a short period of persecution and exile of the missionaries, others came, including Schreck, Martini, Schall von Bell, and Verbiest.

宗教改革（1517-1529/55/59）之后，由基督会教士发起的积极的传教活动开始兴盛。在明清时期，基督会教士在数学和天文领域的知识得到当时帝王的尊重。在1601年，基督会的教士和利玛窦（Matteo Ricci，1552-1610）一起抵达中国。在经历一小段时间对传教士的迫害和流亡之后，其他传教士也抵达中国，包括邓玉函（Schreck），衛匡國（Martini），汤若望（Schall von Bell）和南怀仁（Verbiest）。

The Jesuits were interested in spreading a positive image of China to strengthen their own mission. All of the above-mentioned Jesuits reported back to Europe comprehensively but in an idealized fashion about Chinese geography, people and habits. Their own attitude towards the Chinese custom of worshipping Confucius and the ancestors was very tolerant. The European image of China in the 17th and 18th century was significantly influenced by them. The scholars in Europe were taken by the ideal of a counter-proposal of a society and a culture based upon reason and humanity.

基督会教士积极的传播中国的正面印象，以巩固自己的使命。所有上面所提及的基督教士回报给欧洲的信息都是全面而理想化的，如中国的地理、民情以及风俗习惯。他们自己对中国人信奉儒家思想以及祖先的态度则相当宽容。17、18世纪欧洲对中国的印象很大程度上都是受到他们的影响。此时的欧洲学者基于理性与人性，对社会和文化才采取的是接受和接纳反面建议的理念。

Several Popes, as well as Dominican and Franciscan monks, accused the Jesuits of being traitors to Christianity with their collusion in Confucian and ancestral worship. In defense of the Jesuit mission, the French Jesuit missionary Jean Baptiste du Halde (1674-1743) published in 1735, just before the origin of the Red Chamber Dreams, the monumental, four-volume «Description de la Chine et de [...] la Tart chinoise,» the standard work on China until the 19th century. In it, he collected the reports of his brothers since the 17th century. This positive view of China tempted Voltaire and Leibniz to consider China as the ideal country and to use it as an alternative to their own countries.

在此之后，因为基督教士对儒家思想和祖先的信奉，几任教皇以及多米尼加和方济各会修士，指控他们为基督教的背叛者。为了辩护他们使命，法国基督教士让•巴蒂斯特•杜赫德(Jean Baptiste du Halde, 1674年-1743年)1735年（即《红楼梦》诞生之前）发表了《中华帝国全志》四卷，至19世纪被认为是介绍中国的不朽之作。作品中有他从17世纪开始收集他兄弟的回报。这些积极印象让伏尔泰（Voltaire）和莱布尼茨（Leibniz）认为中国是一个理想之国，并用中国来代替了自己的国家。

In the 17th century, Chinese philosophy came to Europe in translation. In the 18th century the so-called “Chinoiserie” was popular, which was a way of reproducing knick-knackery in a Chinese style or in a style thought to be Chinese. Influenced by descriptions and drawings of Chinese gardens in the imperial Summer Palace, all over Europe Chinese-English parks were constructed, sometimes with Chinese-style pagodas. At the time of the creation of the novel in the mid-18 century, the Jesuit and painter Giuseppe Castiglione (1688-1766) was at the court of Emperor Qianlong (1735-96), where he developed a Sino-European hybrid painting style that became very popular. Castiglione and other European painters introduced the famous European central perspective into Chinese painting. This was also used in the Summer Palace to give a three-dimensional impression of a European village built there. In the Red Chamber Dreams a foreign girl with golden hair and blue eyes is mentioned and characters use foreign products like a wristwatch.

到17世纪，中国哲学译本开始出现在欧洲。18世纪被称为“中国风”的物品相当流行，这些物品是中国风格的复制品或者被认为是中国制作的赝品。受到对颐和园的画作和文学描述的影响，整个欧洲都在建造中—英式花园，有时候还带有中国风格的宝塔。在18世纪中期，在《红楼梦》被创作的期间，传道士画家郎世寧（Giuseppe Castiglione，1688-1766）在乾隆皇帝的御花园里创造中西混合绘画风格，这在当时风行一时。郎世宁和其他欧洲画家像中国画家介绍了著名的欧洲中心透视法。这也被应用到颐和园建设中，在那里建造了欧洲城市的立体印象。在《红楼梦》里面薛宝琴说她在船上遇见的一个金发碧眼的女人，会作诗，而作品中人物也带上了像手表之类的外国物品。

Before the first edition of Red Chamber Dreams was published in China in 1791, older Chinese novels like 好逑传 Hao Qiu Zhuan , and Yu Jiao Li 玉娇梨 had already been translated. In Hao Qiu Zhuan, first translated in 1719, a moral pair of lovers, after some confusion, ends in a love marriage by the grace of the Emperor, and in Yu Jiao Li a gifted young writer and magistrate falls in love with two cousins.

在1791年《红楼梦》第一版出版之前，旧式中国小说如《好逑传》 、《玉娇梨》已经被翻译。首先，在1719年翻译的《好逑传》中，一对恋人经过重重磨难之后，最终得到皇帝的恩典，结合在一起。 而在《玉娇梨》中，一个有天赋的作家和地方官与两姐妹双双坠入爱河。

Since 1813, thanks to the Weimar Court Library, Goethe knew the Atlas of Martini, the China descriptions du Haldes, the travel report of Marco Polo, travel and embassy reports, and the two previously mentioned (but certainly not representative) novelistic stories. He expressed his opinion, based on the reading of these two novels, and not the Red Chamber Dreams, by answering Johann Peter Eckermann's 1827 question on whether Hao Qiu zhuan appeared alien to him:

自1813年，歌德（Goethe）通过魏玛图书馆，先后接触到了衛匡國（Martini）的有关的地图集、杜赫德（Du Halde）的有关中国描述、马可波罗（Marco Polo）的游记、有关旅行和大使馆的报告以及前面所提到的两部小说（但不一定有代表性）但没有提及《红楼梦》。1827年，他在回答约翰•彼得•埃克曼向他提问《好逑传》是否展现外来情节时写到：

“Not so much as one might think. [...] These people think, act and feel almost like us, and you feel very soon as their equal, except that they behave themselves in everything clearer, cleaner and more morally appealing. With them, everything is sensible, bourgeois, without great passion and poetic verve and their behaviour thus has much in common with my Hermann and Dorothea.”

“并不像想象中那么陌生……这些人像我们一样是思考、行动和感受，而且很快你会感觉到他们的平等，但他们更清楚自己的一切行为，更洁净，在道义上的更有吸引力。有了这些，一切都是明智的，因而他们的行为与中产阶级有许多共同之处，就像我的《赫尔曼与窦绿苔》，但却没有他们有极大的热情和诗意的神韵。”

Schiller even intended to retell Hao qiu zhuan in a free way, but only rudimentarily realized this plan.

席勒(Schiller)甚至打算用自由的体式复述《好逑传》，但只是初步实现这一计划。

II. Reasons for the negative perception of China since the 1760s

II. 18世纪60年代对中国负面认同的原因

As the image of Islam in 1700 changed from negative to positive, so the image of China also turned, but in the opposite direction, from positive to negative. Following the phase of Chinoiserie and the China enthusiasm of the young Enlightenment, a phase of China criticism involving various opinion leaders started. One of them was François Fénelon, who in 1687 polarized opinions with his Confucius et Socrate and called into question Chinese philosophy and other achievements. The most influential critics of China were Montesquieu (China criticism from 1734-38), Herder (China criticism 1784-1791) and subsequently Hegel and Marx. The alleged static nature of Chinese society now was criticized as backward.

如同公元1700年 伊斯兰教从负面印象转向了正面，中国的形象也在改变，只不过方向不同罢了——从正面转向了负面。在经历“中国风”和启蒙初期对中国狂热之后，一段囊括各种意见领袖的批判时期开始了。弗朗索瓦•芬乃倫（François Fénelon）就是其中之一。他在1687年发表〈孔子和苏格拉底的对话〉， 并得出极端观点，从而质疑中国哲学和其他成就。最有影响的中国批评者是孟德斯鸠（Montesquieu，1734-1738年批判中国）、赫尔德（Herder， 1784-1791年批评中国）以及后来的黑格尔（Hegel）和马克思（Marx）。他们坚称中国社会的静态特性现在应被批评为落后。

This negative view of China was naturally just as false as the positive; its image served only as a draft or counter-proposal to the ideals for one’s own country: Montesquieu wanted to criticize French despotism, which he could not do directly for censorship reasons, and therefore a distorted image of China served his purpose. What in early Enlightenment had been hailed as an ideal state, he now turned into a counter-image as a country ruled by a slave-and-master spirit, whereas in Europe the spirit of freedom prevailed. His negative image of China in 1729 may have been influenced by the negative report of Jean-François Foucquet, whom he met on his way to Rome. Although Montesquieu actually meant to criticize France, when he described China as despotic. German philosophers followed his criticism, even though in contemporary Europe was known as an enlightened ruler.

这种负面的观念很显然是以前形象的一种反驳，这种形象是作为自己理想国的期票或现实社会的反驳而存在。孟德斯鸠（Montesquieu）想批评法国专制，他又不能直接批判审查制度，因此扭曲中国的形象而达到他的目的。在早期启蒙时间被喻为一个理想国的中国，现在变成了反面形象——一个奴隶精神统治的国家，而此时的欧洲，自由精神占了上风。他在1729年所呈现的中国反面现象很大程度上受到傅圣泽（Foucquet）负面报告的影响。他们曾相遇在去罗马的路上。尽管孟德斯鸠真正的意图是批评法国而把中国描述影射成一个暴政国家。但他的观念为德国哲学家所接受，甚至，在当代欧洲，孟德斯鸠仍然以启蒙运动的主将而闻名。

In 1784-1791 the different versions of Herder’s Philosophy of History of Humanity were very well and widely received, as he states in his preface. In these works, Herder calls China an “embalmed mummy” symbolizing a culture of isolation and stagnation. Later, Herder revised his negative image of China.

1784年-1791年，赫尔德（Herder）不同的版本《人类历史哲学》被深入而广泛的接受，正如他在序言中宣称的那样。在这部著作中，赫尔德将中国称之为“不腐的木乃伊”， 代表了文化的孤立和停滞不前。后来，赫尔德对自己关于中国的负面印象进行了修正。

In 1805-1806 Hegel describes the transformation of the China image clearly in his lectures on the philosophy of history. He himself had also contributed to this change. He first held the lectures in Jena and repeated them for years, also in Berlin. Concerning China, he said:

在1805至1806年黑格尔（Hegel）在他有关历史哲学讲座上清楚地描述中国形象的转变。他自己也促成了这一变化。首先，他在耶拿(Jena)举行的讲座，其后在柏林(Berlin)。关于中国，他评道：

“The Chinese morality – since Europeans have become acquainted with it and with the writings of Confucius – has obtained the greatest praise and proportionate attention from those who are familiar with the Christian morality. […] Yet both these nations [China and India] are, it must be confessed, entirely wanting in the essential consciousness of the Idea of Freedom. To the Chinese their moral laws are just like natural laws – external, positive commands – claims established by force – compulsory duties or rules of courtesy towards each other. Freedom, through which alone the essential determinations of Reason become moral sentiments, is wanting. Morality is a political affair, and its laws are administered by officers of government and legal tribunals.”

中国的道德——因为欧洲人已经熟悉它和孔子的著作——已获得那些熟悉基督教道德的的人们极大赞美和相当关注……但是有一点必须承认；这两个国家（中国和印度）缺乏自由理念的基本意识。中国的的道德律令更像是自然法则——对外主动发号施令，用武力建立权威，对内通过义务、教育和职责，规范彼此的行为。自由是缺乏的，因为只有通过理性的本质决定成为道德情操。道德在这里是一个政治事件，中国的法律是由政府官员和法律法庭管理。

III. First introductions to Western readers: 1815-1930

III. 西方读者的第一次介绍: 1815-1930

Qing troops in 1791 successfully defeated a Nepalese invasion of Tibet. Great Britain sent an embassy to the Qing court in 1792-1794, with Ambassador George Macartney, Secretary George Leonard Staunton, and comptroller John Barrow . The embassy was not successful, partly because Macartnay refused to kowtow. From the accounts of Staunton and the various reports of Barrow we know that the delegation extensively documented Chinese language and literature. As far as we know, Barrow also became the first to publish extracts of Red Chambers Dreams in Western translation.

1791年清朝的军队在西藏打败了尼泊尔的入侵者。1792年至1794年，英国向清廷派出了由大使乔治•马戛尔尼（George Macartney）、大臣乔治•伦纳德•士丹顿（George Leonard Staunton）以及主审计长约翰•巴罗（John Barrow）组成的使团。 这个使团并没有完成它的使命。部分是由于他们不肯向清廷下跪。从士丹顿记载和各种报告中，我们可以知道：代表团广泛地记载汉语言文学。据我们所知，巴罗也成为第一个在西方翻译出版的《红楼梦》节译本之人。

The novel had been circulated in parts since the 1750s and published 1791 and 1792 in a printed version. Soon after the book appeared, it became extremely popular, and it was assigned a place among the Four Great Classical Novels四大名著. The classification originally was created by Feng Menglong in 馮夢龍, including Jin Ping Mei as the fourth novel. The latter was sexually explicit, which was not much of an issue during the Ming dynasty, but was problematic in the more conservative Qing, and thus it was replaced by Dream. Most novels of this time were modelled after Dream; this tradition spawned the epoch of popular and romantic “Mandarin Duck and Butterfly” 鴛 鴦蝴蝶派 literature.

在18世纪50年代左右，《红楼梦》开始分章节地在一定范围流传，并在1791和1792年出现印刷本。 这部小说问世不久，就开始风行于世，并置身于“四大名著”之列。“四大名著”最初的分类是由冯梦龙创立， 最初包括《金瓶梅》。后者是情色小说，这在明代并没有什么大不了，在相对保守较保守的清代，却成为一个问题，并被《红楼梦》所取代。此后的小说大多数都以《红楼梦》为蓝本，这种传统最终催生出浪漫的鸳鸯蝴蝶派时代的到来。

In 1815 Macao Reverend Robert Morrison (1782-1834) coined the Western translation of the novel’s title by mentioning it in his Dictionary of the Chinese Language as “dreams of the red chamber.” He chose the plural, which was quite reasonable as there are many dreams in the novel. It appears that 27 years later the plural “dreams” was turned into the singular “dream,” which sounds a bit more general and is therefore also a reasonable translation. Dream of the Red Chamber is the most common translation in English and, in its variations, in all Western languages so far.

1815年澳门牧师马礼逊（Robert Morrison, 1782年至1834年）在他的《华英字典》中首次创造了“the dreams of the red chamber”来命名《红楼梦》的西方译法。 他选择了复数形式，较为合理的解释是因为这部小说中存在着多种梦想。27年后，《红楼梦》中的“梦”由复数形式转为单数形式出现，这似乎更加普遍，因此也是合理的翻译。至今，“Dream of the Red Chamber”是最常见的英文翻译。而其所在西方语言各种变体也成为主流译名。

In 1817 Rev. Robert Morrison published a book for studying Chinese, in which he recommended “Dreams of the Red Chamber” as beginner readings, together with the novel Hao qiu zhuan, which was available mostly in English and partly in Portuguese by 1719, and fully in English by 1761. Both were written in colloquial style. Morrison claims that Dream was written in Peking dialect. This does not hold true, since the author’s family Cao came from the South and many people in the novel have Nanking dialect sprinkles. In fact, the highly artful and intentional switch of dialects and sociolects contributed to the later fame of the novel. Morrison’s mistake developed its own tradition.

1817年，马礼逊牧师出版了一本汉语学习的书籍， 在书中他推荐《红楼梦》作为汉语学习的初级读物，与之一起被推荐的还有《好逑传》——当时存在的大多是英译本，还有一些葡语译本，并在1761年出现全译本。这两部小说都是白话小说，马礼逊声称《红楼梦》是用北京方言写作，但实际上这并不正确，因为作者曹雪芹的家庭来自于南方，而且小说中的许多人物语言都闪现出南京方言的片段。事实上，《红楼梦》后来的声誉取决于其高超的艺术技巧和圆熟的社会和地域方言的转化。而马礼逊的错误却在后来成为传统。

Passages with references to Chinese traditions and poems in classical Chinese would be, so Morrison believed, too difficult for the beginner’s level. For more advanced students of Chinese, Morrison recommended the Five Classics. Morrison’s following outlines about Chinese customs and habits draw a predominantly negative image of China. Except from a few advantages, he mentions, he denies a genuine Chinese veracity and a genuine Chinese sophisticated philosophy.

所以，马礼逊相信：在中国古典作品中，包含中国传统文化和诗歌的篇章对于汉语初学者来说是相当困难的。对于汉语水平更高的学习者，马礼逊推荐“五部经典”。接着，马礼逊列举了中国的负面形象占主导的情况下的有关中国风俗和习惯。除了他提到极少优势，他否认一个具有真正准确性理念和复杂哲学思想的中国。

<1817 Review 1 Morrison> Recommends Dream as a text to study Chinese, mentioning it among other famous novels

<1817年第1评论，马礼逊著>推荐《红楼梦》作为汉语学习的典范，并在其它著名小说中提及

The 18-year-old John Francis Davis was promoted author of the East India Company’s factory in Canton in 1813 and later became the most prominent of the first generation of translators of the Company. Great Britain sent a second embassy to China in 1816 with Ambassador William Amherst, accompanied by John Francis Davis. It failed like the first. However, Barrow and J. Davis learned the language and collected and translated a lot of Chinese literature. J. Davis translated extracts of the novel under the title Red Chamber Dreams and sent them to his predecessor Barrow, who now worked for the Quarterly Review, and to the French translator Antoine-André Bruguière, who at that time published a French translation of J. Davis’ English translation, An Heir in His Old Age. Both published the extracts simultaneously, in 1819, in Barrow in English and Bruguière in French.

1813年，18岁的约翰•弗朗西斯•戴维斯（John Francis Davis） 于年成为东印度公司在广州工厂的创始人，后来又成为这家公司第一代通商贸易商人中的佼佼者。 英国在1816年第二派出了以威廉•阿默斯特（William Amherst）为大使的使团，并由约翰•戴维斯陪同。他们像上次使团一样失败了。但是，巴罗（Barrow）和约翰•戴维斯学到的语言，并收集和翻译了不少汉语文学作品。约翰•戴维斯翻译了一部分标题为Red Chamber Dreams小说的节选， 并将之送给他的前任——当时正在为《评论季刊》 工作的巴罗和法国法语翻译家安托万•安德烈•布鲁盖尔(Antoine-André Bruguière)——当时他正在将约翰•戴维斯的《老生儿》英译本转译成法译本。这两种语言的节译本几乎同时在1819出版——巴罗的英文版和布鲁盖尔的法文版。

In his publication, Barrow mentioned the title “[...] a Chinese novel called Hung-low-Mung, or, The Red Chamber Dreams” on June 4, 1819, in the Quarterly Review. He inserted this （导言）reference into a review of Clarke Abel’s report of a journey through China. He interrupted his review with an excursus on the uniform appearance and static nature of the Chinese, in line with the contemporary China-bashing of Herder and Hegel. For contemporary Europeans, the Chinese appeared abnormally uniform and simple in their clothes and appearance. They would not be subordinated to the tyranny of fashion; their culture was static. In order to entertain the “belles and beaux of Great Britain,” Barrow provides a foil to this general impression by quoting the descriptions of the garments and anatomy of two characters, Wang Xifeng and Jia Baoyu, from chapter 3 of J. Davis’ translation of Dream. In fact the graphic comparisons given in these descriptions were simply strange to Europeans of that time, since they apparently did not correspond to the European’s own ideal of beauty.

1819年6月4日，在《评论季刊》上，巴罗在有关译本的标题时提到：一部中国小说被称为“Hung-low-Mung,”或者 “The Red Chamber Dreams”。他还在导言插入了克拉克•阿裨尔（Clarke Abel） 的中国之旅报告的评论。 以有关中国人面貌整齐划一和中国静止特性为内容的附记打断了他的评论，并与赫尔德和黑格尔等中国炮轰主义者站在了同一条战线。在当时欧洲人眼中，中国人在他们的衣服和外观本身呈现出异常同质化——他们不会屈服从于时尚猛烈的冲击，他们的文化是静态的。为了调笑那些大英帝国的俊男美女们，通过引述对于服饰的描写和对约翰•戴维斯节译本第三回中的两个人物（王熙凤和贾宝玉）的解剖分析，巴罗提供了这种一般印象的一种陪衬。事实上，这些描述所提供的图景对于当时的欧洲人来说比较陌生奇怪，因为他们显然不符合欧洲自己的审美理想。

<1819 Review 2 Barrow> Barrow quoted this extract because of the exoticism of the descriptions.

<1819年第2评论，巴罗著>由于描述的异国情调巴罗引述这部节译本

1819 Antoine-André Bruguière included a French translation of J. Davis’ translation of Dream right in the middle of his preface to his translation of a Chinese drama, which he also translated from the English translation by J. Davis. He rendered Barrow’s argument into French. So in 1819, only 28 years after the first publication of the first Chinese print version, the novel was topic of conversation all over Europe thanks to the authors of dictionaries, language learning books, literary magazines, and even the French translator of a Chinese drama.

1819年，安托万•安德烈•布鲁盖尔（Bruguière）将约翰•戴维斯的《红楼梦》英译本置于他的一场中国戏剧译本——〈法国翻译前言〉的中间位置。 他也翻译了约翰•戴维斯的《红楼梦》英译本。他还将巴罗的争论引入法译本。因此在1819年，也就是《红楼梦》中文本初版28年后，这部小说成为整个欧洲的谈论的焦点，这一切要归功于字典的作者、语言学习的书籍和文学杂志，甚至是一个中国戏剧法语译者的努力。

However, the Western version of the title was coined through a dictionary and a language learning book, neither by the first translations of excerpts nor by their spreading in literary circles. Even J. Davis turned to the coined title ten years after his first translation, in 1829.

然而，那些为字典和语言学习书记所著录的《红楼梦》西方译本版本的标题，既不是定义于最初的节译本，也不是来自于文学传播。约翰•戴维斯(J. Davis)确定他的节译本的标题是在1829年，距它初版已有10年了。

By then, the attitude in Europe had become even more China critical. This can be seen with Schelling, who described China in his lectures Philosophy of Mythology, starting in 1820-1826, as “the heaven which has become visible, since it is as unchangeable and idle as heaven.” For Schelling, China was the “negation of movement.”

而在此时，西方对于中国的态度更加严厉和苛刻，这一点我们可以在谢林（Schelling）1820年至1826年《神话哲学》演讲的有关描述中可以看出。 文中他描述到：“这已成可见的天国，因为它的一成不变和无所事事。” 对于谢林而言，中国就是一种对于运动的否定。

J. Davis seemed to be more interested in Chinese poetry than in Dream; he only used his translation of two ci-poems on Jia Baoyu following the melody 西江月 (‘Moon on West River’) from chapter 3 to illustrate what he called the “descriptive class” in his 1829 lecture on Chinese poetry. J. Davis argued that in the novel the interspersed poems fulfilled the function of loosening up and beautifying. In this context, J. Davis called the novel itself indirectly

约翰•戴维斯对中国诗歌的兴趣似乎超过了《红楼梦》小说本身。在他1829年 所做的有关中国十个的演讲中，他只从他译本的第3章引用了贾宝玉两首《西江月》词，来阐明他所谓中国诗歌“描述”类性。约翰•戴维斯宣称：在小说中穿插诗歌，实现了结构功能的松动与美化在这种文本中，约翰•戴维斯称之为小说间接的本身。

<1829 Review 3 J. Davis> a “prose work […] of taste.”

<1829年第3评论，约翰•戴维斯著>一种“高雅……的小说”。

However, J. Davis did not translate the whole novel, but published only very short parts of it and these were presented mostly not in order to exhibit the novel itself or its representative parts, but “to amuse the beaux and belles” or to explain his own theory on Chinese poetry. James St. André sees in J. Davis’ translation work an attempt to marginalize Chinese literature in favor of English literature. J. Davis still approached the novel from an ethnocentric viewpoint.

然而，约翰•戴维斯并没有翻译整部小说，只是翻译了很短的一部分。而且这些已呈现的部分很大程度上不是为了展示小说的本身或小说某些代表章节，而是为了“调笑那些俊男美女” （“to amuse the beaux and belles”）或解释自己的中国诗歌理论。詹姆斯•圣•安德（James St. André）烈认为：约翰•戴维斯的译作，青睐英国文学，而企图将中国文学边缘化。 约翰•戴维斯还是以一种种族中心主义的观点 去接触这部小说。

In 1837 and in all following editions, the famous author Oliver Goldsmith integrated a shortened part of J. Davis’ translation of the introduction of Jia Baoyu in a footnote to the second volume of his “Chinese Letters,” a famous variation of the Lettres Persanes. Once more, he published this excerpt not for its own sake, but as proof that his own, imaginary description of a Chinese male, being “very fat” and “very short,” wearing colourful clothes, staring at a wall during his visit to his girlfriend and having his hair grown down to his heels, bound by yellow flowers, was actually the ideal of beauty of contemporary China. For this purpose, he introduced Jia Baoyu’s description with the words: “In The Red Chamber Dreams [wording of J. Davis] […] is the following description of a Chinese dandy.” The novel seems to be abused here for a very ethnocentric approach.

1837年，在接下来的所有版本，著名作家哥尔德斯密斯（Oliver Goldsmith）整合了约翰•戴维斯（J. Davis）译本有关贾宝玉的介绍，并在第二卷以《中国信笺》方式—— 著名的《波斯信笺》的变体 ——进行了脚注。不只如此，他出版这部分摘录，并没有自己的观点和目的，而是将其作为自己想象中的中国男性形象的例证。“非常胖”、“非常矮”、穿着五颜六色的衣服、拜访女友时总是盯着墙上四角的天空、头发扎有黄色花朵的束带并长到托在脚跟， 他认为这些才是当时中国社会的美学观念，出于这种目的，他引进对贾宝玉的描述：“在《红楼梦》[约翰•戴维斯语]中 [...]（贾宝玉）像以上所描述的那样，就是一位中国的花花公子。” 在这里，这部小说被一种强烈的种族优越感所调笑。

In 1841-1843 德明(А. И. Коваńко / A. I. Kovańko) published a Russian excerpt in Otečestvennye Zapiski (Notes from Peking) 1841-1843, which has been reprinted in German translation in Das Ausland.

1841-1843年，德明（А. И. Коваńко / A. I. Kovańko） 在本《Otečestvennye Zapiski》（北京杂记）里发表了俄文节译。1841-1843年，德文节译本在《异国他乡》重印。 In 1841, the London Professor of Chinese Language and Literature Samuel Kidd calls the “Dreams of the Red Chamber”

1841年，伦敦中国语言文学教授塞缪尔•基德（Samuel Kidd）称之为《Dreams of the Red Chamber》：

<1841 Review 4 Kidd> “a celebrated novel.”

<1841年第4评论，基德著>“一部著名小说。”

In 1841 the novel is already so well-known that the Asiatic Journal （《亚洲研究》） simply could refer to its title as an example for its language style: “[…] like the Hung low mun, or ‘Dreams of the Red Chamber’, which is colloquial in the Pihking dialect.” The Asiatic Journal also gives an explanation of the term “honglou.”

1841年，这部小说已经如此的知名，以至于在《亚洲研究》上，只要简单的提及《红楼梦》的书名就会立刻作为汉语语言风格的典范：“……像《红楼梦》（Dreams of the Red Chamber）一样用北京语音的白话文写作。”《亚洲研究》同时也给“红楼”这个称谓作出了解释。

Excursus: Lines of tradition

附记：传统版本流传的主线

From the two lines of title tradition, the “Dreams of the Red Chamber” and “The Red Chamber Dreams,” one can see that one reviewer followed the path of his predecessors. Besides this, there were also mistakes transported over the decades. One of these mistakes is the myth that the novel was written in the 17th century (it was actually the mid-18th century) and in Peking dialect. Actually, it is one of the first works where we can see an intentional use of dialect and sociolects to distinguish the characters in the novel, a fact which contributed much to the domestic and later the international fame of the novel. The author’s family came from Nanking, and besides the Peking dialect, we find a lot of Nanking dialect in the novel. Following the path of predecessors becomes funny when these small mistakes grow over time, as was the case with the myth of the Peking dialect. We can see this in the following example.

从两条传统的标题——《Dreams of the Red Chamber》和《The Red Chamber Dreams》——的流传主线，我们可以看到，评论家是顺着他们前辈先驱的道路前行的。除此之外，在这几十年中，也有错误的流传。其中一个重要的错误，就是这部神秘小说写作于17世纪（实际上是十八世纪中叶）和它用北京方言写作。事实上，《红楼梦》是第一部纯熟使用地域和社会方言去区别人物性的作品。这个事实对于《红楼梦》此后蜚声海内外贡献良多。作者的家庭来自于南京，除了北京方言之外，我们在这部作品中还可以发现很多南京方言。当这些小错误随着时间的推移而增长时，墨守前人的观点就变得滑稽有趣，如与北京话的神话案例。我们可以在下面的例子中看到。

Friedrich August Gützlaff was the next to judge on the novel without having a translation at hand. He presented it in 1842 in a short review. He narrowed the meaning of the title by calling it “The Dream in the Red Chamber,” with “dream” made singular and given an attribution of space [“in” the chamber]. He introduced the novel deprecatingly, quoted short extracts, and even took the male protagonist Baoyu for a woman: “the lady Páuyu” (p. 268), “a very petulant woman” (p. 270), and “Páuyu, that busy lady” (p. 272). Jia Yucun he took for Baoyu’s father (Jia Zhen). Gützlaff reported the novel’s contents, then came to his judgment that the use of colloquial language would degrade the value of the novel. Gützlaff seems to have relied largely upon someone else’s judgment, as his many mistakes reveal. This other person might have been a traditional Mandarin, who valued the classics written in wenyanwen more highly than the novels written in colloquial language. Also the novel in China already was acknowledged as one of the Four Great Classical Novels:

郭士立(Friedrich August Gützlaff) 在没有译本的情况下，做出了下一个判断。他于1842年做了简短的评论。 他严密界定了“The Dream in the Red Chamber”这个标题的意义，将“Dream”定为单数，并赋予它以空间属性 （“in” the chamber）。 他极力贬低《红楼梦》，并只是引用了很短的章节，甚至将《红楼梦》中的男主公宝玉误认为是女性，称其为“宝玉女士”、“任性的贵妇”“宝玉，那个忙碌的女士”，而且，将贾雨村误认为是贾宝玉的父亲贾政。郭士立介绍了这部小说的内容，然后得出了他的判断。即口语的使用会降低小说的艺术价值。郭士立的判断主要依赖于其他人的评鉴，这一点，我们从他所犯的一系列错误中可以窥见。这个其他人很有可能已经拥有了文言版的《红楼梦》，并且认为文言版的《红楼梦》比白话版的《红楼梦》的艺术价值高，尽管这部小说作为为中国古典四大名著之一已在中国家喻户晓。

<1842 Review 5 Gützlaff> “the author [makes] many protestations of his inability to do justice to the subject, which indeed is the only truth in the book […] the style is without any art […] whosoever wishes to familiarize himself with the manner of speaking the northern court dialect, may peruse this work with advantage”

<1842年第5评论，郭士立著>“作者对于这个主题的判断在他的能力之外做出了许多反驳，这是这部小说真正唯一的事实……在风格上没有任何艺术性……凡是希望了解与熟悉中国北方官话的表达方式，阅读这部作品将提供优势。”

Gützlaff stressed the fact that the novel holds a “decidedly high rank among Chinese novels.” This drags the whole of Chinese literature down beneath Western literature. The criticism once more served the purpose of supporting an existing view of the inferiority of Chinese literature and therefore is an ethnocentric one.

郭士立强调这样一个事实：《红楼梦》这部小说在所有中国小说中占据绝对的高度，这也将整个中国文学置于西方文学之下。然而，这类文学批评服务或服从于印证当时通行的一种劣等华文文学观，因此，这是一个种族中心主义的文学观。

25 years later, in 1867, Mayers proofed a lot of mistakes in Gützlaff’s review, preventing this review from doing larger damage to the novel’s reception. The negative evaluation seemed not to have influenced the ongoing positive reception afterwards, especially after the publication of the first longer translations in English (in 1868-69 8 chapters by Bowra, in 1892-93 56 chapters by Joly, in 1929 120 chapters in an abridged version by Wang Chi-chen) and in German (in 1932, abridged version with a total text of one third of the original, by Kuhn).

25年后的1867年，梅辉立（Mayers）证实了郭士立（Gützlaff）的评鉴中是有许多错误的，从而避免了对这部小说在文学接受方面遭受更大的伤害。但负面评价似乎并没有随着正在兴起的正面接受而有所推进，尤其是在第一部较长的英译本（如1868-69年的包腊（Bowra）翻译的第8回译本、1892-93 乔利（Joly）翻译的第1回至第56回的译本、1929年王际真翻译的120回英文节译本）和德译本（1932年，Kuhn的节译为原版小说的三分之一）出现之后。

In 1846, Robert Thom published his translation of excerpts of chapter 6, which he had “compiled for the use of students.” In 1855 he published a revised version, as a textbook sample of “works written in the Mandarin language, as spoken in Peking.” Once more, the novel was primarily seen as a tool and was not dealt with as a novel.

1846年，英国驻宁波使馆领事馆领事罗伯聃（Robert Thom）选译了第六回的一些片段，作为他的学生教学用书。 1855年，他出版了其修订版， 作为汉语言和北京方言的教科书。这部小说再度被视为语言工具而非艺术小说。

In 1849, Samuel Wells Williams referred to the novel but only stated that Dream did not violate decency.

1849年，卫三畏（Samuel Wells Williams）在其《中国总论》中曾提及这部小说，但只是宣称《红楼梦》并没有偏离这种趋势。

Back in Germany, in 1853 Karl Marx called the Chinese “half barbarian.” In 1854 he named China “palladium of ur-reactionism and ur-conservatism” and in the 1860s he called China a “living fossil.”

早在1853的德国，卡尔马克思（Karl Marx）称中国为“半野蛮人”。 1854年他称中国为“最原始的极端保守主义”， 并在1860年代，称为中国的“活化石”。

In 1857, Reverend Joseph Edkins used the “Dream of the Red Chamber” as an example of “purest Mandarin” in his grammar book.

1857年牧师艾约瑟（Joseph Edkins）将《红楼梦》作为最纯粹的汉语典范收录进他的语法著作。

In 1867, 78 years after the first Chinese printed edition, we find a first real in-depth review of two pages by William Frederick Mayers:

1867年，距第一版《红楼梦》出现78年后，我们终于在梅辉立（William Frederick Mayers）不到两页纸长度的评论中第一次发现对《红楼梦》真正深层次的评鉴。

<1867 Review 6 Mayers>

<1867年第6评论，梅辉立著>

“If it be lawful to avow a feeling approaching to enthusiasm for any Chinese production, The Hung Low Mêng 紅樓夢 or ‘Dreams of the Red Chamber’ is beyond possibility of cavil the work for which genuine admiration may be expressed. What, in English literature, the writings of Thackeray and Bulwer are in comparison with the wearisome and unskilful productions of previous generations, such is the Hung Low Mêng when compared with the works of fiction that have emanated from other Chinese authors. Human character in its complex variety of shades, the intricacies of family relations, the force of passion and the torture of disappointed yearnings after love are pourtrayed with a degree of skill and knowledge such as in truth suggests a resemblance with the two great master-spirits of English romance; whilst, as in Nature's own drama of existence, the reflections of storm and sunshine are closely interlaced, and the lighter thread of comedy runs side by side with the dark main-strand of a story which opens with the omens of sorrow and is conducted to a tearful end. If, at the same time, a faint – a very faint – tinge of the supernatural is allowed to show itself in the conception of the tale, this is not only in full accord with the inclinations of the people for whom the work is written, but is also far less obtrusive than the similar element which pervades more than one of our own most celebrated fictions. […]”

如果允许公开谈论对接触中国作品后的热情感觉，《红楼梦》是超越吹毛求疵而真正可被表示钦佩的作品。在英国文学中，威廉•梅克比斯•萨克雷（William Makepeace Thackeray）和愛德華•喬治•布爾沃-利頓（Sir Edward George Bulwer-Lytton）的著作经常与前一时期那些乏味和不纯熟的作品做比较，《红楼梦》也经常与那个时期其他作者所创作的小说做比较。人物的性格的复杂色系、家庭关系错综复杂、激情的力量和渴望爱情失败之后的折磨都通过特定程度的技巧和背景知识倾泻而出，而这样的事实表明了《红楼梦》与英国浪漫精神两大主题相似性。同时，戏剧存在的本身属性，戏剧矛盾的暴风骤雨和阳光明媚密集交错，戏剧发展的明线与暗线，打开了悲伤的预兆，并以泪眼朦胧结束。而如果在同一时间，淡淡的——一种淡淡的、非常微弱超自然的色彩，也可以彰显出在故事本身的梗概，这不仅完全符合西方创作的写作倾向，而且，情节的突兀也远远低于与之相似的西方著名的小说。

Mayers seems to have overcome the ethnocentric viewpoint. He did not exploit the novel, but dealt with Dream itself, outlined some of its characteristics, like the “complex variety of shades” of human character, and compared it to the great master-spirits of English romantic literature. This review is from a dialectical viewpoint.

梅辉立（Mayers）似乎已经克服了民族主义文学观的狭见，但他并没有深入分析这部小说，只是就《红楼梦》文本本身就事论事，并简单罗列出它的某些特性，如复杂多样的人物性格差异。并把它与一些英国浪漫主义杰作做比较。他的评论是一种辩证的文学观。

In 1868-1869 Edward Charles Bowra’s translation of the first 8 chapters was published in The China Magazine. Its editor C. Langdon Davies judged:

1868年至1869年包腊的前八回译本发表于《中国杂志》， 它的编辑兰登.戴维斯（C. Langdon Davies）评价道：

<1868 Review 7 Langdon Davies>

<1868年第7评论，兰登.戴维斯著>

“A novel which holds perhaps the highest place amongst Chinese Romances. […] Do not think that because a novel is Chinese it must necessarily be grotesque and clumsy.” The writing style of all Chinese writers he described as “dragon-style,” meaning ‘mythological’. After shortly describing mythological writing about Confucius and some romantic scenes from “Yuk Kiu Si [probably《玉娇梨》, M.W.]“, he continued:

这部小说在中国浪漫文学中占据最高地位，…不要因为它是一部中国的小说，就认为它是笨拙和丑陋的，中国小说的描写风格被描述为“朦胧”，这意味着神秘而隐晦，接着他以儒家经典和小说《玉娇梨》中的几个浪漫场景为例，简短的介绍了这种隐晦的写作方式。他接着写道：

“Of course, all such scenes and some of the adventures you are about to read are improbable, still, even in the English world, we do not meet with romantic episodes in every-day life. Love — even love after the Dragon pattern — will be lord of all. And observe, lastly, that there are three things these simple people venerate — Authority, Learning, and Old Age — no fourth. Wealthy ignorance is the constant butt of Chinese romancers, and it is the poor bachelor of arts who always carries off the pretty girl. In a money-worshipping age, this is refreshing.”

当然，所有这些场景和冒险，你都打算要阅读是不可能的，不过，即使在英语世界，我们并不满足于每日常生活的浪漫情节。爱 ，甚至朦胧的爱情都将被审视并各归所主。最后，有三样东西为这些简单的人所尊崇——权威、学识和资历，没有第四者。富有的无知者是中国罗曼者不断的笑柄，而贫穷的饱学之士总能带走漂亮的姑娘。在金钱崇拜的时代，这是令人耳目一新的。

His ethnocentric approach can be seen clearly with formulations like “simple people”.

他的种族主义的作风方法清楚的表露在某些阐述中，如：“简单的人”。

In 1868, Bret Harte gave a short summary of the novel and came to the judgement:

1868年，布勒特•哈特做出了一个简短的总结并形成了以下的判断：

<1868 Review 8 Harte>

<1868年第8评论，哈特著>

“the style of the work is so exceedingly prolix and minute as to be unendurable to the desultory reader […] it must be confessed that Chinese literature still cuts an awkward figure in the language of Shakespeare and Milton; something like Chinese paintings, admirable in detail, but alas, shocking to the taste formed on science and the rules of perspective […] Their antiquated literature has but little attraction for us, enriched as we are by the spoils of Greece and Rome, transfused into a discipline of thought and mental activity which Asia never knew. But it would be a mistake to despise any literature that can influence millions of minds, or solace millions of readers in a reading country. There may be conscientious delvers in the mines of thought, even in China. CONFUCIUS has already taken his place on our bookshelves, not very far from English philosophers; and who knows but ere long lesser lights from the land of Sinim may demand recognition in the broad arena of world-thought? […] While we have put every land, every nation, under contribution for material good, we shall not fail to share their stores of wisdom and beauty, locked up in strange tongues though they be. It is our boast to be the teachers of the world; we are young yet, and can still afford to learn of our elders.”

该作品的风格是如此异常的冗长，以致散漫的读者几乎每分钟都无法忍受……。但必须承认：削减了冗繁语言文字的中国文学仍然可以比肩莎士比亚和弥尔顿的作品。类似于中国绘画，但很可惜，中国文学虽然有着令人折服的细节处理，却没形成了令人震惊科学审美和规则视角。……他们陈旧的文学对我们来说没有什么吸引力，但作为战利品，却丰富了我们希腊和罗马文化而亚洲却从来不知道输进我们的思想和心理科学，融入我们的思想和心理活动，但亚洲人却从未知晓。但鄙视任何文学都将是一个错误，因为每种文学都能够影响和慰藉一国家内数以百万计的读者。甚至在中国，也有思想金矿有意识的传承者。孔子已经被我们摆上了书架，就在英国哲学家的不远的地方。谁知道在从希尼小灯的光亮相对微弱土地的前方也在呼唤着世界思想认知的广阔舞台呢？……虽然我们已经向每一块土地、每一个国家贡献了良好物质资料，我们也将于禁锢与陌生语言的人们分享他们所储存的智慧与美丽。这就是我们所鼓吹的要做世界的老师，虽然、我们还很年轻，仍然能够向长者学习。

This is yet another example of the ethnocentric viewpoint.

这是种族主义文学观另一个范例。

In 1871, an author in the American Quarterly Church Review quoted Schott’s division of Chinese novels into the historical, imaginative, and “domestic” classes, and assigned Dream to the domestic class: “Remusat says that Chinese novels resemble in their construction those of Richardson. In another respect they certainly call to mind those of Fielding and Smollett. This peculiarity is most noticeable in the case of short stories. An example of this class is the Hung Lau Mung, or “Dreams of the Red Chamber,” a very popular work. Novels of any considerable length are free from this objection. The domestic romances are usually a faithful mirror of Chinese family life. […] None of the books in this last subdivision are probably more than three hundred years old.” With his quotation of Remusat’s comparison to Richardson and his own comparison to Fielding and Smollett this author applied a dialectical viewpoint.

1871年，在《美国教会评论季刊》（American Quarterly Church Review）上，一位作者运用肖特（Schott）的中国小说三分法，即历史小说、魔幻小说、家庭伦理小说，将《红楼梦》归为家庭伦理小说。“雷米扎（Remusat）曾说中国小说在其结构特征上类似与理查森（Richardson）”，而在另外一方面又会使人想起菲尔丁（Fielding）和斯摩莱特（Smollett）的作品。这种特性在短篇小说中最为引人注目，例如《红楼梦》，一部非常流行的小说。当然，任何合理的篇幅在小说创作中可以自由裁定。而这部小说却忠实反映了中国的家庭生活。没有一部小说以这种不断分蘖的方式流传超过三百年。”

相对于雷米扎（Remusat）将《红楼梦》与理查森（Richardson）做比较，这位作者自己将《红楼梦》与菲尔丁（Fielding）和斯摩莱特（Smollett）的作品进行了比较，这是一种辩证的观点。 In 1876, Herbert A. Giles quoted, just as a “charming episode,” the scene from chapter 2 of Dream, where the infant Bao Yu chooses among the things spread before him not the bow, not the sword, nor the pen, but hair-pins, pearl-powder, rouge, and women’s head ornaments.

1876年，翟理思（Herbert A. Giles）节选了《红楼梦》第二回的一段“迷人的插曲”： 抓周时，尚在襁褓中的宝玉在摆于他前面的琳琅满目的物品中，所选的并非弓箭，亦或是笔墨，而是头针、珍珠粉、胭脂和妇女的头饰。

In 1882, an illustrated edition of an Italian translation entitled I sogni della camera rossa (The Dreams of the Red Chamber) was recommended as a “Romantic novel of much use for the studying of the Mandarin language.” The Italian reception obviously followed the English one in its exploitation of the novel; also, there was no extant Italian translation at that time.

1882年，一部题名为“I sogni della camera rossa”（The Dreams of the Red Chamber）的插图版意译本《红楼梦》作为“对汉语学习有很大帮助的浪漫小说而受到推荐。 意大利对于《红楼梦》的接受很显然是随着英文版深入探讨而进行的，另外，在那个时期，也没有什么传世的意译本。

In 1885, Herbert Allen Giles gave a talk in front of the Royal Asiatic Society as its president on “The Dream of the Red Chamber, - a Love Story,” later published as “The Hung Lou Mêng, commonly called The Dream of the Red Chamber,” almost in full length just summarizing the novel. Only in one small paragraph, does he judge the novel:

1865年，翟理思（Giles）作为英国皇家亚洲协会的主席发表了一个题“《红楼梦》 - 一个爱情故事”的演讲，随后以“The Hung Lou Mêng”的名字刊行，而非当时普遍的称呼是“The Dream of the Red Chamber”，这篇文稿几乎通篇幅都是对《红楼梦》内容梗概的总结， 只有很少的一节是对它的评论。

<1885 Review 9 Giles>

<1885年第9评论，翟理思著>

“As a panorama of Chinese social life, in which almost every imaginable feature is submitted in turn to the reader, the Dream of the Red Chamber is of the utmost value to the foreign student, and should be carefully studied by all who, for their sins, are condemned to penal servitude upon the written language of China.” The novel once more is seen as a tool and Giles’ words reveal an ethnocentric attitude.

作为中国社会生活的全景图，《红楼梦》向读者展示了几乎每一个可以想象的艺术形象。《红楼梦》对于外国学习者来说，是极其重要的，而所有的学习者注定因为他们本身的原罪而在汉语学习中经受苦役的折磨。 这部小说有一次被看成工具，翟理思的评论又一次揭示了一种种族主义的倾向。

In 1890, Carl Ahrendt used Dream as proof for the belief of some Chinese that marriages are made in heaven. In 1891, James Dyer Ball introduced the “Dream of the Red Chamber” as “another popular novel dealing with domestic life, but not moral in its tone.” In 1892-1893 Henry Bencraft Joly (1857-1898) published a translation of the first 56 chapters without judgment.

1890年，卡尔.阿伦特（Carl Ahrendt）将《红楼梦》视为中国传统前世姻缘理念的例证。 1891年，波乃耶（James Dyer Ball）将《红楼梦》作为一部家庭小说而非浪漫小说加以介绍。 1892年-1893年，赫•本克拉夫特•乔利（Henry Bencraft Joly）首次翻译出版了56回《红楼梦》，没有评论。

In 1900, Herbert Allen Giles describes the suicides of young Chinese female readers, which he saw as the reason for the banning of the book and its continuing sale. In the same year, Chester Holcombe, former acting Minister of the United States at Peking, assumed that Cao Xueqin (1715? -1764) was a member of the White Lily sect and that he made offensive references to the reigning family in it, but avoided having his novel banned by an ingenious substitution of false characters, words etc.

1900年，翟理思（Giles）描述了许多《红楼梦》的女性读者自杀的现象，他认为这是《红楼梦》遭禁毁而不断畅销的结果。 同年，切斯特•何尔康比（Chester Holcombe，中文名何天爵），前燕京大学的代理校长猜测：曹雪芹（1715? -1764）是白百合教派的成员，他对小说所涉及的家庭统治的进行了抨击，但为了他的小说免遭禁毁，他通过人物形象的虚构和诗词语言的运用，巧妙地实现了替代与转换。

In 1901, Herbert Allen Giles wrote in A History of Chinese Literature:

1901年翟理思(Giles)在《中国文学史》(A History of Chinese Literature)中写到：

<1901 Review 10 Giles> “As a panorama of Chinese social life, in which almost every imaginable feature is submitted in turn to the reader, it is altogether without a rival.”

<1901年第10评论，翟理思著>“作为中国社会生活的全景图，《红楼梦》向读者展示了几乎每一个可以想象的艺术形象，而且它在艺术上一直毫无敌手。”

An anonymous review on the book in the same year also introduced Dream: “Of all their novels the most famous is The Dream of the Red Chamber, which was written rather more than two hundred years ago. It has enjoyed, and continues to enjoy, an extraordinary popularity. It is terribly long, consisting of about four thousand pages.”

同年，一则关于这本书的匿名评论写道：“在他们所有的小说中，《红楼梦》是最著名的作品，她创作于大约两百多年前，他已经而且将继续为超凡的大众所喜爱。它相当长，约有四千多页。”

With a critical attitude towards Chinese literature, the German sinologist Wilhelm Grube in 1902 in his History of Chinese Literature praised Chinese culture for the Confucian aim of moral self-improvement, but he criticized the abdication of the quest for knowledge and truth and the abdication of a Faustian overview which belonged to it.

至于在这个时期文学批评对中国文学的态度倾向，德国汉学家顾路柏（Wilhelm Grube）在1902年他的《中国文学史》（Geschichte der chinesischen Litteratur）中，赞扬了中国文化中儒家文化的道德自我完善，而批评中国文化“放弃对知识和真理的深沉探寻和缺乏浮士德式的反思和拷问”。

However, he was full of praise for Dream in comparison to Chinese novels of manners and novel literature as a whole. Wilhelm Grube stated:

然而，在他将中国世俗小说和中国小说文学作为一个整体与《红楼梦》相比较时，却对《红楼梦》赞不绝口。顾路柏(Grube)说道：

<1902 Review 11 Grube> “Among the [Chinese] novels of manners both the Kin P’ing Mei and the Dream in the red chamber rank top.” “[Dream] belongs undisputedly to the noblest creation of Chinese novel literature”.

<1902年第11评论，顾路柏著>“在所有的中国世俗小说中，《金瓶梅》和《红楼梦》居于上品。” “《红楼梦》毫无疑问的是中国小说文学中最高贵的作品。”

Within China, in 1904 Wang Guowei, like the later reformers, saw in Dream a sample for the future Chinese novel, but mostly for the formal reason that it was partly written in Peking dialect.

1904年，在中国王国维像中国近代其他的改革者一样，将《红楼梦》视为中国未来小说的典范，但绝大部分表面上的原因是它是用北京方言写作的。

In 1904, Chang Yow Tong in an American journal introduced the class of “novels of love and romance” and critiqued Dream: 1904年昌佑堂在一份美国的杂志上介绍爱情小说类型，批评《红楼梦》：

<1904 Review 12 Tong> “ ‘Dreams of the Red Chamber’ […] is considered a work as touching the highest point of development reached by the Chinese novel. This class of novels forms the favorite reading of the women of the upper class.”

<1904年第12评论，昌佑堂著> “《红楼梦》被认为是达到中国小说发展顶峰的作品，这类小说形式尤其为社会上层妇女所喜爱。”

In 1906, Charles J. H. Halcombe judged: “‘The Dream of the Red Chamber,’ which deals with domestic life, is certainly the most celebrated novel, though its tone is not always moral, being somewhat after the style of the ‘Decameron.’”

1906年，夏金(Charles J. H. Halcombe)评价道：《红楼梦》无疑是最著名的小说，它涉及的是家庭生活，尽管在笔调风格上也不尽洁净，并与《十日谈》(Decameron)在风格上有点类似。

On January 18, 1908, J. R. C. stated:

1908年一月八日，J. R. C.提到：

“The ‘Hung Lou Meng’ or ‘Dream of the Red Chamber,’ is, by modern critics, placed alone in the front rank of Chinese fiction. […] it extends to 24 volumes, and though the author is uncertain, the date is placed by native scholars in the seventeenth century. Considering its huge length the plot is well constructed and the characterisation skilful. Parts of it afford pleasant reading, and the whole presents aspects of Chinese social and domestic relations, and Chinese points of view on many debatable subjects, as these could never be extracted from any set volume of essays or ethics, or from many conversations with the frankest of natives.”

《红楼梦》（The “Hung Lou Meng” or “Dream of the Red Chamber,”）被现代文学批评单独置于中国小说最高成就的小说，它共有24卷，尽管它的作者并不确定，鉴于它的巨大篇幅和严谨的结构以及熟练的人物性格塑造，它的问世时间已被本国学者确定为17世纪。当它一方面为读者提供阅读的愉悦时，也给读者全面展示了社会万象、家庭伦理和中国社会的焦点议题，而这些都无法在任何的随笔、抒情文学和最坦诚的社会争论抽象提炼出来。

However, there were still ethnocentric receptions: In 1912, Isaac Taylor Headland argued that “Chinese novels are too realistic;” the authors had “no idea of omitting the unmentionable things of life.”

然而，仍有一些种族主义的文学接受：1912年，传教士何德兰(Isaac Taylor Headland)就争论到：中国的小说太过现实，它的作者没有这样的创作观念，即忽略一些不值一提的生活琐碎细节。

“The ‘Hung Lou Meng’ or Dream of the Red Chamber, is one of their largest and best novels, and describes Chinese life better than any but a Chinese could describe it, and has been read by more people, I have no doubt, than any other novel in the world. But it would be impossible to think of reading it in a mixed company.”

“《红楼梦》是中国篇幅最长和最著名的小说，它描述了超过任何一个中国人所能描述的社会生活，并且为众多的读者所阅读，我并不否认它是世界上最好的小说，但当我们想阅读它却像进入了错综复杂的更衣室，这是不可能激起阅读的欲望的。”

In 1916, Herbert Allen Giles reported on the suicides of young female readers he heard from. This is on the one hand exoticism, since real proofs were hard to find, on the other hand it makes this phenomenon comparable to the myth of “dangerous reading,” which was well known from Goethe’s Werther.

1916年，翟理思(Giles)报道了他所听闻的年轻的女性读者自杀事件。 这也成为异国情调的一方面，尽管确凿的证据已经很难找到。另一方面，又造成一种现象，将这种神秘的“自杀阅读”做类比，如将《红楼梦》与歌德作品中众所周知的维特做比较。

In 1917, Herbert Henry Gowen gave the novel a close relationship to secret orders: “It is worth noting that there was an extensive employment of literature to further the aims of these secret orders. Especially was this the case with novels. ‘The Dream of the Red Chamber’ is a work of this character, one of the most widely read novels in all Chinese literature.”

1917年，赫伯特.亨利.戈温（Herbert Henry Gowen）将小说与密令紧密联系：“值得注意的是，在广泛的专业文学作品都存在更深远意义的密令，小说尤其如此。《红楼梦》——一部中国最广泛接受的小说——就具有这样的品质。”

In 1919, Arthur W. Cornaby contributed a study on the background of Dream, reporting conspiracy theories. This was commented on and further elaborated by Samuel Couling in 1920.

1919年亚瑟•柯纳培（Arthur W. Cornaby）研究了《红楼梦》的背影，里面也提到阴谋理论。 1920年库寿龄（Samuel Couling）批评了柯纳培的论文，也进行了这一方面更深一步的研究。

In 1920, a pantomime adapted from “our well-known novel, ‘Dream of the Red Chamber’” was performed by Chinese students from Massachusetts Institute of Technology at Symphony Hall, Boston, for the American public.

1920年，波士顿的中国留学生在麻省理工学院的交响音乐厅为美国民众表演了改编自“著名小说《红楼梦》”的一部哑剧。

In 1921, Hu Shi published a new edition and a lot of new findings on the novel. For example, he ended the discussion about the author and declared Cao Xueqin to be the author of the first 80 chapters [which had been seen already by Wilhelm Grube in 1902].

1921年，胡适出版了新版的《红楼梦》，并有许多新发现。其中一个例子，就是他结束了对《红楼梦》作者的争论，并确定曹雪芹是《红楼梦》前八十回的作者。（此版本格顾路柏(Grube)在1902年曾见过）

In 1921, a certain “Mr. Wu” used Dream together with Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio as examples for the broad range of Chinese language, protesting against thoughts to abandon the Chinese language.

1921年，一位“吴先生”将《红楼梦》和《聊斋志异》一起作为广泛中国文学中反驳遗弃贬低汉语思想最能为有利的证据。

In his 1922 History of Chinese Literature Eduard Erkes judged:

1922年，爱德华•埃尔克斯(Eduard Erkes)在其《中国文学》(Chinesische Literatur) 中评价到：

<1922 Review 13 Erkes>

<1922年第13评论，埃尔克斯著>

“Next to the historic novels, the most outstanding achievements of Chinese popular literature are the social novels. Only in recent centuries have the most important works been created, such as the Kin-p'ing-mei, the famous realistic Ming dynasty novel of manners, and the Hung-lou-meng, a dream of power and wealth (literally ‘the dream of the red tower’). It is from Ts'ing time, probably from the late 17th Century. It is a peculiar mixture of realism and fantasy, of a social-erotic and religious-mystical description, very similar to our modern novels. Works of Chinese novel literature in general are of a remarkable similarity to our modern novels.”

“相对于历史小说来说，中国通俗文学最杰出的成就是社会小说，而且仅仅近几个世纪就诞生了许多重要作品，例如明代最著名的现实主义世俗小说《金瓶梅》和一部财富和权力的迷梦——《红楼梦》。《红楼梦》诞生于清代，大约在17世纪末叶，它是一部糅合了现实与幻想、社会色情和宗教神秘的特殊的混合小说，与现代小说的结构样式非常相似。总体来说，中文小说文学作品与我们的现代小说有着惊人的相似。”

This comparison reminds us of Goethe’s statement about the comparability of Chinese novels to Western ones and shows the spirit of a dialectical approach. How could Erkes associate the term “modern” with a novel which had been written mostly 160-170 years ago? This might have been a result of the intention in China since 1908, intensified since 1917, to exploit Dream as a flagship of the new literature. Of course the colloquial novel is more modern than earlier literature written in premodern Chinese.

这种比较使我们联想起歌德对中国文学与西方文学所作的比较，其中显示了一个辩证法的精神。埃尔克斯为什么会将“现代”这个词眼与写作于大约一百六七十年前的作品相联系呢？这可能是中国文学界努力将《红楼梦》打造成为新文学旗舰的结果。这一运动发端自1908年，而到了1917年以后愈演愈烈。当然，也有白话文比文言文更加现代的原因。

In 1925, Florence Wheelock Ayscough used Dream for his essay on the Chinese garden.

1925年，弗洛伦思•艾思柯（Florence Wheelock Ayscough）利用《红楼梦》来描述他随笔中的中国园林。

<1926 Review 14 Ayscough>

<1926年第14评论，艾思柯著>

“Probably the most famous and vivid description of a Chinese Garden is the one contained in that popular novel Hung Lou Mêng, or Dream of the Red Chamber. This tale, written in one hundred and twenty chapters, deals with the history of a wealthy family named Chia […]. The story […] gives a marvellous insight into Chinese domestic life […]”

“或许，对中国园林最著名和最栩栩如生的描述是《红楼梦》这部通俗小说一个重要内容。这部小说有120回，讲述的是一个贾姓富裕官宦家庭的历史。这部小说提供了一个深入透视中国家庭生活的途径。”

In 1926, Richard Wilhelm in his The Chinese Literature judged:

1926年，卫礼贤（Richard Wilhelm）在其《中国文学》（Die chinesische Literatur） 中评价道：

<1926 Review 15 Wilhelm>

<1926年第15评论，卫礼贤著>

“From the novels of the second period, the 18th century, the most outstanding are the Ju Lin Wai Schï (the Scholars) and the Hung Lou Meng (Dream of glory and happiness, literally, the dream of the red castle). The author of the Hung Lou Meng is Ts'ao Tschan (Hsüo K'in). […] the novel by Ts'ao Tschan is so pathetic, because it is an autobiographical novel of the kind of Green Henry.”

“在小说发展的第二个阶段，也就是18世纪，最杰出的小说是《儒林外史》（翻为《Die Gelehrten》）和《红楼梦》（翻为《幸福与财富之梦》（der Traum von Herrlichkeit und Glück）直译为《红城堡之梦》（der Traum des roten Schlosses）它的作者是曹霑（曹雪芹），这部小说相当的悲怆，因为它是一部绿亨利式的自传体小说。”

In 1927, Franz Kuhn started his translation of the “Red Tower” and judged in a letter to his press editor Anton Kippenberg:

1927年，弗兰茨•库恩（Franz Kuhn）开始了他的译著《红塔》（Roter Turm），并且在一封写给出版编辑安东.基彭贝格（Anton Kippenberg）的信中评价道：

<1927 Review 16 Kuhn> “The work on the novel requires special care because it is virgin territory for Western science. ... I am burning […] to get behind the secrets of the ‘Red Tower’ […]. This is in fact a huge and rewarding task worthy of the sweat of the noble.”

<1927年第16评论，库恩著>“关于这部小说的工作需要特别关心，因为它是西方科学的处女地……我沸腾了，但我找出以藏在《红楼梦》背后的秘密……这是一个巨大的任务和奖励的高贵，其实值得为此付出汗水。”

In 1928, The Week in China judges in its entry under “Dream of the Red Chamber”:

1928年，《中国一周》在其条目中也对《红楼梦》做了积极的评价。

<1928 Review 17 Anon.>“the greatest contribution of the period [of the Ching Dynasty, M.W.] to Chinese literature is The Dream of the Red Chamber, one of the greatest love stories of all times.”

<1927年第17评论，安东著>“清代对中国文学史最大的贡献就是其间出现了《红楼梦》，一部在任何时代都堪称最伟大的爱情小说。”

In 1929, we have an in-depth analysis of the novel by Arthur Waley in his preface to Wang Chi-cheng’s abridged translation.

1929年，在王际真删节版的《红楼梦》译本的序里，我们拥有了威利（Arthur Waley）对《红楼梦》深入的分析。

<1929 Review 18 Waley> “The Dream of the Red Chamber contains some of the most profoundly moving passages in literature […]

<1928年第18评论，威利著>“《红楼梦》包含文学中最感人肺腑的一些段落”

Waley introduced the traditional low value of fiction in China, the influence of storytellers on the composition of Dream, the position of Dream among the other famous Chinese novels and the autobiographic and hence realistic background.

The translator Wang Chi-chen judged in the “Introduction” of the same edition:

威利介绍了中国传统低价值小说、说书艺术对《红楼梦》形成的影响、《红楼梦》在中国小说中的位置以及《红楼梦》的自传性质及其现实背景。

翻译者王际真在〈介绍〉中的评价也在同一版内。

<1929 Review 19 Wang>

“[…] is generally considered the greatest Chinese novel ever written. […] It was perhaps the first realistic Chinese novel. It was certainly the first novel which broke away from the traditional happy ending. […] It is frankly […] an autobiographical novel […] and as such it is unique in the history of the Chinese novel.”

<1929年第19评论，王际真著>

“它被看作是最伟大的中文小说。他可能是中国第一步真正意义上的现实小说，在一定程度上来说，它首次打破了传统小说的大团圆结局，它还是真正的自传体小说，并且正因为如此，它在中国小说史上是独一无二的。”

In 1930, Harry Clemons recommends the novel to the Western reader for ‘slowing down.’ He said of Dream:

1930年，克乃文（Harry Clemons）推荐西方读者要慢速咀嚼《红楼梦》，他说到：

<1930 Review 20 Clemons>

<1930年第20评论，克乃文著>

“Of course no mere summary can be just to the extraordinary content of such a realistic and diversified story of Chinese family life as ‘The Dream of the Red Chamber’ presents within its strange setting. This is a great novel. With ‘The Three Kingdoms’ it ranks foremost among the novels of the old Chinese literature. The characters and the incidents of these two tales are as familiar to one quarter of the world's population as are the characters and incidents of ‘David Copperfield’ and ‘Les Miserables’ to the peoples of the West. It would be difficult to exaggerate the effect which these two novels, through the printed page and the voices of the professional storytellers, have had upon Chinese life for many generations. […] At any rate the effort to read ‘The Dream of the Red Chamber’ is eminently worth making.“

“当然，没有一部小说可以像《红楼梦》一样，用自己所呈现的独特结构，恰如其分的概括和展示了异常丰富的中国社会现实和纷繁复杂的中国家庭生活。它是一部伟大的小说。他与《三国演义》一起，置身于中国古典小说的最重要地位。这两部小说的人物形象和故事事件为世界四分之一的人们耳熟能详，就如同西方读者同样熟悉《大卫•科波菲尔》和《悲惨世界》的人物、事件一样。历经几代人的时间，透过书面印刷和专业说书艺术的流传，这两部小说的所产生的影响很难被夸大。显然，做出任何努力去阅读《红楼梦》都是值得的。”

With this review in 1930 we finally have reached a stage of dialectical approach of Western reception to Dream and Chinese literature in general. Shortly after that, Dream was translated in all major languages. Since the 1950s, the Western scholars joined the Chinese Hongxue in writing book-length studies about the novel.

从1930年评论中，我们最终总体上了解了西方对于《红楼梦》和中国文学辩证接收的过程。不久之后，《红楼梦》被翻译成几乎所有的重要语言。从上个世纪的50年代起，西方学者也加入了对小说篇幅的研究。

Conclusion

We first must credit pioneers like J. Davis, who not only tried to systematize Chinese poetry with examples from the Red Chamber Dreams, but also sent the first translations of the novel out in the world and made it known in America and Europe just a decade after it has been published in China. Some sinologists used the story simply as a good example for learning Chinese (Morrison, Thom).

结论

我们首先必须向先驱们致敬，如约翰•戴维斯（J. Davis）爵士。他不仅以《红楼梦》为范例系统研究了中国诗歌，而且第一次将《红楼梦》翻译并传出中国，使欧美的读者在《红楼梦》传世后的几十年，就可以阅读和了解《红楼梦》。一些汉学家则将《红楼梦》作为汉语学习的范例典范如马礼逊（Morrison）和罗伯聃（Thom）） 。

One can conclude that the Red Chamber Dreams transported a differentiated image of China, of fashion, of hair and clothes (Barrow, Bruguière, Goldsmith), of human relations (Goldsmith), and of a highly developed language. In this language, some poetical expressions were only understandable to those who had a broad knowledge of Chinese culture. The finesse of the differentiated use of the dialects according to the respective characters in the novel was simply overlooked (Morrison, Gützlaff, Thom) and only discovered much later.

有一点可以定论的是：《红楼梦》传播了一种差异化的中国形象、时尚、头饰与服饰（巴罗（Barrow），布鲁盖尔（Bruguière），戈德史密斯（Goldsmith））、人际关系（戈德史密斯（Goldsmith））以及高度发达的语言。在这种语言中，一些诗意的表达只能为那些具有广博中国文化背景知识的人所能接受。而运用差异化的语音以及其与人物所代表的形象相适应的技巧却被忽视（马礼逊（Morrison），郭士立（Gützlaff），罗伯聃（Thom）），仅仅在后来才被发现。

The first phase of the Western reception was ethnocentric, partially due to the China-bashing of philosophers like Montesquieu, Herder, Hegel and to the imperialist spirit of contemporary Europe. The judgments on the novel are mostly driven by argumentation strategies; that is, the novel is used as a tool to prove one’s own existing attitudes. The novel is exploited to argue for:

西方接受《红楼梦》的最初可以用种族主义概括，这是部分归因于孟德斯鸠（Montesquieu），赫尔德（Herder），黑格尔（Hegel）等哲学家对中国炮轰式的批评和当代欧洲帝国主义的泛滥。对于小说的评价策源于其论证的策略；也就是说，小说只是论证自己业已存在的看法的工具。这部小说被用来论证：

- exoticism (J. Davis, Barrow, Bruguière)

——异国情调（约翰•戴维斯（J. Davis），巴罗（Barrow），布鲁盖尔（Bruguière））

- the inferiority of Chinese literature (Gützlaff, Langdon Davies, Harte, Giles, Headland)

——中国文学的低级（郭士立（Gützlaff），兰登•戴维斯（Langdon Davies），哈特（Harte），翟理思（Giles），何德兰（Headland））

- polarization by confronting opposite conceptions like ideal of beauty etc. (Goldsmith)

——面对理想与美丽对立面的极化（戈德史密斯（Goldsmith））

- a self-made categorization of Chinese poetry (J. Davis)

——中国诗歌的自制分类（约翰•戴维斯（J. Davis））

In this beginning phase, most comparisons were done within Chinese literature (Gützlaff: best of Chinese literature but inferior to Western literature, later: best of Chinese literature).

在开始阶段，最多的比较是在中文体系内完成的（郭士立（Gützlaff）：中国最好的小说但逊色于西方文学，后来：最好的中国文学作品。）

However, when Herder revised his China perception, and when the still inadequate perception of China called for a more differentiated image, the first translated extracts of this rich novel of manners helped to change the perception of China.

然而，当赫尔德修正了他对中国的看法，并且当这种不充分的看法仍然召唤更多更差异化的图景时，这部内容丰富的世俗小说的早期节译本帮助改变了对中国文学的看法。

Finally Dream was compared to Western literature (Erkes, Wilhelm), was enshrined in the temple of world literature and was assigned attributes that added value to the Western reading experience (Clemons: “slowing down”).

最后，《红楼梦》与西方文学作比较，（埃尔克斯（Erkes），顾路柏（Wilhelm））并被载入世界文学的殿堂，丰富和增加了的西方阅读体验（克乃文（Clemons）：“减速”）。

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• Morrison 1815, Robert Morrison: A Dictionary of the Chinese language in three parts, Macao: East India Company Press 1815, vol. I., 930 pp., here p. 614, left column
• Morrison 1817, Robert Morrison, A view of China for philological purposes: containing a sketch of Chinese Chronology, Geography, Government, Religion & Customs, designed for the use of persons who study the Chinese language, Macao: East Asia Company Press, 1817, 141 pp., here pp. 120-121
• Shu 1995, Shu Changshan, Die Rezeption Thomas Manns in China, 1995, Frankfurt: Lang, 326 pp
• Tong 2006, Tong Yao, Die Vielfältigkeit der Literatur, 2006
• Cordier 1906-1907, Henri Cordier: Bibliotheca Sinica, Dictionnaire bibliographique des ouvrages relatifs a l'empire Chinois, Paris, 1906/1907, vol. 3, col. 1792
• Davis, J. 1817, John Francis Davis: Lao-seng-eul [老生兒], or an heir in his old age, Canton: East India Company Press 1815; London 1817
• Davis, J. 1822, John Francis Davis: Chinese novels, translated from the originals, London: John Muray 1822 [including The Shadow in the water, The Twin Sisters, The Three Dedicated Chambers]; «Han-koung-tsew, or the sorrows of Han», London 1829; and a lot of poems, like Que-chao, The Robber-Bird etc. in his essay on Chinese poetry 1829
• Barrow 1819, John Barrow, “Art. IV Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that Country, in the Years 1816 and 1817; containing an Account of the most interesting Transactions of Lord Amherst's Embassy to the Court of Pekin, and Observations on the Countries which it visited. By Clarke Abel F.L.S. London 1818”, in: William Gifford ed., Quarterly Review 21:41 (January 1819) pp. 67-91, here pp. 79-80
• Gentleman's Magazine (Mar. 1844), 246-47, see “Quarterly Review Archive” http:// www.rc.umd.edu/reference/qr/index/41.html, last visited Dec 5, 2010.
• Abel 1818, Clarke Abel, Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that Country, in the Years 1816 and 1817; containing an Account of the most interesting Transactions of Lord Amherst's Embassy to the Court of Pekin, and Observations on the Countries which it visited, F.L.S. London 1818.
• Bruguière 1819, Antoine-André Bruguière, »Avant-propos du traducteur francais«, in: John Francis Davis, Antoine-André Bruguière, Lao-seng-eul, pp. 141-164, here pp. 150-151, 1819
• Schelling 1943, Schelling, Friedrich W., Philosophie der Mythologie. Zweites Buch. Die Myhtologie. Schellings Werke, nach der Originalausgabe in neuer Anordnung, 1943 edition, p. 400.
• Davis 1829, John Francis Davis: “On the Poetry of the Chinese“, Royal Asiatic Society, 2.5.1829, published in: “On the Poetry of the Chinese”, Museum of foreign literature and science, vol. 15 (1829), 574 pp., here pp. 366-372 [without the Chinese characters]
• Davis 1830, John Francis Davis, “XXI. 漢文詩解. Poeseos Sinensis Commentarii/On the Poetry of the Chinese”, in: Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2 (1830), pp. 393-461, doi:10.1017/S0950473700000525, esp. p. 440. Reprint: Peoseos Sinicae Commentarii, London: Asher & Co. 1870
• André 2007, James St. André, “The Development of British Sinology and Changes in Translation Practice: The Case of Sir John Francis Davis (1795-1890)”, in Translation and Interpreting Studies 2007
• Perlmutter 1965, Perlmutter, Howard V.: “L’entreprise internationale – Trois conceptions”, in Revue Economique et Sociale (Mai 1965) 151-165
• Perlmutter 1969, Perlmutter, Howard V.: The Tortuous Evolution of Multinational Enterprises. In: Columbia Journal of World Business. 1969, issue 1, pp. 9–18
• Yoshikawa 1987, Yoshikawa, Muneo: “The Double-Swing Model of Cross-cultural Communication between the East and the West”, in: Kincaid L., ed., Communication Theory: Eastern and Western Perspectives, New York: Academic Press 1987, pp. 319-329.
• Goldsmith 1837, Oliver Goldsmith, The miscellaneous works of Oliver Goldsmith, in: Public Ledger 1760-1762, as a book London: John Murray 1837, vol. II, 551 S., here p. 158
• Коваńко / Kovańko 1841-1843, А. И. Коваńко / A. I. Kovańko, [Excerpt], in: Otečestvennye Zapiski (Notes from Peking) 1841-1843, reprinted in German translation in Das Ausland
• Walravens 2002, Von Rußland über die Mongolei nach China. Berichte aus dem frühen 19. Jh., hrsg. v. H. Walravens. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 2002, S.125 ff., hier S. XII-XIV.
• Samuel Kidd 1841, China: or, Illustrations of the symbola, philosophy, antiquities, customs, superstitions, laws, government, education, and literature of the Chinese, London: Taylor & Walton, 1841, 403 pp., p. 358
• “Yin Seaou Low, or The Lost Child. A Chinese tale”, in: Asiatic Journal, May-Aug 1841, London: Wm. H. Allen and Co., p. 33. Reprinted in: The American Eclectic or Selections from the Periodical Literature of all foreign Countries, New York: W. R. Peters / London: Wiley & Putnam 1841, p. 319.
• Gützlaff 1842, “《紅樓夢》Hung Lau Mung, or Dream in the Red Chamber; a novel. 20 vols. Noticed by a Correspondent”, in: 《中國叢刊》 Chinese Repository, issue 11 (1842) pp. 266-273.
• Thom 1846, Robert Thom 羅伯聃, “Extract from the Hung-low-mung, chapter VI”, in: Robert Thom, 《正音撮要》 The Chinese speaker. Extracts from works written in the Mandarin language, as spoken at Peking. Compiled for the use of students, by Robert Thom, Esq., H. M. Consul at Ningpo. Part I, Ningpo: Presbyterian Mission Press 1846, pp. 62-89
• Thom 1855, Robert Thom: “Reminescences of Eastern Travel,” in Macphail's Edinburgh ecclesiastical journal and literary review, vol. xix, Edinburgh: Myles MacPhail, 11 South St David Street; London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co. 1855, pp. 14-19
• Williams 1849, Samuel Wells Williams, The Middle Kingdom, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons 1849, pp. 564.
• Marx 1853, Karl Marx, „Die Revolution in China und Europa“, in: Marx Engels Werke, vol. 9, Berlin 1972, pp. 95-102, here p. 97, vol. 10, Berlin 1961, p. 552, vol. 15, Berlin 1974, pp. 514-516, here p. 514 [Written 1853.]

Edkins 1857, Rev. Joseph Edkins, A grammar of the Chinese colloquial language, commonly called the Mandarin dialect, (1857) ²1864, 279 pp., pp. 275-277, p. 97

• Mayer 1867, William Frederick Mayers, in: Notes and Queries (Dec 31, 1867) pp. 167-168, here p. 167
• Bowra 1868-1869, Edward Charles Bowra 1868-1869, in: The China Magazine, Christmas issue 1868, pp. 1,3,33,65,97,128 / 1869 pp.1,3,65, Shanghai, partly available at http://etext.virginia.edu/chinese/HLM/CaoDrea.html, last visited Dec 5, 2010. Bowra’s translation incorporates the translation of the poem by J. F. Davis.
• Davies 1868, C. Langdon Davies “editorial introduction”, in: The China Magazine, Hong Kong: Noronha & Sons, 1868-1870, here 1868, p. 213-214
• Harte 1868, Bret Harte, “A leaf from a Chinese novel”, in: The Overland Monthly, San Francisco A. Roman & Co. July 1868, vol. I, pp. 95-98.
• Anon., “Chinese literature”, in The American Quarterly Church review, vol. xxiii April 1871, no. 1, p. 424
• Giles 1876, Herbert Allen Giles, “Predestination”, in: Chinese Sketches, London: Trübner & Co. / Shanghai: Kelly & Co. 1876, 204 pp., p. 166-167.
• Studii ... 1882, Studii Orientali - Nuova Serie, 1882, p. 139.
• Bovero et al. 1958, II Sogno della Camera rossa, Tsao Chan, trans. Clara Bovero / Carla Pirrone Ricco, Torino: Einaudi, 1958, xxx, 692 pp., with 27 illustrations by Gai Qi, reprinted 1959, 1982, 1994, 1995, 2006 (with the subtitle “Romanzo cinese del XVIII secolo”), 721 pp. (A translation of Franz Kuhn’s German translation into Italian).
• Giles 1885, Herbert Allen Giles, “The Hung Lou Mêng 紅樓夢, commonly called The Dream of the Red Chamber”, in: Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xx, no. 1 (1885), pp. 1-23, 52, Shanghai; reprinted as Gems of Chinese Literature, Shanghai, 1884 / London : Bernard & Quaritch; reprinted as “The Hung Lou Méng, or Dream of the Red Chamber”, in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Cambridge University Press for the Royal Asiatic Society, 1886, S. lxiv; the note of p. 52 was reprinted in 通報 T’oung Pao, Leiden: Brill 1894, p. 102
• Ahrendt 1890, Carl Ahrendt, “Stray Notes”, in: J. H. Stewart Lockhart, “The marriage ceremonies of the Manchus”, in: Folk-Lore. A quarterly review of myth, tradition, institution, & custom, vol. I, London: Nutt, 1890, pp. 481-492, here p. 490
• Ball 1891, James Dyer Ball, Things Chinese: being notes on various subjects connected with China, London: Sampson Low, Marston & Co. (1891) ³1900, 666 pp., p. 348, the quote in this paper comes from the 3rd edition
• Joly 1892-1893, Henry Bencraft Joly, Hung lou mêng, or The Dream of the Red Chamber, a Chinese novel, vol. 1 Kelly & Walsh, Hong Kong 1892, vol. 2 Typographia commercial, Macao 1893. http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/c/cao_xueqin/c2359h/complete.html, last visited Dec 5, 2010
• Ahrendt, Carl Ahrendt: “The marriage ceremonies of the Manchus”, in: Folk-Lore. A quarterly review of myth, tradition, institution, & custom, vol. I, London: Nutt, 1890, pp. 481-492, here p. 490
• Giles 1900, Herbert Allen Giles, A glossary of reference on subjects connected with the Far East, 1900, pp. 127-128.
• Holcombe 1900, Chester Holcombe, The real Chinese question, New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1900, 386 pp., p. 109
• Giles 1901, Herbert Allen Giles, A History of Chinese Literature, London: W. Heinemann 1901, 448 pp.
• Anonymous, The Oxford Magazine. A Weekly Newspaper and Magazine, vol. xix no. 16, March 13, 1901, p. 280
• Grube 1902, Wilhelm Grube, Geschichte der chinesischen Litteratur, Leipzig C. F. Amelangs 1902, 467 pp., here p. 430-432
• Kogelschatz 1986, Hermann Kogelschatz, Wang Kuo-wei und Schopenhauer - eine philosophische Begegnung, Band 35 von Münchener ostasiatische Studien, F. Steiner 1986, 513 pp., here p. 60.
• Tong 1904, Chang Yow Tong昌佑堂, “What the people read in China”, in: Albert Shaw, Review of Reviews and World’s Work, vol. xxx, July-Dec 1904, New York: The Review of Review Co., pp. 464-466, here p. 465.
• Halcombe 1906, Charles J. H. Halcombe, Children of far Cathay: a social and political novel, Hong Kong Daily Press Office 1906, 441 pp., p. 77.
• J. R. C., “The Native Fiction of China”, in The Academy (Jan. 18, 1908) p. 369
• Headland 1912, Isaac Taylor Headland, China's new day: a study of events that have led to its coming, West Medford/Massachusetts: Central Committee on the United Study of Missions, April 1912, 263 pp., here pp. 224-225
• Giles 1916, Herbert Allen Giles trans., Pu Songling, Strange Stories from a Chinese studio, 1916, 488 pp., p. 71, fn. 7.
• Gowen 1917, Herbert Henry Gowen, An outline history of China, Boston Sherman, French & Co. (1913, ²1916) 31917, p. 215. Quoted from the 3rd ed. 1917.
• Cornaby 1919, Arthur W. Cornaby, “The Secret of the ‘Red Chamber’ ”, in: The New China Review, vol. I (August 1919) S. 329-339. *Cornaby pointed towards contemporary people in real life, who could have been the samples for the novel characters.
• Couling 1920, Samuel Couling, The New China Review, 1920, p. 4-?
• The Chinese Students' Monthly, vol. XVI, November 1920-June 1921, p. 533
• Wu 1921, Mr. Wu, “Old and New in China”, in: The Chinese students' monthly, vol. xvi, no.3, Chinese Students' Alliance in the United States of America 191, pp. 198-209, p. 202
• Erkes 1922, Eduard Erkes, Chinesische Literatur 1922, Breslau: Ferdinand Hirt 1922
• Ayscough 1925, Florence Wheelock Ayscough: “The Chinese idea of a garden”, in: A Chinese mirror: being reflections of the reality behind appearance, Houghton Mifflin company 1925, 464 pp., p. 213-?, here p. 235
• Wilhelm 1926, Richard Wilhelm, Die chinesische Literatur, Wildpark-Potsdam: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion 1926. Wilhelm refers to the novel as „der Traum von Herrlichkeit und Glück“ / „der Traum des roten Schlosses“.
• Kuhn 1980, Dr. Franz Kuhn (1884-1961) – Lebensbeschreibung und Bibliographie seiner Werke mit einem Anhang unveröffentlichter Schriften, bearbeitet von Hatto Kuhn, unter Mitarbeit von Martin Gimm, Geleitwort von Herbert Franke, Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden 1980, Sinologica coloniensia 10, p. 18. Consulted on February 4, 2004 at the State Library Berlin by the author of this paper.
• The Week in China, vols. 10-12, Peking Leader Inc. 1928
• Wang 1929-1958, Chi-chen Wang (i.e. Wang Jizhen王际真), preface by Arthur Waley阿瑟•韦利, London: George Routledge & Son/Doubleday 1929; preface by Mark van Doren, New York: Twayne 1958, xxiv, 574 pp. abridged, but reliable. Abridged Anchor Book edition: Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday (1958). xx, 329 pp.
• Waley 1929, Arthur Waley:, in: Chi-chen Wang, Dream of the Red Chamber, Doubleday 1929, pp. vii-xiii, here p. vii
• Wang 1929, Chi-chen Wang: “Introduction”, in: Chi-chen Wang, Dream of the Red Chamber, Doubleday 1929, p. xv
• Clemons 1930, Harry Clemons, “The Dream of the Red Chamber”, in: Virginia Quarterly Review, vol. 6:2 (April 1930) 301-306. http://www.vqronline.org/articles/1930/spring/clemons-dream-red/, last visited Dec 5, 2010.
• Wu 1961, Wu Shih ch'ang: On the Red Chamber Dream. A Critical Study of Two Annotated Manuscripts of the 18th Century, Oxford 1961

参考资料（按照在文章上提到的顺序）

• 克乃文（Clemons）1930年，克乃文（Harry Clemons）著，《红楼梦》，弗吉尼亚季刊（Virginia Quarterly Review），第6卷第2期（1930年4月出版）， 第301-306页，这里是第306页，http://www.vqronline.org/articles/1930/spring/clemons-dream-red/，访问日期2010年12月5日。
• 歌德（Goethe）1774年，歌德著《少年维特之烦恼》，1774年出版。该书发行之后，出现了一些自杀事件，再版时（1787年），歌德劝诫读者不要效仿维特的自杀行为。
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• 李長興著《好逑传》
• 湯姆士•潘塞（Percy）1761,湯姆士•潘塞译, Hau Kiou Chean — The Pleasing History （later: The Fortunate Union） 。1719年英国商人James Wilkinson （中文名：魏金森）翻译了这部小说，当时他生活在澳门和广东，他将小说的大部分翻译成了英语，四分之一翻译成了葡萄牙语。1761 Thomas Percy 湯姆士•潘塞将剩下的葡萄牙语部分翻译成了英语，并对全文进行改编，题目是“Hau Kiou Chean — The Pleasing History”（之后是：“The Fortunate Union”）
• 爱克曼（Eckermann）1827年，Johann Peter Eckermann：《歌德访谈录》,由Ernst Beutler出版，出版地-慕尼黑、苏黎世，1976年出版，第227页，31.1.1827
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• 孟德斯鸠1721年，孟德斯鸠著《波斯人信札》1721年
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赫尔德（Herder），赫尔德著《人类历史哲学的概念》（Philosophy of History of Humanity, 德语原文：Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit），1784-1791年出版；再版出自：Bernhard Suphan，《赫尔德全集》，共33册，出版地-柏林，1877-1913年，1967-1968 Hildesheim影印再版，这里是第14册，第9、12、13、14页

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• 李漁：“序”，见《三国演义》
• 马礼逊（Morrison）1815年，罗伯特•马礼逊（Morrison）著《英华词典》，出版地-澳门，东印度公司出版社，1815年，第一卷，共930页，这里是第614页，左栏
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• 约翰•戴维斯（J. Davis）1822年，约翰•戴维斯译《中国小说》，伦敦：John Muray，1822年[包括《水中的倒影》，《孪生姐妹》，《三间房》]；《汉宫秋》，伦敦，1829年；在他关于中国诗词的论文中有大量的诗，像《鹊桥仙》（Que-chao）,（The Robber-Bird）等等，1829年（见下方）
• 阿裨尔（Abel），阿裨尔著《中国游记》，1816—1817年一次海上的中国之行，其中载有阿姆赫斯特勋爵与北京朝廷所做的最有趣的交易和她的所见所闻，F.L.S.伦敦，1818年。
• 巴罗（Barrow），约翰•巴罗著，“Art. IV Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that Country, in the Years 1816 and 1817; containing an Account of the most interesting Transactions of Lord Amherst's Embassy to the Court of Pekin, and Observations on the Countries which it visited. By Clarke Abel F.L.S. London 1818”，由威廉•吉福德编辑，《评论季刊》第21卷第41期（1819年1月）第67-91页，这里是第79-80页
• 布鲁盖尔（Brugière），安德烈•安托万•布鲁盖尔〈法国翻译前言〉，来自：约翰•戴维斯（J. Davis），安德烈•安托万•布鲁盖尔（Brugière），《老生儿》，第141-164页，这里是第150-151页[布鲁盖尔将约翰•戴维斯在1815年在广东出版的英语译本翻译成了法语]
• 谢林（Schelling），谢林著《神话哲学》，第二部，神话，谢林作品集，根据原著重新整理（Philosophie der Mythologie. Zweites Buch. Die Myhtologie. Schellings Werke, nach der Originalausgabe in neuer Anordnung），1943年编辑，400页
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• 约翰•戴维斯1829年，约翰•戴维斯，出自“中国古诗”，《外国文学与科学博物馆》，第15卷（1829年）。共574页，这里是366-372页[没有汉字]，出自：《英国及爱尔兰皇家亚洲学会交流》，2（1830年），第393-461页，分类号：10.1017/S0950473700000525，特别是第440页。再印：《Peoseos Sinicae Commentarii》，伦敦，Asher有限公司，1870年
• 安德烈（André）2010年，詹姆斯•圣•安德烈著“英国汉学的发展及其在翻译实践中的变化：戴维斯案例（1795-1890）”，发表在《翻译与口译研究2007》,来自：http://ealc.uchicago.edu/yusymposium/abstracts.html，访问日期2010年12月5日
• 帕穆特（Perlmutter）1965年，帕穆特著 “跨国公司的跨文化三阶段”，发表在《经济和社会评论》（1965年5月）第151-165页；帕穆特:《多国企业的曲折演进》，发表在《哥伦比亚世界经济杂志》。1969年，第一期，第9-18页
• 吉川宗雄（Yoshikawa）1987年，吉川宗雄著:“东西方跨文化的双摆模式”，出自：Kincaid L.编辑的《交流理论：东西方视角》，纽约：学院出版社1987年，第319-329页。
• 史密斯（Goldsmith）1837年，奥利弗•史密斯著，《奥利弗•史密斯的各项工程》，伦敦：John Murray，1837年，第二卷，551页，这里是第158页
• 德明1841-1843年，德明（А. И. Коваńко / A. I. Kovańko）著〈红楼梦俄文节译〉，出自《Otečestvennye Zapiski》（北京杂记）1841-1843年，德文节译在《异国他乡》重印

Walravens 2002年，Hartmut Walravens 编《从俄国穿过蒙古高原来到中国》，20世纪早期的报道，威斯巴登：Harrassowitz 2002年，第125页以及之后，这里是第12-14页。

• 基德（Kidd）1841年，萨缪尔•基德著《中国》（China: or, Illustrations of the symbola, philosophy, antiquities, customs, superstitions, laws, government, education, and literature of the Chinese），伦敦，泰勒&沃尔顿，1841年，共403页，第358页
• 郭士立（Gützlaff）1842年，郭士立著“《紅樓夢》Hung Lau Mung, or Dream in the Red Chamber; a novel. 20 vols. Noticed by a Correspondent” ，出自：《中國叢刊》 Chinese Repository, 第11期 （1842年） 266-273页.
• 羅伯聃（Thom）1846年，羅伯聃著“红楼梦摘录，第六章”（ “Extract from the Hung-low-mung, chapter VI”），出自：羅伯聃著，《〈正音撮要〉摘录文字为北京方言的中文，作为学生教材，由羅伯聃在宁波领事馆汇编》（The Chinese speaker. Extracts from works written in the Mandarin language, as spoken at Peking. Compiled for the use of students, by Robert Thom, Esq., H. M. Consul at Ningpo），第一部分，宁波：长老会出版社，1846年，第62-89页
• 王／羅伯聃1957年，《红楼梦》两栏的翻译一起面世，Twayne出版社，574页
• 羅伯聃1855年，羅伯聃：“东方之旅回忆录”，出版在《麦克尔的爱丁堡教会杂志和文学评论》（“Reminescences of Eastern Travel,” in Macphail's Edinburgh ecclesiastical journal and literary review），第十九卷，爱丁堡（Edinburgh）：Myles MacPhail, 11 South St David Street;伦敦：辛普金马歇尔有限公司（Simpkin, Marshall & Co.），1855年，第14-19页
• 卫三畏1849年，卫三畏（Williams），《中国》（The Middle Kingdom），纽约，出版商：Charles Scribner’s Sons，1849年，共564页
• 马克思1972年，卡尔马克思著“中国革命和欧洲革命”（Die Revolution in China und Europa），出自：《马克思恩格斯选集》（Marx Engels Werke），第9卷，柏林，1972年，第95-102页，这里是第97页
• 艾约瑟（Edkins）1857年，艾约瑟著《香港中华口语语法》（A grammar of the Chinese colloquial language, commonly called the Mandarin dialect，1857年），1864年，共279页，第275-277页
• 梅辉立（Mayers），梅辉立著《中国评论》（The China Review or, Notes and Queries on the Far East）（1867年12月31日），第167-168页，这里是第167页
• 包腊（Bowra）1868-1869年，包腊译《红楼梦》8回，出自《中国杂志》（The China Magazine），1868年的圣诞版，第1,3,33,65,97,128页/1869年第.1,3,65页，上海，部分可以在http://etext.virginia.edu/chinese/HLM/CaoDrea.html找到，访问日期2010年12月5日。巴腊的翻译包括约翰•戴维斯翻译的诗
• 兰登.戴维斯（C. Langdon Davies）1868年，兰登.戴维斯著〈间接〉，出自《中国杂志》（The China Magazine），香港，出版商：Noronha & Sons，1868-1870年，这里是1868年，第213-214页
• 哈特1868年（Harte），布雷•哈特著〈中国小说的一叶〉（“A leaf from a Chinese novel”），出自：《奥弗兰月刊》（The Overland Monthly），三藩市A.罗曼有限公司，1868年7月，第一卷，第95-98页
• 匿名著“中国文学”（“Chinese literature”），出自：《美国教会季刊》（The American Quarterly Church review），第二十三卷，1871年4月，第一期，第424页

翟理思（Giles）1876年，翟理思著《中国素描》（Chinese Sketches）中的〈宿命〉（“Predestination”）一章，伦敦，Trübner & Co./上海：Kelly & Co.，1876年，共204页，第166-167页。

• Bovero/Ricco 1958年，Clara Bovero / Carla Pirrone Ricco合译，曹霑著《红楼梦》，托里诺，出版商：Einaudi, 1958年，共三十卷，692页，Gai Qi的27幅插画，1959年、1982年、1994年、1995年、2006年再版，（副标题“中国18世纪小说”），共721页，（由库恩的德译本翻译成意大利译本）。
• 翟理思（Giles）1885年，翟理思著〈The Hung Lou Mêng 红楼梦, 通常称为The Dream of the Red Chamber〉，出自：《皇家亚洲协会中国北部分支杂志》，第二十卷，第一期（1885年），第1-23页，第52页，上海；转载在《中国文学文萃》上，上海，1884年/伦敦，出版商：Bernard & Quaritch;作为“红楼梦”再版，刊登《在英国及爱尔兰皇家亚洲协会杂志》上，剑桥大学出版社皇家亚洲协会，1886年，第十四页；第52页的笔记再版于《通报》上，莱顿，出版商：Brill，1894年，第102页
• 阿伦特（Ahrendt）1890年，卡尔•阿伦特著〈流浪笔记〉（“Stray Notes”），出自：J. H. Stewart Lockhart，“满族人的婚礼”（“The marriage ceremonies of the Manchus”），出自：〈民间传说〉，出自：《神话、传统、习俗和习惯季度评论》（Folk-Lore. A quarterly review of myth, tradition, institution, & custom），第一卷，伦敦：纳特，1890年，第481-492页，这里是第490页
• 鲍尔（Ball）1891年，詹姆斯•戴尔•鲍尔著《关于中国的一些事》（Things Chinese: being notes on various subjects connected with China），伦敦：Sampson Low，Marston & Co. （1891年），共666页，第348页，引文来自第三版
• 乔利（Joly）1892年，赫•本克拉夫特•乔利译《红楼梦-一部中国的小说》（Hung lou mêng, or The Dream of the Red Chamber, a Chinese novel）第一卷,出版商：Kelly & Walsh，于1892年在香港出版，第二卷，于1893年在澳门印刷业（Typographia commercial）出版。http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/c/cao_xueqin/c2359h/complete.html，访问日期2010年12月5日。
• 翟理思（Giles）1900年，翟理思著《关于远东问题的参照词汇表》（A glossary of reference on subjects connected with the Far East），1900年，第127-128页
• 何天爵（Holcombe）1900年，何天爵著《真正的中国问题》（The real Chinese question），纽约，出版商：Dodd，Mead & Co.,1900年，共386页，第109页
• 翟理思（Giles）1901年，翟理思著《中国文学历史》（A History of Chinese Literature），伦敦：海纳曼（W. Heinemann），1901年，共448页
• 匿名1901年，匿名著《牛津杂志-每周报刊》（The Oxford Magazine. A Weekly Newspaper and Magazine）第十九卷，第16期，1901年3月13日，第280页
• 顾路柏（Grube）1902年，顾路柏著《中国文学史》（Geschichte der chinesischen Litteratur），莱比锡，C. F. Amelangs，1902年，共467页，这里是第430页，第431-432页。
• Kogelschatz 1986年，Hermann Kogelschatz著，《王国维和叔本华-一个哲学的碰撞》，慕尼黑东方研究所的第35卷，出版商：F. Steiner，1986年，共513页，这里是第60页。
• 昌佑堂1904年，昌佑堂（Chang Yow Tong）著，〈在中国人们都读什么〉（“What the people read in China”），出自：Albert Shaw,《世界作品评论回顾》（Review of Reviews and World’s Work），第三十卷，1904年7月-12月，纽约，The Review of Review Co.，第464-466页，这里是第465页
• 夏金（Halcombe）1906年，夏金著《遥远中国的孩子：一部社会和政治的小说》（Children of far Cathay: a social and political novel），香港日报出版社办事处（Hong Kong Daily Press Office），1906年，共441页，这里是第77页
• J. R. C.　1908年，J. R. C.著,〈中国乡土小说〉（“The Native Fiction of China”），出自《学术》（The Academy，1908年1月18日），第369页。
• 何德兰（Headland）1912年，何德兰著《中国的新时代》（China's new day: a study of events that have led to its coming），西梅德福/马萨诸塞州：中央委员会对联合国特派团的研究（Central Committee on the United Study of Missions），1912年4月，共263页，这里是第224-225页。
• 翟理思（Giles）译，蒲松齡著《聊斋志异》（Strange Stories from a Chinese studio）, 1916年，共448页，这里是第71页，脚注7
• 戈温（Gowen）1913年，赫伯特.亨利.戈温著，《中国历史大纲》（An outline history of China），出版商：Boston Sherman，French & Co. （1913年, ²1916年） 31917年，第215页，引文来自1917年出的第三版。
• 柯纳培（Cornaby）1919年，亚瑟•柯纳培著〈红楼梦的秘密〉（“The Secret of the ‘Red Chamber’ ”），出自：《新中国评论》（The New China Review），第一卷（1919年8月），第329-339页。柯纳培直指当时那些可能会成为小说人物样本的人们的真实生活。
• 库寿龄（Couling）1920年，库寿龄著《新中国评论》（The New China Review），1920年，第4-？页。
• 《中国学生月刊》（The Chinese Students' Monthly），第十六卷，1920年11月-1921年6月，第533页。
• 吴先生1921年，吴先生著〈新旧中国〉（“Old and New in China”），发表在《中国学生月刊》（The Chinese students' monthly），第十六卷，第三期，美国中国学生联盟（Chinese Students' Alliance in the United States of America），1921年，第198-209页，这里是第202页。
• 埃尔克斯（Erkes）1922年，爱德华•埃尔克斯著《中國文學》（Chinesische Literatur）1922年，布雷斯劳，出版商：Ferdinand Hirt，1922年。
• 艾思柯（Ayscough）1925年，弗洛伦思•艾思柯著〈中国园林思想〉（“The Chinese idea of a garden”），出自：《中国之镜：真相呈现背后的反思》（A Chinese mirror: being reflections of the reality behind appearance），霍顿米夫林公司，1925年出版，共464页，第213-？页，这里是第235页。
• 卫礼贤（Wilhelm）1926年，卫礼贤著《中国文学》（Die chinesische Literatur），波茨坦野园（Wildpark-Potsdam），出版商：雅典学术出版社（Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion），1926年《中国文学》。卫礼贤提到的小说的名字是《幸福与财富之梦》（der Traum von Herrlichkeit und Glück）直译为《红城堡之梦》（der Traum des roten Schlosses）。
• 库恩（Kuhn）2004年，《库恩（1884-1961）-生活传记及未公开的作品》（Dr. Franz Kuhn （1884-1961） – Lebensbeschreibung und Bibliographie seiner Werke mit einem Anhang unveröffentlichter Schriften），由Hatto Kuhn改编，同时得到Martin Gimm的帮助，福赫伯（Herbert Franke）作序，弗朗茨斯坦纳（Franz Steiner）出版社于1980在威斯巴登出版，《Sinologica coloniensia》第十册，第18页，笔者于2004年2月4日在柏林国家图书馆查阅。
• 《中国一周》，第10-12卷，出版商：Peking Leader Inc.，1928年出版。
• 王际真1929-1958年，王际真译，阿瑟•韦利作序（Waley）《红楼梦》（Dream of the Red Chamber），伦敦：George Routledge & Son/Doubleday，1929年出版；马克•凡•多伦（Mark van Doren）作序，纽约：Twayne，1958年出版，二十四卷，共574页。被删节但是较可靠。删节版：花园城市（Garden City），纽约：Doubleday（1958年），二十卷，共329页。
• 韦利（Waley）1929年，阿瑟•韦利著〈序〉（„Preface“），出自：王际真著，《红楼梦》（Dream of the Red Chamber），Doubleday　1929年，第7-13页，这里是第7页。
• 克乃文（Harry Clemons），〈红楼梦〉（“The Dream of the Red Chamber”），出自：《弗吉尼亚季论》（Virginia Quarterly Review），第6卷第2期（1930年4月），第301-306页，http://www.vqronline.org/articles/1930/spring/clemons-dream-red/，访问日期2010年12月5日。
• 吴世昌1961年，吴世昌著《红楼梦探源》（On the Red Chamber Dream. A Critical Study of Two Annotated Manuscripts of the 18th Century），1961年在牛津出版。

Further references 更多参考资料

Liu Zaifu, Reflections on Dream of the Red Chamber, Cambria Press 2008 Zhou Ruchang, Between Noble and Humble, 2009

刘再复，《对红楼梦的思考》坎布里亚出版社2008年，中文版的英译本 周汝昌，《尊卑之间》2009年，中文版的英译本

Notes about the intercultural approach

==《红楼梦》与其他世界文学作品的相似性—— 推荐《红楼梦》列入世界记忆遗产名录

Commonness between the Red Chamber Dreams and other World Literature Novels – Proposing the Red Chamber Dreams to the World Documentary Heritage List==

吴漠汀，湖南师范大学 Martin Woesler, Hunan Normal University

Abstract

In every culture, readers associate the literature they know with new literature they read. So literature is always cumulative, it grows out of existing literature and can refer back to it. When Western readers read the Red Chamber Dreams, they foremost associate novels and other pieces of literature of their own cultural tradition with the Dreams. This has also influenced the first full translation into German. Cao Xueqin and even more his protagonist Jia Baoyu both are early humanists, universalists and world citizens. The Red Chamber Dreams function worldwide. The Dream is a complex showroom of diverse aspects of Chinese cultures and is the embodiment and essence of Chinese cultures, but it has also a global impact, therefore it should be honoured as “World Documentary Heritage”.

Key words

Western culture, reception tradition, German translation, Embodiment of Chinese cultures, global compatibility, World Documentary Heritage

摘要

在每一种文化中，读者都会把他们读到的新文学与已知文学联系起来，所以文学总是积累的，它从现有的文学中生长出来，并以已有文学为参考。西方读者在阅读《红楼梦》时，首先会把《红楼梦》与自身文化传统中的小说和其他文学作品联系起来，这也影响了首次德语全译本。 曹雪芹，尤其是他的主人公贾宝玉，都是早期的人文主义者，普世主义者和世界公民。《红楼梦》具有普世价值。《红楼梦》综合展示了中国的多元文化，是中国文化的集中体现和精华，同时在全球范围内产生影响，理应列入世界记忆遗产名录。

关键词

西方文化，传统保护，德国翻译，中国文化具像化表现，全球兼容，世界遗产文献 --Weiyafei (talk) 07:10, 28 December 2020 (UTC)Wei yafei

1. Chinese Ethics

To help the poor and disadvantaged belongs to the traditional core values of Chinese culture.

When we sit in the Beijing Subway today, the loudspeaker announcement reminds us, that it is Chinese traditional ethics to give seats to the disadvantaged (老弱病残孕让座是中国传统道德). We know of Cao Xueqin, that he supported the poor and disadvantaged, and that he made kites for children.

However, when we look closer at these “Chinese Ethics”, we discover, that they are claimed also in Indian Buddhism “karuna” and in the Christian tradition of “caritas” and in almost every civilization. Therefore, we might call these values “human ethics”.

中国伦理“扶贫济困”是中国文化的传统核心价值观。当我们今天坐在北京地铁时，扬声器的公告提醒我们，让弱势群体有座位是中国传统道德。我们知道曹雪芹，他支持穷人和处境不利的人，他为孩子们制作风筝。但是，当我们仔细观察这些“中国伦理学”时，我们发现，印度佛教“ karuna”，基督教的“明爱”传统以及几乎所有文明中也都声称拥有它们。因此，我们可以将这些价值观称为“人类道德”。--Wen Xiaoyi (talk) 15:24, 29 December 2020 (UTC)

2. Compatibility Why do the Red Chamber Dreams function worldwide and have achieved world literature status even in their translations?

2. 兼容性 为什么《红楼梦》在世界范围内广泛流传，甚至在翻译领域中也取得了世界文学的地位？

First of all, the Red Chamber Dreams are, like novels worldwide, a piece of entertainment literature. In comparison to the drama, in which every element is compulsory and plays its part in the overall structure, in the novel the line of action itself is simpler and not so important, most of the scenes or episodes are loosely put together and fit in the broader theme of the novel.

首先，《红楼梦》和世界小说一样，是一部娱乐文学。与戏剧中的每一个元素都是强制性的，在整体结构中起作用的戏剧相比，小说的行动路线本身更简单，也不那么重要，大部分场景或情节都松散地组合在一起，这和小说更广泛的主题相吻合。

However, the lose arrangement of episodes of the Dreams comes from the tradition of almost unconnected episodes like in the Shuihuzhuan and is a step towards the greater coherence of the episodes, the aligning into a story line and the greater concentration on fewer protagonists. Therefore, the Dreams show clearly a step towards the Western tradition of novels, maybe because of growing Western influence in Qing dynasty.

然而，《红楼梦》章回结构不连续来自于《水浒传》中几乎没有联系的章回的传统，这是朝着章回更连贯、与故事线一致以及更集中于较少主角的方向迈出的一步。因此，《红楼梦》明显向西方小说传统迈进了一步，可能是因为西方对清代的影响越来越大。

3. Impact of translator’s native culture on the translation process

3.译者的本土文化对翻译过程的影响

There are intercultural parallels between the Red Chamber Dreams and Western works of literature.

《红楼梦》和西方文学作品之间有跨文化的相似之处。

These parallels are fundamental for the translation and were explicitly and implicitly fundamental for the German translator Martin Woesler during his translation and editorial work on the first full German translation. In the following, I will mention some of the Western novels and pieces of literature, which the Western reader of the Dreams will immediately think of.

这些相似之处是翻译的根本，也是德文译者马丁-沃斯勒在翻译和编辑第一部德文全译本时明确和隐含的根本。下面，我将提到一些西方的小说和文学作品，西方的读者读到梦会立即想到这些作品。

4. The novel as embodiment of “Zeitgeist”

4. 小说作为 "时代精神 "的体现。

According to Georg Lukács’ Theory of the Novel, while the Epos (like Homer’s Ilias, which like the Dream reasons the stories in the divine realm) displayed a holistic world experience, a complete, self-contained culture, the novel displays, that the modern world has become infinitely large and has lost its homely quality.

根据格奥尔格-卢卡奇的小说理论，虽然Epos（像荷马的伊利亚斯，它像梦理由神界的故事）展示了一个整体的世界经验，一个完整的，自足的文化，小说展示，现代世界已经变得无限大，已经失去了它的家的品质。

The novel as a genre is no longer documenting just one culture, but represents, with the words of Walter Benjamin, the Organon of History. So the understanding of the novel changed with Lukacs to historical-philosophically. A novel is understood as typical for its historical era, the novel embodies the spirit of the epoch (Zeitgeist).

小说作为一种文体，不再只是记录一种文化，而是用瓦尔特-本雅明的话说，代表了历史的有机体。所以，对小说的理解随着卢卡奇的改变，变成了历史哲学的理解。小说被理解为其历史时代的典型，小说体现了时代精神（Zeitgeist）。

The Red Chamber Dreams are written in front of the background of the Manchu minority having taken over the power in formerly Han-shaped Ming-China (which was a multi-ethnic and crosscultural society) and families suffering the changing favor of changing emperors, with the Cao family being fostered by Kangxi and being persecuted by Yongzheng.

《红楼梦》写的是满族少数民族在原汉字形的明中国（这是一个多民族、跨文化的社会）掌握了政权，家庭遭受换代皇帝的宠爱，曹家被康熙扶植，被雍正迫害的背景前。

While the author in his time could not criticize the system and power of emperors, in the novel he came to terms with this life by seeking the guilt for the persecution in the growing decadence of the family (engaging in Daoism, leisure, poetry-writing, arts and music instead of learning for being able to earn a living) and in himself not fulfilling the expectations as the family heir. This description of decadence of a declining family reminds us of the novels of Tschechov (and e.g. in the Buddenbrooks by Mann, including the turn to arts and music).

虽然作者在他的时代无法批判帝制和皇权，但在小说中，他为家族的日益衰败（参加道教、娱乐、诗歌、艺术和音乐活动，而不是为了谋生而学习）和自己作为家族继承人没有实现家族期望感到自责，通过这样做，他也对这种生活做妥协。这种对没落家族颓废状况的描写，让我们想起了契诃夫的小说（如曼恩的《布登布鲁克》，包括对艺术和音乐的转向）

Moreover, with the detailed description of life on all social levels in early Qing Dynasty, the Dream appears as a documentary historical novel very much like Günter Grass’ The Tin Drum 1959.

此外，《红楼梦》对清初社会各阶层生活的详细描写，与君特·格拉斯的《铁皮鼓1959》非常相似，《铁皮鼓1959》是一部纪实历史小说。

5. Coming-of-age and Alienation

5. 成熟和异化

Abandoning the paradise-like garden in the Red Chamber Dreams is a symbol for leaving the protected childhood and arriving in the complex world of adults. With George Lukács theory of the novel, the protagonist starts to problematize the sense of his life, in the novel, the protagonist’s self permanently struggles with his environment.

抛弃《红楼梦》中天堂般的花园，是离开受保护的童年，进入复杂的成人世界的象征。随着乔治·卢卡奇的小说理论，主人公开始对他的生活感觉产生疑问，在小说中，主人公的自我一直与他的环境作斗争。

However, Cao Xueqin’s message is not simply the one of “Paradise Lost”, instead he himself made the best out of his life. Although being less wealthy than when his family still enjoyed the favour of the emperor, there was a payroll system and a social net intact in Early Qing China, where he received enough income to be independent from his rich relatives, to be selective on accepting jobs, to live a relaxed life in a small house in the nature, spending time with his family and friends, follow his own interests, like reading, writing and drinking wine, making kites for the children and thinking of the disadvantaged.

然而，曹雪芹所传达的信息并不是简单的“失乐园”，相反，他把自己的生活过得很好。 虽然比起他的家族享受皇帝的宠爱，他过得没有那么富裕，但清初中国有一套薪俸制度和一张完整的社会网，他获得了足够的收入，可以独立于富贵亲戚，可以有选择性地接受工作，可以在大自然的小房子里过着悠闲的生活，可以与家人和朋友共度时光，可以追随自己的兴趣，例如读书，写作和饮酒，可以为孩子们做风筝，可以为弱势群体着想。

Cao Xueqin was fully aware of his time and China’s cultural achievements, he was familiar with the different levels of society, he was a detailed observer and skilful narrator. He may have conceptualized the ending of the novel as a discussion about the different personalities of the characters in the novel and therefore displaying his reflection about life and his psychological understanding of the diversity of human nature. He was able to grasp the “spirit of time” (Zeitgeist) and with his autobiographical experience create an eternal coming-of-age novel not just for his family, for the Qing-Chinese, for Chinese people, but for mankind.

曹雪芹对自己所处的时代和中国的文化成就了如指掌，他熟悉社会的不同层面，他是一个细致的观察者和娴熟的叙述者。因此，他在小说中对人的不同个性的理解和对小说中人物性格的多样性进行了概念化的探讨。他能够把握“时代精神”，用他的自传体经历，不仅为他的家庭，为清朝的中国人，为中国人民，而且为人类，创作了一部永恒的成人小说。

This tradition of Coming-of-age novels is also a European one, like enlightenment philosopher Voltaire’s novel Candide or Optimism《老实人》shows at the very same time (1759) in Europe. Also Voltaire’s Candide has to leave the luxurious paradise of his childhood and strives for true love, but his main learning is more pessimistic, since Voltaire wrote the novel in opposition to Leibniz, who optimistically looked to China as “the best of all worlds”. Recent research findings show that China had a much larger influence on European enlightenment philosophers and we can be sure, that also Cao Xueqin was aware of some European literary traditions.

这种成熟的传统小说也是一个欧洲人,像启蒙运动哲学家伏尔泰在欧洲同时间出版的的小说《老实人》(1759年)。伏尔泰笔下的老实人不得不离开童年的奢华天堂，为追求真爱而奋斗，但他的主要学习内容却更为悲观，因为伏尔泰的小说与莱布尼茨截然相反，莱布尼茨乐观地认为中国是“所有世界中最好的”。最近的研究发现，中国对欧洲启蒙运动哲学家的影响要大得多，我们可以肯定，曹雪芹对欧洲的一些文学传统也有所了解。

Also the German readership is familiar with the chronological following of the life of the protagonist and his development, the fate of a family over generations, the German readership knows this type of novel as the “Education novel” or “Coming-of-age-novel”. In Germany, the genre of the coming-of-age novel has a long tradition and it is shaped more by single characters, who appear as teachers (Goethe: Wilhelm Meister’s Apprenticeship威廉·麦斯特的学徒岁月 1795-96, Novalis 诺瓦利斯: Heinrich von Ofterdingen 《海因利·封·歐福特丁根》1802).

德国读者对主人公的生平及其发展、家族世代的命运都很熟悉，德国读者把这种类型的小说称为“教育小说”或“成长小说”。在德国,关于成长小说的体裁有着悠久的传统,它的形状更由单个字符,它更多的是被塑造为教师的单个人物(歌德：'Wilhelm Meister’s Apprenticeship威廉·麦斯特的学徒岁月 1795-96, Novalis 诺瓦利斯: Heinrich von Ofterdingen《海因利·封·歐福特丁根》1802)。

Wilhelm Meister, parallely to Jia Baoyu, is struggling with the traditional education, in Wilhelm Meister this is represented with the classics revived in Shakespeare’s dramas. Tradition can give orientation, but the personality of the protagonist needs to develop through emancipation is a wisdom, we can learn from all mentioned novels including the Dreams.

6. Pornography and True Love, female rivals

Sexuality is a basic human need and has developed into different shapes in all cultures. The German audience is familiar with erotic topics from the Middle Ages, in which sexuality was stylized. In the “Schwänke” of the 15th century (Wittenwielers Ring), erotic scenes are described sexually explicit.

与贾宝玉一样，威廉·迈斯特也在与传统教育作斗争，在《威廉·迈斯特》中，莎士比亚戏剧中复兴的经典作品代表了这一点。传统可以给予导向，但主人公的个性需要通过解放来发展是一种智慧，我们可以从包括《梦》在内的所有小说中学习。 “6。色情与真爱，女性对手" 性是人类的一种基本需求，在各种文化中形成了不同的形态。德国观众熟悉中世纪的情色话题，在这些话题中，性是程式化的。在15世纪的“Schwanke”(Wittenwielers Ring)中，情色场景被描述为露骨的性。

In the barock literature of the 17th century even the physical act is described extensively.

在17世纪的Barock文学中，甚至对物理行为也进行了广泛的描述。

According to „cumulativity“, every human being is a product of history and literature is based on previous literature, therefore the author of this pager thinks that this background has to be taken into account while translating.

根据“累积性”，每个人都是历史的产物，而文学是基于先前的文献，因此，该传呼机的作者认为翻译时必须考虑这一背景。

The best study on qing passion in the Dreams is the one by Anthony Yu, who understood it as desire and as the central motif of the Dreams. „The centrality of qing in shaping virtually every aspect of The Story of the Stone’s structure and meaning cannot be denied [...].“ (Anthony Yu 2001, 54).

关于梦中关于“情”最好的研究是安东尼·于（Anthony Yu）的研究，他将其理解为欲望和梦的中心主题。 “清香在塑造《石头的故事》的结构和意义的几乎每个方面的中心作用都不能否认。”（Anthony Yu 2001，54）。

In the framework story of the Dreams, the narrator consciously takes a stand against low-action and stereotypical pornographic literature as well as against the widespread romance novels (with the classic roles of the beautiful, talented woman and the poor scholar who finally achieves a respected position and prosperity by passing a civil service exam).

在《梦》的框架故事中，叙述者有意识地反对低俗的动作和陈规定型的色情文学，反对流传甚广的浪漫小说（以美丽的才女和通过公务员制度最终获得受人尊敬的地位的穷困书生为经典角色）。

In chapter 1 he says: ”of the true feelings of young people [...] nobody has reported about so far.”

在第一章中，他说：“关于年轻人的真实感受，[……]到目前为止还没有人报道过。”

Erotic scenes are described in a decent and associative way (“Game of clouds and rain”), while displaying another quality in its openness e.g. towards bisexuality.

情色场景被描述成一个体面和联想的方式（“云和雨的游戏”），同时显示了另一个开放性的性质，例如对双性恋。

The Dreams narrate the story of unfortunate lovers. Unfortunate lovers also in the West have a literary tradition, they constitute an archetype, such as Hero and Leander, Pyramus and Thisbe, Tristan and Isolde, Flore and Blanscheflur as well as Troilus and Cressida, the latter being considered the model for Arthur Brookes, who wrote Romeo and Juliet in 1562 and thus directly influenced Shakespeare.

《梦》讲述了一对不幸的恋人的故事。不幸的恋人也有西方文学的传统,他们构成一个原型,如英雄和利安得、皮拉摩斯和提斯柏,特里斯坦与伊索尔德,凝花和Blanscheflur特洛伊罗斯和克雷西达,后者被认为是阿瑟·布鲁克斯的模型,他在1562年写了《罗密欧与朱丽叶》,从而直接影响了莎士比亚。 玛丽安·加利克认为《梦》和《浮士德》都是吸引我们的永恒女性的中心主题，顾城则称其为“永恒的处女”。

While Marián Galik saw as the central topic of both, the Dream and Faust, the eternal feminine, which draws us on high, Gu Cheng called it the “eternal virgine”.

玛丽安·加利克（Mariann Galik）认为《梦》和《浮士德》都是吸引我们的永恒女性的中心主题，顾城则称其为“永恒的处女”。

In Goethe’s coming-of-age novel Wilhelm Meisters Wanderjahre, we find a similar motif of female rivals, in the Keller 凯勒 The Green Henry 《绿衣亨利》1855, the hero turns away from an emphatically sexually designed figure and turns to the 'real' woman. In Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice 1813 Elizabeth and Lin Daiyu are similar, e.g. they both strive for real love (Zhuang 2011).

在歌德的成长小说Wilhelm Meisters Wanderjahre中，我们发现了类似的女性竞争主题，在凯勒The Green Henry（《绿衣亨利》1855）中，男主人公父亲早亡，母亲养育其成人。在简-奥斯汀的Pride and Prejudice（《傲慢与偏见》1813）中，伊丽莎白和林黛玉是相似的，比如她们都追求真爱（庄2011）。

7. Feudal society and slavery

7. 封建社会和奴隶

A widespread interpretation is that Jia Baoyu’s equal treatment of family members and slaves would be a manifesto to free the slaves. I also do not share this interpretation, since Aristotle, when he demanded democracy, would exclude slaves from the right to vote. So we cannot use modern concepts to judge on the past. In my understanding, Jia Baoyu was not fighting inequality, but looked at the people as humans and individuals.

人们普遍认为贾宝玉对待家庭成员和奴隶的平等对待是解放奴隶的宣言。我不同意这种解释，因为亚里士多德吁民主时，会将奴隶从投票权中剔除。所以我们不能用现代观点评判古人。我认为，贾宝玉并不是在为不平等而做斗争，而是将人区分为人或是个体。

Also the understanding of the servants as slaves does not match the description in the Dream, since some servants had servants themselves, the family took care after they left the Jia family to find a match for them and Jia Zheng refers to his daughter Yingchun as „yatou 丫头“, so it is inappropriate to translate this expression with slave. Therefore, the translator preferred “servant” over “slave” in the translation.

而且把仆人理解为奴隶与《红楼梦》中的描写不符，因为有些仆人自己还有仆人，贾府会在她们离府的时候为她们寻一门亲事，作为贾府对她们的照料；贾政也把自己的女儿迎春喊作 “丫头”， 所以把这些翻译成奴隶是不合适的。因此英文翻译中采用“servant”会比“slave”更为合适。

Mo Yan in his speech at the Frankfurt Bookfair in 2009, when China was the guest of honor, draws the (similarly) parallel between the Dream and Goethe’s Sorrows of the Young Werther, that both expressed the wish to abandon feudal society. My own impression is that both do not express this wish, but that this is a later concept and interpretation and we should not apply this to judge the past.

2009年，莫言代表中国作为主宾国参加法兰克福书展时，在演讲中把《梦》和歌德的《少年维特之哀》画上了约等号，表达了抛弃封建社会的愿望。我自己的感觉是，两者都没有表达这个愿望，但这是后来的概念和解释，我们不应该以此来判断过去。

8. Tragedy of all tragedies

8.最悲剧的悲剧

Aristotle explained in On the Tragedy (Poetics VI), that tragedies move people more than comedies because they “imitate [mimēsis] an action that is serious, complete, and of a certain magnitude” (Aristotle 1971, 51), This high esteem of the tragedy in Europe is partly ascribed to the loss of Aristotle’s work On the Comedy.

亚里士多德在《悲剧论》（诗学VI）中解释道，悲剧之所以比戏剧更加动人，是因为它们“模仿（mimēsis）一种严肃、完整且具有一定规模的行动”（Aristotle 1971，51）。悲剧在欧洲拥有崇高地位部分归因于亚里士多德的作品《论喜剧》的失传。

While Europe has the Hamlet as its tragedy of all tragedies, the lack of tragic literature in Chinese literary tradition has long been lamented. Wang Guowei sees the Dream as "tragedy of all tragedies". To Wang Guowei the suffering of Faust and Jia Baoyu is central in the novels. However, many scholars contest that Faustianism is central for Chinese culture.

欧洲悲剧中以《哈姆雷特》为悲剧，而中国文学传统中悲剧文学的缺失，长期以来被人们所惋惜。王国维认为《梦》是“所有悲剧中的悲剧”。对王国维来说，浮士德和贾宝玉的苦难是小说的中心。然而，许多学者认为浮士德主义是中国文化的核心。

In 18th century Europe, we saw a new development in the genre of the drama, to establish a “bourgeois tragedy”.

在18世纪的欧洲，我们看到了戏剧体裁的新发展，确立了“资产阶级悲剧”。

It developed as an emancipatory movement in the 18th century in London, Paris and Germany, and demonstrated that tragedy was not reserved to rulers, but was also imagineable for lower noblemen and ordinary citizens. The Dream at the same time as the bourgeois tragedy in Europe shows a tragic story of a mid-level noble family which loses its titles and privileges.

它作为一场解放运动在18世纪的伦敦、巴黎和德国发展起来，并证明了悲剧并非只发生在统治者身上，也可能发生在下层贵族和普通公民身上。《梦》与欧洲资产阶级悲剧同时上演，讲述的是一个中层贵族家庭失去头衔和特权的悲剧故事。

9. “Non-Binary” Novels

9. “非二元”小说

One of the things attracting Western readers is the adorable but mysterious protagonist Jia Baoyu. With his open bisexual orientation and his interest in his mates regardless of their social status, he appears “modern” or at least displaced in time. His struggle with traditional learning makes him appear sympathetic, his long states of rapture out of the world give him both the aura of a timeless character and of mystery.

一个吸引西方读者的东西是可爱而神秘的主人公贾宝玉。由于他开放的双性恋倾向和他对伴侣的兴趣，不管他们的社会地位如何，他显得“现代”或至少在时间上流离失所。他与传统学习的斗争使他显得富有同情心，他从世界上长期的狂喜给了他永恒的性格和神秘的气息。

With the bisexual orientation of the Dreams’ protagonist, the novel appears non-binary. According to Karl-Heinz Pohl, binaries are just superficial, ultimately decisive is the Heart Sutra. Today, the novel is listed among the genre of non-binary literature (see e.g. the bibliographical list on https://www.goodreads.com/list/tag/non-binary), in which contrasts are dissolved deconstructivistically.

随着梦中主人公的双性取向，小说呈现出非二元性。 卡尔·海因茨·波尔认为，二进制只是表面现象，最终起决定性作用的是“心经”。今天，这部小说被列为非二元文学的一个流派（参见https://www.goodreads.com/list/tag/non-binary)，其中的反差被解构主义地化解了。

10. Foreign Cultures in the Red Chamber Dreams

10.红楼梦中的异邦文化

Foreign Cultures frequently appear in the Dreams in all kinds of varieties, like exoticism with the many objects in the household and presented to the household as novelties, especially the blond girl of the same age as Baoyu referred to in person (combining different origins and cultures, including European, Japanese, Chinese) or several times on paintings, one time shown with wings as an angel.

红楼梦中经常出现各种各样的异邦文化元素，例如许多贾府物品带有异国情调，并是以新奇的形式呈现给贾府的，尤其是其中提到的与宝玉同龄的金发女孩（结合了不同的来历和文化，包括欧洲，日本，中国），金发女孩也多次在绘画中出现，有一次是以带翅膀的天使的形象出现。

The playful combination of different traditions we can see also when a religious dress is described, which carries characteristics of different religions. Similarly, the Daoist monk and the Confucian priest appear together. Cao Xueqin wanted to show the richness and diversity, also with the many topics and societal levels of the novel. Even a variety of Christian motifs can be found, like when Jia Baoyu is not recognized by his father in chapter 120 and when he disappears, all parallel to Jesus Christ.

宗教服饰带有不同宗教的特点，在描述一种宗教服饰时，我们也能体味不同宗教传统的玩味结合。同样，道士和儒士也可一起出现。曹雪芹想表现出小说的丰富性和多样性，同时也要展现出小说的众多主题和社会层次。在书中甚至可以找到各种基督教的主题，比如第120章贾宝玉不被父亲认可，以及贾宝玉消失的时候，这些都与耶稣基督平行。

The variety of cultures is paralleled with the variety of elements of different dynasties, which makes it timeless and therefore even more a masterpiece of Chinese art and a masterpiece of human art. Therefore I would like to nominate the Red Chamber Dreams as “World Documentary Heritage”.

文化的多样性与不同朝代的元素多样性相辅相成，这种多样性便其变得永恒，甚至因此而成为中国艺术杰作和人类艺术杰作。因此，我想提名《红楼梦》为“世界纪录片遗产”。

References 参考文献

• Anthony, C. Yu. (2001). Rereading the Stone: Desire and the Making of Fiction in Dream of the Red Chamber. Princeton University Press.
• Aristotle. (1971). Poetics. Trans. S. H. Butcher. Ed. Hazard Adams. Critical Theory since Plato. ew York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 48-66.
• Woesler, Martin, ed., Cao Xueqin, Gao E et al. (2016). Der Traum der Roten Kammer oder Die Geschichte vom Stein [Red Chamber Dreams or The Story of the Stone], Peking: Foreign Languages Press, ISBN 9787119094120, 4813 pages, 6 vols., hardcover, transl. by Rainer Schwarz and Martin Woesler; Chinese-German bilingual edition
• Woesler, Martin. (2011). “Being Explicit About the Implicit – John Minford’s Translation of the last Forty Chapters of The Story of the Stone with a Field Study on two Sexually Arousing Scenes”. Hong lou meng xue kan 6: 274-289
• Woesler, Martin. (2010). “ ’To Amuse the Beaux and Belles’ The Early Western Reception of the Hongloumeng”. Journal of Sino-Western Communications 2 (2010.12) 2:81-107
• Zhuang, Xiuhua. (2011). Self, Ideal and Salvation: A Comparative Study of Jane Austen’s Elizabeth and Cao Xueqin’s Lin Daiyu. Journal of Language Teaching and Research, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 420-423, March 2011. Fulltext: http://www.academypublication.com/issues/past/jltr/vol02/02/19.pdf.