History of Chinese Studies 001

Welcome to the Project Website "History of Chinese Studies" by the International Chinese Studies Centre, Hunan Normal University, China.

Willkommen auf der Projekt-Website "Geschichte der Chinawissenschaften" des International Chinese Studies Centre, Hunan Normal-Universität, China.

History_of_Chinese_Studies Introduction and Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4 Chapter 5

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History of Chinese Studies - Introduction

汉学史————前言

When we define an academic category like "Chinese studies", we pay respect to the fact that the world historically has developed differently in different regions. Of course the world was far less connected than today, with slow carriers like horses and ships and often bad or risky infrastructure like roads.

在定义诸如“中国研究”之类的学术类别时，我们要尊重这一事实：从历史上看，全球不同地区发展轨迹不同。当然，那是马匹和船只等运输工具速度慢，马路等基础设施经常是破烂不堪或有造成事故的风险，当时世界的联系远没有现在紧密。--Wu Xiang (talk) 15:20, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

Therefore it appears on first sight that these regions have developed their culture, their civilization and even first written languages on their own, independently. The oldest evidence of written civilizations, dating back around 3500 years BC, we find in the fertile crescent Mesopotamia with the clay tablets of the Sumerer. A little bit later there is evidence in Ancient Egypt, then in Proto-India and finally also in China.

因此，乍一看这些地区独立地发展了自己的文化、文明甚至最早的文字。最古老的文字文明的证据，可以追溯到公元前3500年左右，我们在美索不达米亚肥沃的新月地带发现了苏美尔人的泥板。不久后，人们在古埃及发现了佐证，然后是在原始印度，最后在中国也出现了​一些证据。--Yao Jia (talk) 00:18, 16 November 2020 (UTC)

But the more we explore history, the more fascinating evidence comes to light that these seemingly independently developing regions have had more trade relations and exchange of ideas than seems likely bearing in mind mobility: The Silk Road is not only rediscovered and reevaluated historically, but also rebuilt as a political agenda today.

但随着对历史探究的深入，有更多振奋人心的证据表明，这些看似独立发展的地区拥有的贸易关系和思想交流远比我们以为的流动性大得多。丝绸之路不仅是在历史上被重新发现和重新定位，而且如今已作为政治议程进行了重建。--Lin Xin (talk) 13:14, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

We today find early evidence of European civilizations in America and Asia as well as the Chinese civilization also in America and Europe.

Cultural Science is more influenced by its subject than other sciences, since we are part of it and cannot leave it to examine it. The history of cultural science has developed from the first times of intercultural encounters to today’s life, in which cultures are mixed and people understand each other as being part of different cultures simultaneously.

今天，我们发现了美洲和亚洲欧洲文明以及美洲和欧洲中华文明存在的早期证据。

与其他科学相比，文化科学受其学科影响更大。作为文化科学的一部分，我们不能利用它去研究其本身。文化科学的历史已经从第一次跨文化的相遇发展到今天的生活，在这种文化中，文化是混杂的，彼此理解的人们同时又是不同文化的一部分。--Yu Ni (talk) 13:27, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

You Yuting 游雨婷

However, there will always be differentiation between cultures, simply because the trends of integration and separation occur at the same time.

When there is different cultures, there is an interest in comparing these. This medal has two sides. As soon as you start to compare, you may value. Cultural encounters happened before there were experts or a whole discipline.

然而文化之间总是会有差异的，因为融合和分离的趋势是同时发生的。 当存在不同的文化时，比较这些文化是有意义的。这个奖牌有两面。一旦你开始比较，你可能会珍惜。文化交流发生在专家或整个学科出现之前。--You Yuting (talk) 13:41, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

然而，文化之间总是存在差异，只是因为融合和分离的趋势同时出现。 当存在不同的文化时，将这些文化做对比是有意义的。这枚奖牌有两面性。一旦你开始比较，你可能会重视。在文化专家或整个学科出现之前，文化交流就已经发生了。 --Zhang Ling (talk) 14:20, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

然而，文化之间总是存在差异，仅仅是因为融合和分离的趋势同时出现。 当存在不同的文化时，将这些文化做对比是有意义的。这枚奖牌有两面性。一旦你开始比较，你可能会重视。在文化专家或整个学科出现之前，文化交流就已经发生了。--Li Lingyue (talk) 04:34, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

Yu Ni 余妮

So the first comparisons between cultures were ethnocentric: You compared whatever you encountered as “other”, “foreign” or “alien”, to your own culture. This was often accompanied with feelings. There was both, the feeling of fear of the unknown and curiosness in the exotic.

因此，第一次文化间的比较是种族中心主义的：你把你遇到的“其他的”、“外国的”或“异族的”文化与你自己的文化进行比较。这常常伴随着感情。既有对未知事物的恐惧感，又有异国风情中的好奇。--Yu Ni (talk) 13:16, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

因此，第一次文化比较是一种民族中心主义的体现：人们把所有认为是“其他的”、“外来的”或者“异域的”与本民族文化作比较。这种行为通常着伴随着两种感情，对未知的恐惧和对异族的好奇。--Wei Honglang (talk) 14:20, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Yuan Shiqi 袁诗琦

You may categorize civilizations into so-called “high civilizations” and “low civilizations”, into “developed” and “underdeveloped” cultures. This was an ethnocentric approach in the age of cultural relativism. Today in the age of post-growth economy and after tragic experiences of colonialization and missionization, we know that each culture is equal and cannot be ranked to be higher or lower, of more or less value than the other.

你可以把各种文明分为“高等文明”、“低等文明”、“发达文明”和“不发达文明”。这是文化相对主义时代的一种民族中心主义方法。在经济后增长的今天，在经历了殖民和传教的悲惨经历之后，我们知道，每一种文化都是平等的，不能比较，没有一种文化文化比另一种文化更高级或更低级、更具价值或更少价值。--Yuan SHiqi (talk) 08:00, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

你可以将文明划分为“高等文明”、“低等文明”、“发达文明”和“不发达文明”。这是文化相对主义时代民族中心主义的分法。人类在经历了殖民和传教的悲惨经历之后，在经济后增长的今天，我们知道，每一种文化都是平等的，没有高低贵贱之分。--Tan Yuanyuan (talk) 12:42, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

Yuan Tianyi 袁天翼

While very early there were historians collecting knowledge from travel reports or official delegations visiting foreign cultures, in the middle ages handbooks collected the knowledge to describe different cultures. Even the Romans had words for the Chinese (Seres in the North and Sinae in the South) and attributed to Asian-looking people certain characteristics of behaviour, attitudes, value systems, beliefs, morals and character.

虽然很早以前，有历史学家从旅行报告中或者从政府代表团造访异域文化时候汲取知识，但是中世纪的时候指南书籍都是到处搜集知识来描述不同文化的。哪怕是罗马人也有描述中国人的词语（罗马北方称为Sere，南方称为Sinae），他们还把行为、态度、价值体系、信仰、道德和性格这些特定特征与长有亚洲外貌的人联系在一起。--Yuan Tianyi (talk) 10:08, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

Yuan Yuchen 袁雨晨

The first in-depth analysis of the Chinese culture through Western people came not with the merchants, but with the Jesuits. How few was known about China can be seen from the fact, that only the Jesuits managed to clarify, that the myth of the two empires, Tartary and Kitai/Cathay, in fact both were the same (China).

首次通过西方人来深入分析中国文化，不是由商人发起的，而是耶稣会。过去鲜少有人真正了解中国，只有耶稣会设法澄清关于两个帝国的神话，实际上，鞑靼和契丹所指一样，都是指的中国。 --Yuan Yuchen (talk) 09:02, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

首次深入分析中国文化的西方人不是商人，而是耶稣信徒。了解中国的人有多么少，我们可以从这个事实中看出来：只有耶稣信徒能够分清鞑靼和契丹这两大帝国的神话。实际上这两者都是指中国。--Yuan Tianyi (talk) 10:43, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Fangyuan 曾芳缘

However, the Jesuit’s approach was still ethnocentric and cultural relativist, because by portraying (like Du Halde) China as a seemingly ideal state suitable for mission work, they contributed to subjective views on China.

然而，耶稣会的分析方法仍然带有种族中心主义和文化相对论的思想。因为通过将中国描绘成一个看起来像是适合进行宣教工作的理想国家（比如杜赫德神父的作品），他们对中国的观点带有主观色彩。--Zeng Fangyuan (talk) 10:43, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

然而，耶稣会士的分析方法仍然带有种族中心主义和文化相对主义的思想。因为他们带着主观色彩看待中国，所以将中国描绘成一个看似适合进行宣教的理想国度（比如杜赫德神父的作品）。--Zhang Yu (talk) 13:18, 13 November 2020 (UTC) 然而，耶稣会的分析方法仍然带有种族中心主义和文化相对论的思想。这是因为他们通过将中国描绘成一个看似适合进行传教工作的理想国度（如杜赫德神父），以至于对中国的观点往往带有主观的色彩。--Chen Jiangning (talk) 08:13, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Liang 曾良

Around 1720 presumably the French Jesuit Jean-François Noëlas even translated the Dao de jing into Latin.[ Collani, Claudia von, Harald Holz, Konrad Wegmann eds. Uroffenbarung und Daoismus: jesuitische Missionshermeneutik des Daoismus. Europ. University Press, 2008. [Partial retranslation Chinese-Latin-German.]] The translation turns out to deviate from the original in the way that we suddenly find the Christian trinity god in it.

大约在1720年法国人让·弗朗索瓦·诺埃拉斯甚至将《道德经》翻译为拉丁语。结果证明，译文背离了原文，我们突然在其中发现基督教三位一体的上帝。--Zeng Liang (talk) 09:14, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

1720年左右，一位名叫让·弗朗索瓦·诺埃拉斯的法国人甚至将《道德经》翻译成了拉丁文。但他的翻译背离了原文，因为我们突然发现译文中出现了基督教三位一体的上帝。--Ouyang Ling (talk) 14:03, 15 November 2020 (UTC)Ouyang Ling

Zeng Xinyuan 曾心媛

This is the starting point of an ethnocentric tradition to read the self and the own into the other and the alien, instead of respecting the other as a value by itself and allowing it to even challenge the own beliefs. Even the German Christian missionary and sinologist Richard Wilhelm used a Christian language (belief, heavens’ doors, life after death etc.) in his influential 1919 Taoteking translation and in 1925 he translated “god” into the Analects of Confucius.

这就是种族中心主义的起点，即把自身文化强加于其他文化及外国文化，而非尊重其他文化自身价值，甚至允许其他文化挑战自身信仰。甚至于德国基督教传教士及汉学家理查德•威廉，在其1919年具有影响力的《道德经》译本中使用了基督教语言（信仰、天堂之门、永生等），在1925年在翻译《论语》时加入“上帝”一词。--Zeng Xinyuan (talk) 09:07, 15 November 2020 (UTC) 这是民族中心主义的开始，它将自己的文化强加给其它的文化，既不不尊重其他文化的自身价值，也不允许其他文化挑战自己的信仰。甚至德国基督教传教士兼汉学家理查德•威廉，在他1919年颇具影响的《道教经》译文中使用了基督教的语言（信仰、天堂之门、永生等），且在他1925年翻译的《论语》中也加入了“上帝”一词。--Yang Yi (talk) 04:29, 16 November 2020 (UTC)

Zeng Yanhu 曾雁湖

The missionaries baptized the seemingly “backward” aborigines in several continents, sometimes supported by the sword. A lot of cultures, considered less “developed”, were heavily influenced or even destroyed and extinguished. Earlier, the “Warriors of the Cross” even fought wars and devastated complete regions.

传教士在一些大洲为看似“落后”的原住民洗礼，有时是因为武力的加持。 许多被认为不那么“发达”的文化受到了严重的影响，甚至被摧毁和灭绝。早些时候，“穿越勇士们”甚至进行了战争，摧毁了整个地区。--Fancy (talk) 08:43, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

传教士在一些大洲为看似“落后”的原住民洗礼，有时还得到武力支持。 许多被认为不那么“发达”的文化受到了严重影响，甚至被摧毁和灭绝。 早些时候，“十字架上的战士”甚至进行了战争，摧毁了整个地区。--Yang Yue (talk) 09:23, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Hu 张虎

The other aspect, the exotization of the other was expressed by the way the first Chinese people who came to Europe were received: They were passed on at tea meetings and gazed at like animals. Soon Chinese goods became the symbol of the exotic. Chinese porcellain and nick-nacks, even Chinese-style buildings were recreated in Europe.

另一方面，异国化表现在第一批来到欧洲的中国人受到的接待方式上:他们在茶会上被传下来，像动物一样被注视。很快，中国商品成为异国情调的象征。中国的瓷器和小装饰品，乃至中式建筑都在欧洲得到了重现。--Blank (talk) 03:37, 16 November 2020 (UTC) 另一方面，作为第一批来到欧洲的中国人，他者的异域化表现在他们所受到的接待方式上：他们成为了茶会上的谈资，像动物一样被凝视着。很快中国货成为了异国情调的象征。中国的瓷器和小装饰品，甚至中国风格的建筑都在欧洲重现。--Kang Lingfeng (talk) 06:56, 16 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Hui 张慧

The fever-like admiration of a China image, which certainly was not the true China, is called Chinoiserie. The Chinoiserie even involved European philosophers like Voltaire and Leibniz, who compared China to an ideal country without religion and still moral values, represented by a wise emperor.

对中国形象的狂热崇拜，当然不是真正的中国，被称为中国风。 中国艺术甚至与伏尔泰和莱布尼兹（Leibniz）之类的欧洲哲学家相提并论，他们将中国比作一个没有宗教信仰和道德价值观的理想国家，以一个明智的皇帝为代表。--Zhang Hui (talk) 07:46, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

对中国形象的狂热崇拜被称为“中国风”,这当然不是真正的中国。甚至连伏尔泰和莱布尼茨这样的欧洲哲学家也认同这种中国风这种观念，他们把中国比作一个没有宗教和道德价值观的理想国家，由一个明智的皇帝代表。--You Yuting (talk) 13:44, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

对中国形象的狂热崇拜被称为“中国风”,当然这并不是真正的中国。甚至连伏尔泰和莱布尼茨这样的欧洲哲学家也追逐中国风，他们把中国比作一个没有宗教信仰和道德价值，只以开明君主为代表的理想国度。--Zhang Yujie (talk) 09:27, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

对中国形象的狂热崇拜，当然不是真正的中国，被称为中国风。像伏尔泰和莱布尼茨这样的欧洲哲学家也认同这种中国风这种观念，他们把中国比作一个没有宗教和道德价值观的理想国家，由一个明智的皇帝代表。--Zhang Peiwen (talk) 12:29, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Ling 张玲

In Europe, the first experts on Chinese culture were entrusted with the task to explain the Chinese culture no longer from the ethnocentric viewpoint, but from a scientific one: Professorships at universities were established. Their early translations show traces of admiration of the exotic. Chinoiserie was also countered by Européerie in China. However, this phase did only last as long as it fit to European politics.

在欧洲，第一批研究中国文化的专家被委以重任，不再从民族中心主义的观点来解释中国文化，而是从科学的角度来解释: 大学里设立了教授职位。他们早期的翻译显示出对异国情调的赞赏。在中国的欧洲人也反对“中国风”。然而，这一阶段只会在符合欧洲政治的情况下持续。 --Zhang Ling (talk) 14:12, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

在欧洲，第一批研究中国文化的专家被委以重任，她们开始不再从民族中心主义的观点，而是从科学的角度来解释中国文化：在大学里设立了教授职位。他们早期的翻译显示出对异国情调的赞赏。在中国的欧洲人也反对“中国风”。然而，这一阶段只会在符合欧洲政治的情况下持续。--Yao Cheng (talk) 14:58, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

在欧洲，第一批研究中国文化的专家被委以重任，不再从民族中心的角度解释中国文化，而是从科学的角度解释中国文化：大学教授职位的设立。他们早期的翻译表现出对异国风情的赞赏。在中国的欧洲人也反对“中国风”。然而，这一阶段只会在它适合欧洲政治时持续。--Zhao Xi (talk) 12:15, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Peiwen 张佩闻

As soon as the import of colonial goods (and resources) became an economic factor, the (wrong) image of the ideal China changed into a negative one (similarly wrong). Not only mission and belief were motifs to look down on the Chinese culture, but also the comparison of economic development and living standards. 把进口殖民商品作为经济来源会有损中国的积极形象使命和信仰会蔑视中国文化，也是比较经济发展和生活水平的动机。人们不仅会看不起中国文化所弘扬的理念和信仰，也会嘲笑中国人生活水平跟不上经济发展。--Zhang Peiwen (talk) 12:25, 15 November 2020 (UTC) 一旦殖民商品(和资源)的进口成为一个经济因素，(错误的)理想中国形象就变成了一个负面形象(同样错误的)。使命和信仰不仅是蔑视中国文化的理由，也是比较经济发展和生活水平的依据。--Yao Jia (talk) 00:19, 16 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Qi 张琪

Hegel continued the ethnocentric view on China with his ranking of cultures. Although Confucius already had developed a “Golden Rule” principle comparable to Kant’s “Categorical Imperative”, Hegel declared Chinese philosophy as inferior to European philosophy, and even saw a geographical step by step development from Confucius over Buddha, Zarathustra, the ancient Greek and the Roman philosophy, leading to the European philosophy.

黑格尔通过其文化排名继续保持对中国的民族主义观点。尽管孔子已经制定了可与康德的“绝对命令”相媲美的“黄金法则”原则，但黑格尔却宣称中国哲学不如欧洲哲学，即使看到孔子和佛陀，扎拉特胡斯特拉，古希腊和古罗马哲学这些促进欧洲哲学发展的逐步发展。--Zhangqi (talk) 15:31, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Weihong 张维虹

A ladder only second by the Arab philosophy. At the turn from the 19th to the 20th century, China was suddenly considered as static, as “the sick man of Asia”. Actually semi-colonialism in China helped to hinder development there.

这一阶梯仅次于阿拉伯哲学。19世纪到20世纪之交，人们认为中国一时停滞了，是 "东亚病夫"。但其实中国的半殖民主义进一步阻碍了其发展。

Zhang Xueyi 张雪仪

Rereading the reviews of Chinese literature in contemporary Western journals, it is astonishing, how disrespectful even men of letters treated Chinese literature, even during a time, when it was not yet available in translation, so that it is save to say that ethnocentric attitude prevailed over knowledge.

重读当代西方期刊上关于中国文学的评论，令人吃惊的是，即使是在还没有译文的时期，就连文学家都对中国文学充满了不尊重，可以说民族优越感压倒了知识。--Zhang Xueyi (talk) 13:32, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

重读当代西方期刊上对中国文学的评论后，感到惊讶的是，即使是文人也会如此不尊重地对待中国文学，即使是在还没有翻译的时代，以至于只能说，民族中心主义的态度压倒了知识。--Blank (talk) 03:42, 16 November 2020 (UTC)

对当代西方期刊关于中国文学的评论重读，吃惊的是，即使是在还没有译文的时期，就连文学家都对中国文学充满了不尊重，可以说民族优越感压倒了知识。--Zhangqi (talk) 05:20, 20 December 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Yinliu 张银柳

This can be proven by the many mistakes you can find in the reviews (Morrison: the book was of low literary quality, but written in Peking dialect and therefore useful as language learning material; Gützlaff: the protagonist Baoyu is a petulant woman; Giles: the words “Red Chamber Dreams do not appear in the book” etc.). Also, the tradition of the title translation as “Dream of the Red Chamber” can be traced back to the origins of the better translation as “Red Chamber Dreams”, sacrificed by Francis Davis finally in favor of the powerful tool of Morrison’s dictionary calling it “Dream of the Red Chamber”.

这可以通过您在评论中发现的许多错误来证明（Morrison：这本书的文学素质很低，但是用北京话写的，因此可以用作语言学习材料;Gützlaff：主角宝玉是一个脾气暴躁的女人; Giles： 文字“红楼梦没有出现在书中”等）。 同样，标题翻译的传统是“红楼梦”，其源头可以追溯到更好的翻译作“红楼梦”，最终因弗朗西斯·戴维斯（Francis Davis）为支持莫里森词典中的强大工具而做出，译为“红楼梦”。--Zhang Yinliu (talk) 07:26, 16 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Yu 张瑜

Here, the exotic was used to make fun of China. Barrow introduces an excerpt, describing the outward appearance of Baoyu and Xifeng, translated by Francis Davis into English, explicitely for the reason to “amuse the beaux and belles”. Francis Davis himself picks two poems from the novel for translation, but not for its own sake, but to use them as a proof for his own (minority) opinion that the Chinese poetry knew a certain, “descriptive” function of poems in novels.

在这里，这种异域文化常用来取笑中国。巴罗引用了一段描述宝玉和熙凤外貌的文本，弗朗西斯·戴维斯将其翻译成英文版本，很明显其意图是取笑书中的“美人”。弗朗西斯·戴维斯从小说中选了两首诗进行翻译，但他不仅仅是为了这两首诗，而是为了用这两首诗证明自己（少数人）的观点，他认为我们对中国诗有一定了解之后，我们就自然会了解诗歌在小说中的描述性作用。--Zhang Yu (talk) 13:01, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

在这里，异国情调被用来取笑中国。巴罗引用了一段描述宝玉和熙凤外表的片段，由弗朗西斯·戴维斯翻译成英文，显然是为了取笑“书中的美人”。弗朗西斯·戴维斯本人从小说中挑选了两首诗进行翻译，但不是为了诗本身，而是为了证明他自己(少数人)的观点，即他认为我们对中国诗深入了解之后，我们一定会发现中国诗歌在小说中的某种“描写”功能。--Xiao yining (talk) 06:54, 15 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Yining

Zhang Yujie 张毓婕

In 1815 Macao Reverend Robert Morrison (1782-1834) coined the Western translation of the novel’s title by mentioning it in his Dictionary of the Chinese Language as “dreams of the red chamber.”[ He explained the character “妙” as in the novel’s character “妙玉 Meaou yǔh [Miao Yu]” as “the admirable gem, name of one of the female characters in the novel called 紅樓夢 the dreams of the red chamber”, see Robert Morrison: A Dictionary of the Chinese language in three parts, Macao: East India Company Press 1815, vol. I., 930 pp., here p. 614, left column. 24 years after the print edition was published, this is the first mention and translation of the novel’s title into a Western language known so far. If no earlier occurrence is found it means that Morrison created a translation which has lasted until today almost unchanged.]

1815年，澳门神父罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison，1782-1834年）在《中国词典》中将《红楼梦》的标题译为“dreams of the red chamber”，这是《红楼梦》小说标题的第一个英译版本。他解释了“妙”字，认为小说中人物“妙玉Meaouyǔh[Miao Yu]意为“令人敬佩的宝石，这是《红楼梦》小说中的一个女性人物的名字”。罗伯特·莫里森的词典分三个部分介绍了中国语言，澳门：东印度公司出版社1815年，第一卷。 I.，930 pp。，此处p。 614，左栏。 印刷版出版24年后，出现了迄今已知的最早的对红楼梦标题的西译版本。 如果未发现更早的记录，则意味着莫里森创造了一直持续到今天几乎不变的对《红楼梦》标题的英译方法。--Zhang Yujie (talk) 09:13, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

1815年，澳门神父罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison，1782-1834年）在《中国词典》中将《红楼梦》的标题译为“dreams of the red chamber”，这是《红楼梦》小说标题的第一个英译版本。他解释了“妙”字，认为小说中人物“妙玉Meaouyǔh[Miao Yu]意为“令人敬佩的宝石，这是小说《紅樓夢》中一个女性人物的名字”。罗伯特·莫里森的词典分三个部分介绍了中国语言，澳门：东印度公司出版社1815年，第一卷。 I.，930页，此处614页，左栏。 印刷版出版24年后，出现了迄今已知的最早的对红楼梦标题的西译版本。 如果未发现更早的记录，则意味着莫里森创造性地翻译了《红楼梦》标题，且直到今天也几乎未变。--Zhang Yuxing (talk) 02:53, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhang Yuxing 张宇星

In 1815 Macao Reverend Robert Morrison (1782-1834) coined the Western translation of the novel’s title by mentioning it in his Dictionary of the Chinese Language as “dreams of the red chamber.”[ He explained the character “妙” as in the novel’s character “妙玉 Meaou yǔh [Miao Yu]” as “the admirable gem, name of one of the female characters in the novel called 紅樓夢 the dreams of the red chamber”, see Robert Morrison: A Dictionary of the Chinese language in three parts, Macao: East India Company Press 1815, vol. I., 930 pp., here p. 614, left column. 24 years after the print edition was published, this is the first mention and translation of the novel’s title into a Western language known so far. If no earlier occurrence is found it means that Morrison created a translation which has lasted until today almost unchanged.] He chose the plural, which was quite reasonable as there are many dreams in the novel. It appears that 27 years later the plural “dreams” was turned into the singular “dream,” which sounds a bit more general and is therefore also a reasonable translation. Red Chamber Dreams is the most common translation in English and, in its variations, in all Western languages so far.

1815年，澳门神父罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison，1782-1834年）在《中国词典》中将《红楼梦》的标题译为“dreams of the red chamber”，这是《红楼梦》小说标题的第一个英译版本。他解释了“妙”字，认为小说中人物“妙玉Meaouyǔh[Miao Yu]意为“令人敬佩的宝石，这是小说《紅樓夢》小说中一个女性人物的名字”。罗伯特·莫里森的词典分三个部分介绍了中国语言，澳门：东印度公司出版社1815年，第一卷。 I.，930页，此处614页，左栏。 印刷版出版24年后，出现了迄今已知的最早的对红楼梦标题的西译版本。 如果未发现更早的记录，则意味着莫里森创造性地翻译了《红楼梦》标题，且直到今天也几乎未变。他选择比较合理的复数形式，因为小说中有很多梦。 27年后，复数形式“dreams”变成了单数形式“dream”，比较笼统，故也是合理的。Red Chamber Dreams是迄今为止最常见的英文译本，其变体，即Red Chamber Dream，也是西方语言中最常见的译本。--Zhang Yuxing (talk) 02:52, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhao Xi 赵茜

He chose the plural, which was quite reasonable as there are many dreams in the novel. It appears that 27 years later the plural “dreams” was turned into the singular “dream,” which sounds a bit more general and is therefore also a reasonable translation. Red Chamber Dreams is the most common translation in English and, in its variations, in all Western languages so far.

他选择了复数，这是非常合情合理的，因为在小说中有很多的梦想。似乎27年后，复数的“梦想(dreams)”变成了单数的“梦想(dream)”，这听起来更加笼统，因此也是个合理的翻译。在英文中，在所有的变体中，在所有的西方语言中，“Red Chamber Dreams（《红楼梦》）”是迄今为止最常见译本。--Zhao Xi (talk) 01:27, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

他选择了复数，因为在小说中有很多梦境，这是很合理的。似乎在27年后，复数“dreams”变成了单数“dream”，这听起来更笼统一些，因此也是一个合理的翻译。“Red Chamber Dreams” 是迄今为止在所有西方语言中，在所有的译本中，最常见的英文译本。--Zhou Luoping (talk) 02:29, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

他选择了复数形式是很合理的，因为小说中有很多的梦。似乎在27年后，复数的“梦”变成了单数的“梦”，听起来更笼统，因此也是一种合理的翻译。“Red Chamber Dreams”（《红楼梦》）是迄今为止英语中最常见的翻译版本，是所有西方语言的变体形式。--Zhou Shuyao (talk) 02:37, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhao Xiaoyan 赵晓燕

In 1817 Rev. Robert Morrison published a book for studying Chinese,[ Robert Morrison, A view of China for philological purposes: containing a sketch of Chinese Chronology, Geography, Government, Religion & Customs, designed for the use of persons who study the Chinese language, Macao: East Asia Company Press, 1817, 141 S., hier S. 120-121.] in which he recommended “Dreams of the Red Chamber” as beginner readings, together with the novel Hao qiu zhuan, which was available mostly in English and partly in Portuguese by 1719, and fully in English by 1761. Both were written in colloquial style.

1817年，罗伯特·莫里森牧师出版了一本研究汉语的书，[罗伯特·莫里森，从语言学的角度看中国：包含中国年表，地理，政府，宗教和习俗的梗概，旨在供学习汉语的人使用。 澳门：东亚公司出版社，1817年，141 S.，hier S. 120-121。]，其中他推荐《红楼梦》作为初学者阅读，包括小说《好逑传》，这本小说到1719年大部分都是用英语撰写，部分用葡萄牙语撰写，到1761年全部变成了英文版。两种语言都是口语化的。--Zhao Xiaoyan (talk) 07:33, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

1817年，启罗伯特·莫里森牧师出版了一本学习中文的书,[罗伯特·莫里森,从语言学的角度看中国:包含中国年表、地理、政府、宗教和习俗,旨在供学习汉语的人使用,澳门:东亚公司出版社,1817年,141 S., hier S. 120-121.] 在这本书中，他推荐《红楼梦》和小说《好逑传》作为初学者读物。到1719年，《好逑传》主要以英文出版，部分以葡萄牙文出版，到1761年完全以英文出版。两者都是用口语化的。--Zhang Hui (talk) 07:53, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

Zheng Huajun 郑华君

Morrison claims that Dream was written in Peking dialect. This does not hold true, since the author’s family Cao came from the South and many people in the novel have Nanking dialect sprinkles. In fact, the highly artful and intentional switch of dialects and sociolects contributed to the later fame of the novel. Morrison’s mistake developed its own tradition.[ Even in 1995, you could read that the Dreams is written in Peking dialect, cf. Shu Changshan, Die Rezeption Thomas Manns in China, 1995, Frankfurt: Lang, 326 pp. At least Tong Yao, Die Vielfältigkeit der Literatur, 2006 mentions both Peking and Nanking dialects.]

莫里森声称《梦》是用北京方言写成的。但事实并非如此，因为作者曹家来自南方，小说中的许多人物都有南京方言的点缀。事实上，方言和社会语的高度巧妙和有意的转换为这部小说后来的名声做出了贡献。莫里森的错误发展了自己的传统。[即使在1995年，大家也可以读到“《梦》是用北京方言写的”，参见舒长山、托马斯·曼斯的《中国的梦》（1995），法兰克福:朗，326页。至少佟耀《文学之声》（2006）同时提到了北京方言和南京方言。]--Zheng Huajun (talk) 05:23, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

莫里森声称《红楼梦》是用北京方言写的，但事实并非如此。因为作者所在的曹氏家族来自南方，而小说中许多人物也都夹杂了一些零碎的南京方言。事实上，后来这部小说名声大噪，也都离不开小说中方言与社会语言之间及其巧妙而又有意为之的语言转换。而莫里森的错误也延续下来形成传统了。[甚至在1995年，我们仍会读到说《红楼梦》是用北京方言写的。参见舒长山、托马斯•曼斯的《中国的梦》（1995），法兰克福：朗，326页。至少佟耀《文学之声》(2006)则同时提及了北京方言和南京方言。]--Yi Huan (talk) 07:54, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Luoping 周罗平

Barrow mentioned the title “[...] a Chinese novel called Hung-low-Mung, or, The Red Chamber Dreams” on June 4, 1819, in the Quarterly Review. He inserted this reference into a review[ My own findings, so far not discussed in 20th century hongxue, and published first in October 2010. John Barrow, “Art. IV Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that Country, in the Years 1816 and 1817; containing an Account of the most interesting Transactions of Lord Amherst's Embassy to the Court of Pekin, and Observations on the Countries which it visited. By Clarke Abel F.L.S. London 1818”, in: William Gifford ed., Quarterly Review 21:41 (January 1819) S. 67-91, hier S. 79-80. This edition appeared (only by) June 4, 1819 with 13,000 copies. The author follows here the argumentation of the assignment to the author Barrow due to the following indications: “Gentleman's Magazine (Mar. 1844), 246-47. The article's author refers to #415 and #438 (including a specific reference), both of which are on the same topic and are by Barrow. Cf. also the discussion of infanticide (p. 76) and Raffles's account of Java reviewed by Barrow in #422. In his Q[uarterly] R[eview] articles, it was Barrow's signature practice to refer to his own works, see “Quarterly Review Archive” http://www.rc.umd.edu/ reference/qr/index/41.html, last visited March 10, 2018.] of Clarke Abel’s report of a journey through China.[ Clarke Abel, Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that Country, in the Years 1816 and 1817; containing an Account of the most interesting Transactions of Lord Amherst's Embassy to the Court of Pekin, and Observations on the Countries which it visited, F.L.S. London 1818.]

巴罗提到书名“[……《红楼梦》，1819年6月4日在《季刊》上发表的。他在一篇评论中引用了这篇文章 [ 我自己的发现，到目前为止还没有在20世纪的红学中讨论过，并于2010年10月首次发表。约翰·巴罗《艺术》四系列中关于一八一六年和一八一七年在中国内地的旅行和往返中国的航行的叙述;其中记载了阿默斯特勋爵派往北京朝廷的最有趣的事务，以及他访问过的国家的观察。By Clarke Abel F.L.S. London 1818”, in: William Gifford ed., Quarterly Review 21:41 (January 1819) S. 67-91, hier S. 79-80. 这个版本出版(到1819年6月4日)有13000册。以下是作者对指派给作者巴罗的任务的论证，理由如下:“绅士杂志(1844年3月)，246-47。本文作者引用了#415和#438(包括一个特定的引用)，它们都是关于同一个主题，都是巴罗写的。另外巴罗在第422页评论了关于杀婴的讨论和莱佛士对爪哇的描述。在他的文章中，巴罗的标志性做法是提及自己的作品，参见“季度评论档案”http://www.rc.umd.edu/ reference/qr/index/41。html，上次访问于2018年3月10日中克拉克·阿贝尔关于中国之旅的报道。[克拉克·阿贝尔，《1816年和1817年在中国内地的一次旅行和一次往返中国的航行》;书中记述了阿默斯特勋爵派往北京朝廷的一些最有趣的事务，以及访问过的一些国家的见闻，载于1818年伦敦《F.L.S.》。--Zhou Luoping (talk) 02:11, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Shiqing 周诗卿

He interrupted his review with an excursus on the uniform appearance and static nature of the Chinese, in line with the contemporary China-bashing of Herder and Hegel. For contemporary Europeans, the Chinese appeared abnormally uniform and simple in their clothes and appearance.

Zhou Shuyao 周书尧

They would not be subordinated to the tyranny of fashion; their culture was static. In order to entertain the “belles and beaux of Great Britain,” Barrow provides a foil to this general impression by quoting the descriptions of the garments and anatomy of two characters, Wang Xifeng and Jia Baoyu, from chapter 3 of J. Davis’ translation of Dream.

他们不会服从时尚专制，他们的文化是静态的。 为了娱乐“不列颠的淑女和绅士”，巴罗通过引用戴维斯的《梦》译本第3章中对两个角色王熙凤和贾宝玉的服装与解剖学的描述，为这种总体印象锦上添花。--Zhou Shuyao (talk) 02:27, 15 November 2020 (UTC) 他们不会屈从于时尚专制，他们的文化是静止的。为了满足“英国淑女和绅士”，约翰•巴罗引用了约翰•弗朗西斯•戴维斯《红楼梦》翻译的第三回里面小说人物王熙凤和贾宝玉的着装和相貌描写,为衬托这种一般印象。--Tan Xinjie (talk) 11:55, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Siqing 周思庆

In fact the graphic comparisons given in these descriptions were simply strange to Europeans of that time, since they apparently did not correspond to the European’s own ideal of beauty. Even in 1842 Gützlaff criticized: “the author [makes] many protestations of his inability to do justice to the subject, which indeed is the only truth in the book […] the style is without any art […] whosoever wishes to familiarize himself with the manner of speaking the northern court dialect, may peruse this work with advantage”[ “Amongst the novels of the Chinese, this work holds a decidedly high rank. The author, after making many protestations of his inability to do justice to the subject, which indeed is the only truth in the book […] Having brought this tedious story to a conclusion, in expressing our opinion about the literary merits of the performance, we may say that the style is without any art, being literally the spoken language of the higher classes in the northern provinces. Some words that are used in a sense different from that in ordinary writings, and others are formed for the occasion, to express provincial sounds. But after reading one volume the sense is easily understood, and whosoever wishes to familiarize himself with the manner of speaking the northern court dialect, may peruse this work with advantage.” ibid., p. 273.] 事实上，这些描述中的形象对比对当时的欧洲人来说很奇怪，因为它们显然不符合欧洲人自己对美的理想。 甚至1842年吉士笠批评道:“作者(使)许多人抗议说他不能做正义的主题,这是在书中唯一的真理[…]这风格没有任何艺术[…]凡希望熟悉法院北部方言说话口气的人,可以详细考察这个有优势的作品”(“在中国的小说,这作品绝对排名靠前。作者在许多人抗议说他不能公平对待之后,这确实是在书中唯一的真理[…]总结一下这个乏味的故事，关于文学价值表现表达我们的意见,我们可以说风格即没有任何艺术,是北部省份字面上更高的口语层次。有些词在某种意义上不同于普通文字，有些词则是为了表达地方的声音而专门造出来的。但是，读完一卷之后，这种意义就很容易理解了，任何想熟悉北方宫廷方言的人，都可以读一下这本书，从中获益。"同上，第273页。]--Zhou Siqing (talk) 11:34, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Yiwen 周艺文

In 1867, 78 years after the first Chinese printed edition, we find a first real in-depth review of two pages by William Frederick Mayers:[ William Frederick Mayers, in: Notes and Queries (Dec 31, 1867) pp. 167-168, here p. 167. Mayers was Chinese secretary of the British Legation at Peking. He gives also short extracts in translation: “Vast as is Heaven above or Earth below – Sighs may such limits fill for passion vainly past Grieve for the senseless youth, the hapless maiden’s woe ! Not oft is love’s light pledge redeem’ed at last ! ” (p. 167) […] Vain to be soft in temper, mild in ways, Fair as the fairest … (p. 168) […] Not often shines thy longings too are vain ! ” (p. 168)].]

在1867年，也就是第一本中文版出版78年后，我们发现了威廉·弗雷德里克·迈尔斯第一次真正深入的评论，有两页纸那么长。（《备忘和查询》（1867，12月31）中记载，迈尔斯是英国驻北京公使馆的中国秘书。他还摘录了一些简短的译文: “苍苍穹苍，茫茫大地—— 但愿这无限的叹息填满激情的往昔， 为无谓的青春悲叹，为不幸少女悲哀!” 爱情的轻誓终不能兑现!“(167页)[……] 性情温和，行为温顺，美如天至，都是枉然……(168页) [……] 你的渴望并非时常闪耀，也枉然!”(168页)]。)--Zhou Yiwen (talk) 11:00, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Yuanqu 周园曲

“If it be lawful to avow a feeling approaching to enthusiasm for any Chinese production, The Hung Low Mêng 紅樓夢 or ‘Dreams of the Red Chamber’ is beyond possibility of cavil the work for which genuine admiration may be expressed. What, in English literature, the writings of Thackeray and Bulwer are in comparison with the wearisome and unskilful productions of previous generations, such is the Hung Low Mêng when compared with the works of fiction that have emanated from other Chinese authors.

如果能够依法公开宣布我们对于任何一部中国作品近乎狂热的喜爱，红楼梦将无可挑剔地成为一部最值得对其倾诉真挚仰慕之情的作品。英国文学中，萨克雷和布尔沃的之前的作品与萨克雷和沃尔本人的作品相比显得乏味而笨拙，中国其他作家的作品和《红楼梦》相比也是如此。--Zhou Yuanqu (talk) 09:29, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhou Yujuan 周玉娟

manated from other Chinese authors. Human character in its complex variety of shades, the intricacies of family relations, the force of passion and the torture of disappointed yearnings after love are pourtrayed with a degree of skill and knowledge such as in truth suggests a resemblance with the two great master-spirits of English romance; whilst, as in Nature's own drama of existence, the reflections of storm and sunshine are closely interlaced, and the lighter thread of comedy runs side by side with the dark main-strand of a story which opens with the omens of sorrow and is conducted to a tearful end. If, at the same time, a faint – a very faint – tinge of the supernatural is allowed to show itself in the conception of the tale, this is not only in full accord with the inclinations of the people for whom the work is written, but is also far less obtrusive than the similar element which pervades more than one of our own most celebrated fictions. […]” Reading through almost 80 years of reviews, during which more and more chapters of the novel became available, the ethnocentric attitude gradually changes to the scientific one and finally, with Mayr’s review of 1867 to a dialectic one, not only admitting that the Chinese novel was a piece of world literature, but even leaving open the possibility that it surpassed literary achievements of the own culture. This process certainly has been brought to a good end with the establishment of further diversified Chinese Studies in Europe and the USA, with the role of overseas Chinese at American universities, with further translations especially through Franz Kuhn in the 1930s and with the establishment of the German China Association in the 1950s. 由其他中国作家授权。人性具有多种多样的色调，复杂的家庭关系，激情的力量以及对恋爱后的失望和所受的折磨，都带有一定程度的技能和知识，诸如英国浪漫史，实际上暗示着这两种伟大的大师精神的相似之处 ；同时，就像自然界存在自身的戏剧一样，暴风雨和阳光的反映紧密交织在一起，喜剧的轻松线索与故事的黑暗主线并肩而行，故事以悲伤的征兆开始，并以泪收场。如果同时允许在故事的概念中表现出淡淡的（极其淡的）超自然色彩，这不仅完全符合这本书所面向的读者的喜好，而且也远没有我们自己的一部最著名的小说中普遍存在的类似元素那么引人注目。

[…]””

阅读80年的大多数评论,在此期间,越来越多的小说章节可供借鉴,民族中心主义的态度最终逐渐改变为科学,梅尔（Mayr）对1867年的评论是一种辩证法，它不仅承认中国小说是世界文学作品中的一部分，而且甚至没有公开其超越自身文化的文学成就的可能性。随着在欧洲和美国建立更多多元化的中文研究，在美国大学中扮演海外华人的角色，特别是在1930年代通过Franz Kuhn进行的进一步翻译以及 1950年代的中德协会的建立。--ZHOUYUJUAN (talk) 12:27, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhu Meimei 祝美梅

During its 60 years of history, the German China Association (next to the developing chairs of Chinese Studies at universities and next to other organizations dealing with China like friendship associations and Confucius Institutes) has helped to overcome prejudices, cultural relativism with diversity and tolerance. This is especially challenging, because the cultures and languages are quite distant and German media and internet community tends to bash China.

在60多年的历史中，德中协会（次于正在发展中的大学里的中国研究主席，也次于其他与中国共事的组织，如友谊协会和孔子学院）帮助克服了偏见，具有多样性和宽容性的文化相对论。 这尤其具有挑战性，因为文化和语言相距遥远，而且德国媒体和互联网社区倾向于抨击中国。--Zhumeimei (talk) 15:50, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhu Suyao 朱素瑶

During the last 20 years, the German China Association was shaped through its prolific president, Gregor Paul, who has shaped the prestige of the Association with his sharp and precise analysis of a common logic in China and the West as well as universal values, including human rights, worth to strive for both in the West and in China. His entertaining and informative lectures used a rhethoric often referring to persuasive conventional wisdom, e.g. that differences often come from different opinions instead of a difference of the nature of the things, as can be seen from a quarrel with his wife about what both remembered had happened the day before.

在过去20年间，德中协会是由其多产的主席格雷戈·保罗所塑造，他通过尖锐又精准地分析中西方的共同逻辑，以及分析包括中西方都值得为之奋斗的人权在内的普世价值，从而树立了协会的威望。他运用修辞手法进行寓教于乐的演讲，往往是关于一些具有说服力的传统大智慧。比如，分歧往往源于观点的不同而非事物性质的不同，这点从保罗和其妻子关于昨天发生之事的争论中可看出。--Zhu Suyao (talk) 12:37, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

在过去的20年里，德中协会是由其多产的主席格雷戈·保罗所塑造，他通过尖锐又精准地分析中西方的共同逻辑，以及分析包括中西方都值得为之奋斗的包括人权在内的普世价值，从而树立了协会的威望。他运用修辞手法进行寓教于乐的演讲，往往是关于一些具有说服力的传统大智慧。比如，分歧往往源于观点的不同而非事物性质的不同，我们可以从保罗和他妻子关于昨天发生之事的对话中可看出。--ZHOUYUJUAN (talk) 12:30, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

Zhu Xu 朱旭

Paul is a consequent logician and a real universalist and he has added to Germany’s international reputation as “the land of poets and thinkers”. The process of doing more justice to China today culminates in the cooperation between Chinese and Western scholars at international conferences, in research projects or international book projects like A New Literary History of Modern China, Harvard University Press 2017.

保尔是一位相应的逻辑学家，也是一位真正的普世主义者，他为德国 "诗人和思想家的国度 "的国际声誉添砖加瓦。这个过程中，对待当代中国也变得更加公正了，这激励着中西方的学者在国际会议中合作，在研究项目或国际图书项目中的合作，如2017年哈佛大学出版的《新编中国现代文学史》。--Zhu Xu (talk) 14:45, 15 November 2020 (UTC)

保尔是一位相应的逻辑学家，也是一位真正的普世主义者，他为德国 "诗人和思想家的国度 "的国际声誉添砖加瓦。中西方的学者在国际会议中合作，在研究项目或国际图书项目中合作，如2017年共同编著由哈佛大学出版的《新编中国现代文学史》。在此过程中，他们对待中国的公正态度是前所未有的。--Yang Ziling (talk) 04:07, 16 November 2020 (UTC)

Zou Xinyu 邹鑫雨

Europeans (and later US-Americans) have made a contribution to Chinese Studies in general. They were influenced heavily by the idealizers (Jesuits, European philosophers of the enlightenment) and by China-bashers (Hegel, the German emperor...). It took 100 years for a Chinese piece of world literature to be recognized as such in Europe. But today, Chinese literature and culture is recognized with the Nobel Prize and Confucius Institutes do successful work in the whole work promoting and exporting Chinese culture abroad.

总体而言，欧洲人（以及后来的美国人）为“中国学”做出了贡献。 “中国学”曾受到理想主义者（耶稣会士，欧洲启蒙哲学家）和批判中国以赢取政治筹码者（黑格尔，德国皇帝……）的严重影响，中国的一部世界文学历时百年才被欧洲认可。但是今天，中国文学和文化获得了诺贝尔奖，孔子学院在促进向外传播中国文化的工作中取得了成功。--Zou Xinyu2 (talk) 09:37, 13 November 2020 (UTC)Zou Xinyu

总体而言，欧洲人（以及后来的美国人）为“汉学”做出了贡献。 “汉学”曾受到理想主义者（如耶稣会成员，欧洲启蒙哲学家）和中国抨击者（如黑格尔，德国皇帝……）的严重 影响，一部世界文学中的中国作品需要历时百年才被欧洲认可。但是今天，中国文学和文化获得了诺贝尔奖的认可，孔子学院在促进向外传播中国文化的工作中也取得了成功。 --Zhou Yiwen (talk) 11:14, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

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However, we should not overestimate the European contribution. There are still examples of ethnocentrism, even of religiously motivated reading of things into Chinese literature. One of these examples is the 10 volume History of Chinese Literature published in Bonn. In two volumes, the one about the origins of Chinese literature and the one on Chinese poetry, a German sinologist, who formerly was a priest, defines, that the origin of Chinese literature lies in the dialogue of the author with god.

然而，我们不应高估欧洲的贡献。现在仍然有民族中心主义的例子，甚至是出于宗教动机对中国文学作品的解读。在波恩出版的10卷《中国文学史》就是其中之一。德国汉学家在《中国文学起源论》和《中国诗歌论》两卷中，曾任神父的汉学家对中国文学的起源进行了界定:中国文学的起源在于作者与上帝的对话。--Zheng Huajun (talk) 05:27, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

然而，我们不应高估欧洲的贡献。现在仍有种族中心主义的例子，甚至出于宗教动机解读中国文学。其中一个例子就是波恩出版的10卷《中国文学史》，作者波恩是曾任神父的德国汉学家。他在《中国文学起源》和《中国诗歌》两卷中明确指出，中国文学起源于作者与上帝的对话。--Zhu Xu (talk) 09:39, 10 December 2020 (UTC)

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This reminds us again of the Jesuit reading of things into Chinese texts, it reminds us of the attempts, to impose your own culture on other seemingly backward cultures, in this case even the try to impose the Western god on the Chinese culture of a time, when China had a totally different understanding of the world and of heaven than that of a Christian god. The emergence of Chinese literature comes from songs, speeches and paintings, from the wish to document events, family etc., but not from an encounter with god.

这再次让我们想起耶稣会会士对于中国经文的解读；想起我们试图强加自身的文化于其他看似落后的文化上，当时中国对世界和天堂的理解完全不同于基督教的上帝，在这种情况下我们甚至试图把西方的上帝强加于一个时代的中国文化上。中国文学起源于歌曲，演说和画作；源于期望记录事件，家庭等，而非起源于与上帝的邂逅。--Zhu Suyao (talk) 14:33, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

这再次让我们想起耶稣会会士对于中国经文的解读，它提醒我们那些试图把自己的文化强加给其他看似落后的文化的尝试，在这种情况下，甚至是试图把西方的上帝强加给一个时代的中国文化，当时中国对世界和天堂的理解完全不同于基督教的上帝。中国文学的出现来自于歌曲、演讲和绘画，来自于记录事件、家庭等的愿望，而不是来自与上帝的相遇。--Yuan SHiqi (talk) 06:58, 16 November 2020 (UTC)

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The same German sinologist retranslated the Analects, attributed to Confucius, and translated some of the more than 50 occurrences of “heaven” or “demon/ghost” with the term “god”.[ Here Wolfgang Kubin stands in the tradition of Jean-François Noëlas 1720 and Richard Wilhelm 1925, see: Konfuzius: Gespräche. Transl. Richard Wilhelm. In Kubin’s commentary in the beginning of his identically titled book (Konfuzius: Gespräche Diederichs 2011), he justifies his reading of god into the Analects (p. 10). He translates “shen” as “gods” (p. 215) and claims, Confucius was sacrificing to the gods (p. 30), he understands „guishen“ as „demon and god“ or „spirit and god“ and “tian” as “god of heaven”, “supreme god”, (p. 213).]

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Experts on Confucius also quote the few passages, where Confucius addresses the question of the supranatural like ghosts etc. and analyze that Confucius may have been at best not interested or even negative about the belief in ghosts, while he was positive about the social stability and peace rituals brought for the people.

This reminds us of the fact, that it is to us to make sure that ethnocentrism is still existing today and that science is a field that needs to be aware of and cautious about it. And it needs courage to speak out against it.

孔子专家也引用了一些段落,在这些段落中孔子探讨了像是鬼魂之类的超自然的问题。专家们分析认为孔子充其量可能是不感兴趣,甚至对鬼魂的存在持否定态度，尽管他对仪式给人们带来的社会稳定和和平持积极态度。

这提醒我们一个事实：我们十分确信种族中心主义在今天仍然存在并且科学是需要注意和谨慎的领域，而公开反对它需要勇气。--Yuan SHiqi (talk) 08:12, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

孔子专家也引用了几段话，其中孔子谈到了像鬼这样的超自然问题。并分析说，孔子对鬼神信仰顶多是不感兴趣，甚至是消极的，尽管他对社会稳定和为人民带来的和平仪式是积极的。 这提醒了我们一个事实，那就是，我们要确保种族中心主义在今天仍然存在，科学是一个需要意识到并谨慎对待的领域。公开反对它需要勇气。--Hu Jin (talk) 04:15, 14 November 2020 (UTC)

History of Chinese Studies

国际汉学史

Martin Woesler 吳漠汀 (Witten/Herdecke University, Peking Normal University 德國維籐大學，中國北京師範大學)

Abstract: The roots of Chinese Studies lie as early as Chinese people started to reflect on parts of Chinese culture, which was as early as Chinese culture emerged. Especially foreign people defined Chinese culture distinctly in separation of their own culture, like ancient Greek philosophers and early delegations from the Roman Empire.

摘要：汉学的根源可以追溯到中国人开始对中国文化进行反思的时候，也可以追溯到中国文化出现之初。尤其是一些外国人，如古希腊哲学家和罗马帝国的早期代表团，他们定义下的中国文化是与自己本土文化完全分开的。

Chang Huiyue 常慧月

From the very beginning, Western Scholars of Chinese Studies were closely cooperating with Chinese partners, so that Chinese Studies cannot be limited to Overseas Chinese Studies. Merchants went beyond their trade business and created travel reports and first translations of Chinese literature. Missionaries for the first time studied systematically the Chinese language and culture, translated the Chinese Classics and Four Books into Latin.

起初，研究汉学的西方学者与中国伙伴密切合作，所以汉学研究并不局限于海外汉学研究。商人不仅从事商业贸易，撰写旅行游记，并且首次翻译了中国文学。传教士第一次系统研究了中国语言和文化，将中国文学名著和四书译成拉丁语。--Chang Huiyue (talk) 01:29, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Han 陈涵

Their idealized descriptions of China stimulated the Chinoisérie and the positive reception of China among philosophers of the enlightenment, which saw China as a secular empire. Then, the China-image turned to the worse with Western scholars ascribing China a static nature creating the so-called “Great Divergence”.

他们对中国的理想化描述促进中国风形成以及促使启蒙哲学家对中国的积极接受，这种变化已然是把中国看作一个世俗帝国。随后，中国形象恶化，西方学者把中国定性为静态，形成了所谓的“大分流”。--Chen Han (talk) 13:48, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

他们对中国的理想化描述促成了中国风的形成以及启蒙时期的哲学家对中国的积极印象——一个世俗帝国。随后，中国形象恶化，西方学者将中国归为消极种类，形成了所谓的“大分流”。 —— By Chen Jiaxin --Jessie Chen (talk) 08:36, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Hui 陈惠

This narrative was challenged in the early 1980s with the start of the Opening and Reform Policy. Finally colleges and professorships were established first in the West and then in China. Today, Chinese Studies in the West and in China are enriching each other and are inseparably connected.

Key Words: Chinese Studies, Sinology, Hanxue, Guoxue, delegations, philosophers, merchants, travel reports, translations, missionaries, enlightenment, Chinoisérie, Great Divergence 上世纪80年代初，随着改革开放政策的开始，这种说法受到了挑战。最后，学院和教授职位首先在西方建立，然后在中国。今天，西方的中国学与中国的中国学相互 促进，密不可分。

关键词:汉学、汉学、汉学、国学、代表团、哲学家、商人、游记、翻译、传教士、启蒙、中国文化、大分流--Chen Hui (talk) 08:07, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Chen Hui

上世纪80年代初，在改革开放政策实施以后，这种说法遭到了质疑。最后，学院和教授职位首先在西方建立，然后在中国。今天，西方的中国学与中国的国学研究相互促进，密不可分。

关键词:汉学、汉学、汉学、国学、代表团、哲学家、商人、游记、翻译、传教士、启蒙、中国文化、大分流--Xu Jia (talk) 11:51, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Xu Jia

Chen Jiangning 陈江宁

Definition 定義

Chinese Studies, also called Sinology (in German: Sinologie) or China Studies (in German: Chinawissenschaften, Chinakunde), is the academic discipline to study China in its geography, history, society, culture(s), language(s), literature(s) etc. It is mainly divided into the study of ancient and premodern China and of modern and contemporary China. 定义 Definition 汉语研究是一门研究中国地理、历史、社会、文化、语言等的学术科目，人们也称之为汉学（德语叫做 Sinologie）或者叫中国研究（德语叫做 Chinawissenschaften,Chinakunde）。汉语研究主要分为中国古代和近代研究，以及中国现当代研究。--Chen Jiangning (talk) 03:40, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

定义

汉语研究也称作汉学（德语叫做 Sinologie）或中文研究（德语叫做 Chinawissenschaften,Chinakunde），这是一门研究中国地理、历史、社会、文化、语言等各方面的学科，并主要分为中国古代研究、中国近代研究，以及中国现当代研究。--Shi Haiyao (talk) 03:17, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

定义 汉语研究也称作汉学（德语叫做 Sinologie）或中文研究（德语叫做 Chinawissenschaften,Chinakunde），是一门研究中国地理、历史、社会、文化、语言、文学等方面的学科，主要分为中国古代研究、中国近代研究，以及中国现当代研究。--Nie Xiaolou (talk) 02:13, 23 November 2020 (UTC)Nie Xiaolou

Chen Jiaxin 陈佳欣

In the Chinese language, internationally the term “Hanxue” is used (first used in Japan as kangaku漢學/汉学, parallely to the term “Hanyu” 漢語/汉语 for Chinese). The term is not meant discriminative against non-Han minorities, since we have terms like “Hanyu” or “Germanic Studies” (the Germans were an ethnic tribe of many in todays Deutschland). In Chinese, domestically more often the terms “guoxue” 國學/国学 or “Zhongguo xue” 中國學 etc. are used. 在中文里，“汉学”这一词在国际上被广泛使用（它最早在日本被称为汉学，类似中文被称为“汉语”)。这一词语并不意味着排斥非汉人的少数群体，因为我们也有类似于“汉语” 或“日耳曼研究” （日耳曼人是指在当今德国占数较多的一个的民族)的词语。中国国内“国学”或“中国学”等词更为广泛使用。By Chen Jiaxin --Jessie Chen (talk) 06:44, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

在中文里，“汉学”一词在国际上被广泛使用（它最早在日本被称为漢學/汉学，类似于中文中“漢語/汉语”一词)。这一词语并不意味着歧视非汉人的少数民族，因为我们也有类似于“汉语” 或“日耳曼学” （日耳曼人是指在当今德国占数较多的一个民族)的词语。在汉语中，“國學/国学”或“中國學”等词更为广泛使用。--Cheng Yusi (talk) 07:37, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Jingjing 陈静静

There is a trend to divide Chinese Studies in sub disciplines dealing with traditional or modern China, while the term “Sinology” is more often applied to the traditional part. In quantity, scholars dealing with traditional China become less and those dealing with modern or contemporary China more. Of course, there are other exotic terms for phenomena related to China or Chinese people, like the term “Tang People Street” 唐人街 for Chinatowns.

汉语研究之下往往又分为不同的子学科，致力于研究中国古代或现代，然而“汉学”这一术语更适用于中国古代。在数量上，研究中国古代的学者越来越少，而研究中国现代或当代的学者则越来越多。当然，还存在一些与中国或中国人相关现象的外来词，如“Tang People Street” 即唐人街。--Chen Jingjing (talk) 12:10, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Chen Jingjing

Chen Sha 陈莎

Some Chinese scholars interpret the term “Hanxue” as reserved for the study of China by foreigners, implying often that the real “guoxue” could only be conducted by Chinese scholars, arguing you need to grow up in China in order to understand it. However, confronted with the case of overseas Chinese scholars or Western scholars growing up and working in China, the limitation of this racist distinction becomes obvious.

有些中国学者将“汉学”一词解释为外国人研究中国的专有术语，这往往暗示真正的“国学”只能由中国学者来进行，认为只有在中国长大的人才能理解“国学”。然而，当涉及在中国长大和工作的海外华人学者或西方学者时，这种种族差异的局限性就显而易见了。--Chen Sha (talk) 07:08, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Sunfu 谌孙福

Although in history we have rare examples of foreigners who were able to study China without Chinese partners (starting with language teachers) or without visiting the country, and Chinese Studies today often is conducted by mixed teams of domestic and foreign scholars.

尽管有史以来，外国人不结交中国伙伴或是没去过中国就研究中国的例子鲜少出现。如今研究中国的通常都是都是由国内外学者组成的团队。--Chen Sunfu (talk) 06:39, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

虽然在历史上，我们很少有外国人能够在没有中国伙伴的情况下(这些伙伴开始会是语言教师)或在没有访问过中国的情况下研究中国的例子，但如今的中国研究往往是由国内外学者以混合团队的形式进行的。--Ding Daifeng (talk) 09:45, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

尽管在历史上我们很少有外国人能够在没有中国伙伴（从语言老师开始）或没有访问中国的情况下来中国学习的例子，但是今天的中国研究通常由国内外学者组成的混合团队进行。--Cao Runxin (talk) 12:55, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

纵观历史，很少有外国人能够在没有中国伙伴（最初为语言老师）或没有拜访过中国的情况下研究中国，而且直至今日，中国研究也通常是在国内外学者协同合作的情况下进行的。--Ji Tiantian (talk) 12:13, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Chen Yongxiang 陈永相

The discipline itself, as established at universities, had a natural focus on language and literature (philology). Today, we have a broad range of sub disciplines like Chinese literature [epigraphy], language, culture, philosophy/ethics/aesthetics, history, political science, sociology, economy) 正如大学所建立的那样，该学科本身就专注于语言与文学（语言学）。如今，我们拥有广泛的子学科，例如中国文学[金石学]，语言，文化，哲学/伦理/美学，历史，政治学，社会学，经济）--Chen Yongxiang (talk) 04:30, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Cheng Yusi 成于思

Emergence

Although the first university professorships as we know them today were established only in the 1814, we find the origins of Chinese Studies in early descriptions of China by philosophers. That the empires knew early about each other is proven by delegations, exchanged even two thousand years ago between the Roman Empire and China.

诞生

虽然，如我们今天所知，第一个大学汉语教授职位于1814年才确立，关于汉学的起源我们能追溯到哲学家对中国早期的描述。各国代表团证实了各帝国之间相互知悉的事实，而早在两千年前，罗马帝国和中国之间就有了往来。--Cheng Yusi (talk) 07:21, 22 November 2020 (UTC) 兴起 尽管我们今天所知的第一个大学教授职位是在1814年才设立的，但我们在哲学家对中国的早期描述中发现了国学的起源。早在两千年前，罗马帝国和中国之间就交换了代表团，这证明了两个帝国很早就已经相互了解。--Jiang Hao (talk) 13:55, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Deng Jinxia 邓锦霞

Later we have records and first translations of travelling merchants (Marco Polo lived in the 13th century and travelled on land and by ship) and then by missionaries (starting with the 16th century). Later we have western philosophers (like Leibniz) and reports in journals dedicated to China.

后来，我们有了旅行商人的记录和第一批翻译作品（13世纪的马可·波罗（Marco Polo）在陆地和海上旅行），然后有了传教士（从16世纪开始）。 再后来，我们有了西方哲学家（例如莱布尼兹（Leibniz）），他们在研究中国的期刊上进行报道。--Deng Jinxia (talk) 03:33, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

后来出现了行商的记载和第一批翻译作品（13世纪的马可·波罗（Marco Polo）在陆地和海上航行），之后出现了传教士（始于16世纪）。 再后来，出现了西方哲学家（例如莱布尼兹（Leibniz）），以及他们探索中国所留下来的有关记载。--Zhang Yu (talk) 08:55, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Ding Daifeng 丁代凤

The first scholarly view on China had the Christian missionaries, who studied Chinese language and culture in China. Therefore, the first translations of Chinese classics were done into Latin. The term “sinology” since the Latin term “sina” for China seems to point to the Qin Dynastie since 221 BCE. The main purpose of the missionaries was to baptize and therefore they also translated the bible into Chinese and reported on the so far mostly unknown China to Europe, reports which met a huge interest and demand in Europe.

基督教传教士是最早对中国持有学术观点的人，他们在中国研究中国语言和文化。因此，第一批翻译的中国经典著作也就翻译成了拉丁文。汉学“sinology”一词源于拉丁语中的“sina”，意指公元前221年以来的秦朝。传教士的主要目的是施洗，因此他们也将《圣经》翻译成中文，并向欧洲报道迄今几乎不为人知的中国，这些报道满足了欧洲巨大的兴趣和需求。--Ding Daifeng (talk) 09:23, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Fang Jieling 方洁玲

Resources 资源

There are a lot of national histories of Chinese Studies so far, but no detailed international or global history (see references). The Overseas Chinese Studies Center 海外漢學研究中心 at Peking Foreign Language University 北京外語大學 under the leadership of Zhang Xiping張西平 has been renamed in the 2010s to Research Center for the Study of Chinese Culture 中國文化研究中心#. Here a list of works on the History of Sinology:

资源 迄今为止，有许多关于汉学研究的民族历史，但是并没有十分详细的国际或者全球历史（参阅参考资料） 在张西平的领导下，北京外国语大学的海外汉学研究，在2010年改名为中国文化研究中心。以下是汉学研究作品的列表。--Fang Jieling (talk) 13:13, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Gan Fengyu 甘奉玉

First contacts: Trade (without written documents)

Genetic evidence shows that there were trade relations from Mesopotamia to Europe and China as early as 11000 BCE (cows, horses) and 10000 BCE (crops). China very early became an export region, as we can trace the genes of animals back to China 10000 BCE (pigs), 8000 BCE (chicken), and of silk cloth 5000 BCE.

首次接触：贸易（无书面文件）

基因证据表明：早在公元前11000年了，美索不达米亚就和欧洲，中国有牛羊贸易关系，公元前10000年，就有了农作物贸易关系。追溯到公元前1000年的猪和公元前8000年的鸡身上的动物基因，以及公元前5000年的丝绸来看，中国很早就是个出口地区了。--Gan Fengyu (talk) 02:03, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

首次接触：贸易(无书面文件)

遗传证据表明，早在公元前11000年(出现如像牛、马等动物贸易)和公元前10000年(出现农作物的贸易)，美索不达米亚与欧洲和中国之间就有贸易关系。追溯到公元前10000年猪的贸易和公元前8000年鸡的贸易，从中发现的动物基因，以及公元前5000年所交易的丝绸来看，中国很早就成为了一个出口地区。--Lei kuangxi (talk) 03:18, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Lei Kuangxi

遗传学证据显示，早在公元前11000年美索不达米亚就和欧洲就有了牛马贸易往来；早在公元前10000年，美索不达米亚就和中国有了作物贸易往来。追溯动物基因，我们可以发现，公元前10000年中国就有了猪，公元前8000年就有了鸡，公元前5000年就有了丝绸。因此，中国很早就成为了商品出口地区。--Yuan Tianyi (talk) 04:28, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Gao Mingzhu 高明珠

The Emergence of Chinese Studies: Philosophers Aristotle (384-322 BC) writes in the 4th century BC: “Those who live in a cold climate and in Europe are full of spirit, but wanting in intelligence and skill; and therefore they retain comparative freedom, but have no political organization, and are incapable of ruling over others. Whereas the natives of Asia are intelligent and inventive, but they are wanting in spirit, and therefore they are always in a state of subjection and slavery.”[ Aristoteles: Politeia, Book VII, Part VII, translated by Benjamin Jowett, http://evans-experientialism. freewebspace.com/aristotle_politics07.htm, last visited Dec 5, 2010. In German: „Die Völkerschaften nämlich, welche innerhalb der kalten Gegenden in Europa wohnen, sind zwar voll Muth, aber weniger mit Geist und Kunstfertigkeit begabt. Daher behaupten sie zwar leichter ihre Freiheit, aber sie sind zur Bildung staatsbürgerlicher Gemeinwesen untüchtig [...]. Die Völkerschaften Asiens dagegen sind klugen und kunstfertigen Geistes, aber ohne Muth. Daher leben sie in Unterwürfigkeit und Sklaverei.“, from: Aristoteles: Werke. Griechisch und Deutsch, vol. 6, ed. by Franz Susemihl, Aalen 1978 (Reprint of the edition Leipzig 1879), p. 409.]

汉学的起源：哲学家 亚里士多德（公元前384年-公元前322年）在公元前4世纪写道：“那些生活在欧洲寒冷地区的人们精气神十足但是缺乏智慧和技巧；所以虽然他们保留了相对的自由，却没有政治组织，也没有管理的能力。然而，亚洲人聪明且富有创造力，但是他们缺乏勇气，所以他们总是顺从和被奴役。” [ 亚里士多德：《政治学》，第七卷，第七部分，由本杰明·乔伊特翻译，http://evans-experientialism. freewebspace.com/aristotle_politics07.htm，最近一次访问日期2010年12月5日。德语原文为： „Die Völkerschaften nämlich, welche innerhalb der kalten Gegenden in Europa wohnen, sind zwar voll Muth, aber weniger mit Geist und Kunstfertigkeit begabt. Daher behaupten sie zwar leichter ihre Freiheit, aber sie sind zur Bildung staatsbürgerlicher Gemeinwesen untüchtig [...]. Die Völkerschaften Asiens dagegen sind klugen und kunstfertigen Geistes, aber ohne Muth. Daher leben sie in Unterwürfigkeit und Sklaverei.“，引自：《亚里士多德作品集-希腊人和德国人》，第六卷，由Franz Susemihl, Aalen在1978年出版（1879年在莱比锡再版），第409页。]--Gao Mingzhu (talk) 09:39, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Gao Mingzhu

Gong Yumian 龚钰冕

The Emergence of Religious Missions with the Study of China as a by-product Between 1593-1607 the Spanish Dominican mission in Manila operated a press and produced 4 books on Christian belief.

1593-1607西班牙多明我会使团在马尼拉经营的出版社出版了4本基于基督教信仰的书

In 1583 the influential Jesuit Matteo Ricci arrived in Canton and spent the rest of his life in China.

1583利玛窦（耶稣会会士）抵达广州，在中国度过余生。

宗教传教的出现 1593年至1607年间，西班牙多米尼加使团在马尼拉经营的出版社出版了4本基于基督教信仰的书。 1583年，颇具影响力的耶稣会士利玛窦（Matteo Ricci），抵达广州，在中国度过余生。--Gong Yumian (talk) 09:30, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

1593-1607西班牙多明我会使团在马尼拉经营的出版社出版了4本基于基督教信仰的书，这是汉学研究中有关宗教使命起源部分的衍生产物。 1583年，颇具影响力的耶稣会士利玛窦（Matteo Ricci），抵达广州，并在中国度过余生。--Gao Mingzhu (talk) 14:10, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Gao Mingzhu

Gu Dongfang 顾东方

Interest by European emperors in the beginning of the 18th century In France, the study of China and the Chinese language began with the patronage of Louis XIV. In 1711, he appointed a young Chinese, Arcadio Huang to catalog the royal collection of Chinese texts. Huang was assisted by Étienne Fourmont, who published a Chinese grammar in 1742.

在法国，对中国和中国语言的研究始于路易十四的赞助。在1711，他任命了一位年轻的中国人Arcadio Huang对皇家藏书的中文文本进行目录整理。黄的助手艾蒂安Fourmont，在1742年发表了一本中国语法书。

Guan Qinqing 管钦清

In 1732 a missionary priest of the Sacred Congregation "De propaganda fide" from the kingdom of Naples, Matteo Ripa (1692–1746), created in Naples the first Sinology School of the European Continent: the "Chinese Institute", the first nucleus of what would become today's Università degli studi di Napoli L'Orientale, or Naples Eastern University. Ripa had worked as a painter and copper-engraver at the imperial court of the Kangxi Emperor between 1711 and 1723. Ripa returned to Naples from China with four young Chinese Christians, all teachers of their native language and formed the Institute sanctioned by Pope Clement XII to teach Chinese to missionaries and thus advance the propagation of Christianity in China.

1732年，来自那不勒斯的传布信仰圣部的传教牧师Matteo Ripa马国贤（1692–1746），在那不勒斯创建了欧洲大陆的第一个汉学学校：“中国学院”，它后来成为了今天的那不勒斯东方大学。马国贤曾在1711和1723之间担任康熙皇帝的宫廷画家和雕刻师。马国贤从中国回到那不勒斯时，带回了四个年轻的中国基督徒。他们都是汉语教师，组建了学院，在教皇克莱门特十二世的批准下向牧师们教授中文，从而推进了基督教在中国的传播。

1732年，那不勒斯王国“圣公会”的传教士马国贤（Matteo Ripa)在那不勒斯创建了欧洲大陆第一所汉学学校“中国学院”，即后来的那不勒斯东方大学。马国贤曾在1711至1723年间担任康熙皇帝的宫廷画师和雕刻师。当他回国的时候，他带回了四个年轻的中国基督徒。他们在教皇克莱门特的授意下，组建学院、担任汉语教师，向牧师们教授中文，从而推进了基督教在中国的传播。--Guan Qinqing (talk) 01:45, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

1732年，那不勒斯王国“传信部”的传教士马国贤（Matteo Ripa)在那不勒斯建立了欧洲大陆第一所汉学学校“中国学院”，即当今的那不勒斯东方大学。马国贤曾在1711至1723年间担任康熙皇帝的宫廷画师和雕刻师。在回到那不勒斯时，他带了四个年轻的中国基督徒。在教皇克莱门特十二世的授意下，他们组建学院，担任汉语教师，向牧师们教授中文，从而推进了基督教在中国的传播。--Chen Han (talk) 14:29, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Gui Yizhi 桂一枝

Chinoiserie

Chinese objects of art as symbols of Chinese cultural tradition early spread to Europe, reaching the peak in the 18th century during the period of Chinoisérie“中国风”. Fascinated Collectors saved several artefacts for following generations. Their selection criteria allow to approach the guiding aesthetic principles behind their fascination. European imitations of these artefacts show in their similarities and differences to the originals and to the own cultural traditions the principles they followed to catch the reason for the experienced exoticism during the consumption of the cultural goods. Imitated imitated Chinese-style architecture, imitated Chinese paintings and imitated characters in paintings, tattoos and design, reveal what principles Westerners believed to guide Chinese traditional art.

中国风

作为中国传统文化象征的中国艺术品很早就传播到了欧洲，在“中国风”时期达到了顶峰。对此十分着迷的收藏家们为后人保存了几件文物。他们的选择标准很接近他们所欣赏的指导性美学原则。欧洲的工艺模仿品表明了他们自己的文化传统和原型的相似性和差异性，他们遵循的原则符合在文化商品的消费过程中对异国情调的体验。在绘画、纹身和设计方面的模仿特点、模仿中国风格的建筑和仿作的中国画，揭示了西方人眼里的中国传统艺术的指导原则。--Gui Yizhi (talk) 06:05, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Guo Lu 郭露

Europe: Enlightened Philosophers end of the 18th century 欧洲：第18世紀末的启蒙哲学家

During the enlightenment process in Europe, philosophers in their search for a vision of a world without religious control, discovered China and wanted to understand it as a secular ideal alternative to Europe. (Leibniz: Novissima Sinica, The Orphan of Zhao, Voltaire: wrote play “L'orphelin de la Chine” portrait of Confucius, Giambattista Vico.

启蒙哲学家在欧洲汉学（莱布尼茨：《中国近事》，伏尔泰：《赵氏孤儿》、孔子肖像，维柯。

1789-… Enlightened philosophers: Saw China as an enlightened kingdom with ethics instead of church and religion

1789…启蒙哲学家：看到中国作为一个有伦理的开明王国而不是教会和宗教伦理

一个不受宗教控制的世界时

在欧洲的启蒙运动中，哲学家们在寻找一个不受宗教控制的世界时，了解到了中国这一国度，并将其视为欧洲脱离世俗的替代品。（莱尼兹：诺威西玛·辛尼卡，《赵氏孤儿》，伏尔泰：写下孔子朱安·巴蒂斯塔·维柯的剧本《中国的左撇子》。--Guo Lu (talk) 02:18, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

一个不受宗教控制的世界时 在欧洲启蒙运动的进程中，哲学家们在寻找一个不受宗教控制的世界时，发现了中国，并希望可以将其视为欧洲脱离世俗理想替代品。莱尼兹：诺威西玛·辛尼卡，《赵氏孤儿》，伏尔泰：写下孔子朱安·巴蒂斯塔·维柯的剧本《中国的左撇子》 --Kong Xianghui (talk) 09:10, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Han Haiyang 韩海洋

Europe: Professorships

The study of Assyriology and Egyptology developed before the serious study of China because of their connections to the Bible; the study of Indology represented a breakthrough in the development of linguistics. Chinese texts, perhaps because they did not have these connections, were the last to be studied in European universities until around 1860 except in France (Zurndorfer, China Bibliography 1999 p. 6, quoted from Wikipedia “Sinology”, August 6, 2018).

由于和圣经的紧密联系，亚述学、埃及学的研究在正规的中国研究前发展充分；印度学研究代表了语言学发展的突破口。可能是因为中国文本和它们没有联系，所以直到1860左右，它才成为除了法国外的欧洲大学最后的研究对象。

由于和圣经联系紧密，亚述学、埃及学的研究在中国正式研究前就已经展开了；印度学研究是语言学发展的突破口。或许是因为中国文本缺乏这些联系，所以直到1860年左右，它才成为除法国外欧洲大学最后的研究对象。--Chen Jingjing (talk) 12:35, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Chen Jingjing

欧洲：教授职位展正式 由于和圣经的联系，亚述学和埃及学的研究的发展都在中国研究之前；印度学的研究在语言学中是一个极大突破。中国的文本可能是因为缺少这些联系因而在欧洲大学界最后才开始研究直到大约1860年，法国除外（Zurndorfer,中国圣经学 1999版，p.6, 引自维基百科《汉学》，2018年8月6日）。--Han Haiyang (talk) 07:20, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Han Wanzhen 韩宛真

The first college to study Chinese was established in Italy. At the Academy in St. Petersburg in Russia, on March 23, 1741, the lecturer 伊拉利昂·罗索欣 started to teach Chinese Studies. He was also part of a mission sent to emperor Kangxi in Qing Dynasty.de

首个教授汉语的大学创建于意大利。1741年3月23日，在俄罗斯圣彼得堡的学院，讲师伊拉利昂·罗索欣开始教授汉语学。他还参加了清朝对康熙帝进行的宣教活动。--Han Wanzhen (talk) 01:22, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

首个学习汉语的学院创建于意大利。1741年3月23日，讲师伊拉利昂·罗索欣在俄罗斯圣彼得堡学院开始讲授汉学。该讲师也曾参加清朝对康熙帝进行的宣教活动。--Zeng Liang (talk) 02:54, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

首个研究汉语的学院是在意大利建立。 1741年3月23日，讲师伊拉利昂·罗索欣在俄罗斯圣彼得堡学院开始教授汉语。他还参加了清朝对康熙进行的宣教活动。--Han Haiyang (talk) 07:24, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

He Changqi 何长琦

On December 11, 1814, the first Professorship of Chinese and Manchu was established at the Collège de France, the sinologist 雷慕莎 Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusat, who taught himself Chinese, filled the position, becoming the first professor of Chinese in Europe. By then the first Russian Sinologist, Nikita Bichurin, had been living in Beijing for ten years.

1814年12月11日，法兰西公学院成立了首个汉学和满学的讲座席位。汉学家雷慕莎（Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusa）自学了中文，获得了这一席位，成为了欧洲第一位汉学教授。而之后的第一个俄罗斯汉学家尼基塔·比丘林则曾在北京生活了十年。--He Changqi (talk) 07:56, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

1814年，研究中国和满族的讲学席位在法国的大学成立。雷慕莎自学了中文，占据了这一位置，成为了欧洲第一个汉学教授。而之后的第一个俄罗斯汉学家尼基塔·比丘林则曾在北京生活了十年。 1814年，首个研究中国和满族的讲学席位在法国的大学成立，雷慕莎自学中文，登上了这一席位，成为了欧洲第一个汉学教授。而之后的第一个俄罗斯汉学家尼基塔·比丘林则曾在北京生活了十年。--Li Meng (talk) 00:47, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

1814年12月11日，首个汉学和满学的讲座席位在法兰西公学院成立，汉学家雷慕莎（Jean-Pierre Abel-Rémusa）自学了中文，登上了这一席位，成为了欧洲第一任汉学教授。而之后俄罗斯的汉学奠基人尼基塔·比丘林则曾在北京生活了十年。--Yuan Yuchen (talk) 11:48, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Hu Baihui 胡百辉

Abel-Rémusat's counterparts in England and Germany were Samuel Kidd (1797–1843) and Wilhelm Schott (1807–1889) respectively, though the first important secular sinologists in these two countries were James Legge and Hans Georg Conon von der Gabelentz. Scholars like Legge often relied on the work of ethnic Chinese scholars such as Wang Tao (Zurndorfer, China Bibliography 1999 p. 8-14, quoted from Wikipedia “Sinology”, August 6, 2018).

雷慕莎的同仁分别有英国的Samuel Kidd（1797–1843）和德国的Wilhelm Schott（1807–1889），虽然在这两个国家头等重要的世俗汉学家是理雅各和加贝伦茨。理雅各等学者常常依靠华人学者如王韬等人的作品。

阿贝尔·雷穆萨在英国和德国的同行分别是塞缪尔·基德（Samuel Kidd，1797-1843）和威廉·肖特（Wilhelm Schott，1807-1889），不过这两个国家最早出现的重要世俗汉学家是詹姆斯·莱格和汉斯·格奥尔格·科农·冯·德加布伦茨。像莱格这样的学者经常依赖于像王韬这样的华裔学者的作品。--Hu Baihui (talk) 03:08, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Hu Huifang 胡慧芳

Stanislas Julien served as the Chair of Chinese at the Collège de France for over 40 years, starting his studies with Rémusat and succeeding him in 1833. not only of classical texts but also works of vernacular literature, and for his knowledge of Manchu. Édouard Chavannes succeeded to the position after the death of Marquis d'Hervey-Saint-Denys in 1893. Chavannes pursued broad interests in history as well as language (Zurndorfer, China Bibliography 1999 p. 8-14, quoted from Wikipedia “Sinology”, August 6, 2018).

儒莲担任法兰西学院的汉学教授超过40年，他与雷慕莎一起开始他的研究，并在1833年继承了雷慕莎的工作。他以不仅针对古典文学、而且涉猎白话文学作品的翻译工作和和对满族的了解而闻名。沙畹在德理文于1893去世后继承了他的位置，沙畹在历史和语言领域上兴趣广泛。

斯塔尼斯拉斯·朱利安（Stanislas Julien）在法兰西学院（Collègede France）担任中文主席40多年，从雷穆萨（Rémusat）开始学习，并于1833年继任。他不仅学习古典文学作品，还学习白话文学作品，并了解满族。 爱德华·沙畹在1893年侯爵·圣赫尔·圣丹尼斯（Marquis d'Hervey-Saint-Denys）去世后继任。沙畹追求历史和语言的广泛利益（Zurndorfer，中国参考书目1999年第8-14页，引自Wikipedia“ Sinology”， 2018年8月6日）。--Hu Huifang (talk) 09:13, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Rulian served as a professor of Sinology at the French Academy for more than 40 years. He started his research with Remusa and inherited Remusa's work in 1833. He is famous for his translation work not only for classical literature, but also for vernacular literary works and his understanding of Manchu. Chavannes inherited his position after De Liwen died in 1893. Chavannes has a wide range of interests in history and language. --Hu Huifang (talk) 09:13, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Hu Jin 胡瑾

After the Opium war 1840, the Department of Oriental Studies at Cambridge University and the SOAS/London University were established.

In 1875, Leiden University in the Netherlands started and in 1890 the sinologist 考狄 founded the first academic journal by Westerners on China, the Toung Pao 通报.

1840年鸦片战争后，剑桥大学东方研究院和英国伦敦大学亚非学院成立。

1875年，荷兰莱顿大学成立，1890年，汉学家考狄创办了第一个由西方人撰写的关于中国的学术期刊—《通报》。--Hu Jin (talk) 13:10, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Ji Tiantian 纪甜甜

In 1912, Richard Wilhelm, who had lived in China for about 30 years, taught at the Friedrich Wilhelm University in Frankfurt and established a Chinese Seminar “中国学社” and together with Beiping’s Furen University the journal华裔学志.

At the end of the 19th century, in Sweden the University of Gotheburg established East Asian Language and Culture Seminar, starting with Sven Hedin, who explored Western China, followed by the the Chinese linguist 高本汉.

1912年，在中国居住了约30年的理查德·威廉在法拉克福的弗里德里希·威廉大学任教，并成立了中文研讨会“中国学社”，并与北平辅仁大学合作创办了《华裔学志》杂志。

19世纪末，瑞典哥德堡大学创办了东亚语言文化研讨会，首创人是研究中国西部的斯文·赫丁，其后是中国语言学家高本汉。--Ji Tiantian (talk) 12:02, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Jiang Fengyi 蒋凤仪

The image of China as an essentially Confucian society conveyed by Jesuit scholars dominated Western thought in these times. While some in Europe learned to speak Chinese, most studied written classical Chinese. These scholars were in what is called the “commentarial tradition” through critical annotated translation.

那时，中国在西方的形象是靠耶稣会学者传达的，本质上是儒家社会的形象，这样的形象主导了西方思想。在欧洲，有一些人学习说汉语，但大部分人学习写文言文，这些学者学习时会使用批判性的注释，属于“注释传统”的行列。--Jiang Fengyi (talk) 08:05, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

在那个时候，中国在西方的形象在本质上是以耶稣会学者传达的儒家社会为主。在欧洲，有些人学学习说中文，大多数人则学写书面文言文。这些学者们通过批判的注释性翻译处在了所谓的“注释传统”。

当时，耶稣会学者所传达的中国本质上是儒家社会的形象主导了当时的西方思想。在欧洲，虽然有些人学说汉语，但大多数人学的是文言文。这些学者是在所谓的“评论传统”通过批评注释翻译。--Li LIli (talk) 07:32, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Li Lili

耶稣会士学者传达的中国作为一个儒家社会的形象在当时根深于西方人的思想中。 尽管有些欧洲人学会了说中文，但大多数人仍然学习古典汉语。 这些学者通过批判性的注释翻译而处于所谓的“注释传统”中。--Han Wanzhen (talk) 01:31, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Jiang Hao 姜好

This emphasis on translating classical texts inhibited the use of social science methodology or comparing these texts of other traditions. One scholar described this type of sinology as “philological hairsplitting” preoccupied with marginal or curious aspects (Zurndorfer, China Bibliography 1999 p. 14-15, quoted from Wikipedia “Sinology”, August 6, 2018). Secular scholars gradually came to outnumber missionaries, and in the 20th century sinology slowly gained a substantial presence in Western universities.

这种强调翻译经典文本的做法阻碍了社会科学方法论的使用或与其他传统的文本的比较。有学者称这类汉学描述为专注于边缘或好奇方面的“语言学上的吹毛求疵”。世俗学者逐渐多于传教士，并在西方大学为20世纪的汉学慢慢积累了实质性存在。 这种对翻译经典文本的强调抑制了社会科学方法论的使用或对其他传统文本的比较。有学者将这种类型的汉学描述为专注于边缘或好奇方面的“语言学上的吹毛求疵”。世俗学者的人数逐渐超过传教士，并且到了20世纪，汉学在西方大学中也慢慢占据了一席之地。--Jiang Hao (talk) 13:43, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Jiang Qiwei 蒋淇玮

Sinology in Germany

Today, in Germany there are about 30 universities and universities of applied sciences with Chinese Studies.

Since the beginning of the 19th century, people started to conduct research on China. In 1829–1831, the orientalist Carl Friedrich Neumann bought 12,000 Chinese books in Canton, which he shipped to Munich and which became the foundation of the East Asian Collection of the Bavarian State Library as well as the Berlin State Library. Since 1833 Wilhelm Schott taught Chinese and Chinese philosophy in Berlin.

德国的汉学 如今，在德国有大约30所大学以及应用科学大学开设了汉学专业。19世纪伊始，人们开始研究中国。1829年至1831年，东方学专家卡尔·弗里德里希·诺伊曼于广州购置了12000本中文书籍，将其运至慕尼黑。这一举措使慕尼黑成为了巴伐利亚州立图书馆和柏林州立图书馆东亚收藏所的基础。1833年起，威廉·肖特在柏林教授中文与中国哲学。--Jiang Qiwei (talk) 07:10, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

德国汉学

今天，大约有30所德国大学和应用科技大学开设了汉学专业。19世纪伊始，人们开始研究中国。1829年至1831年，东方学专家卡尔·弗里德里希·诺伊曼于广州购置了12000本中文书籍，将其运至慕尼黑，这一举措奠定了巴伐利亚州立图书馆和柏林州立图书馆东亚收藏所的根基。1833年起，威廉·肖特在柏林教授中文与中国哲学。--Kang Lingfeng (talk) 11:58, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Kang Haoyu 康浩宇

Pioneering research on China were the geological-geographical research trips by Ferdinand von Richthofen since the early 1860s. In 1887 the first Chinese language classes and sinological classes started at the Seminar for Oriental languages in Berlin. In 1889, the first German Chair of Sinology was established at the University of Leipzig, the first full professor was Hans Georg Conon von der Gabelentz. In 1912 the 2nd chair was established in Berlin with J. J. M. de Groot and in 1914 at the Colonial Institute in Hamburg with Otto Franke.

19世纪60年代初以来，费迪南·冯·李希霍芬的地质地理研究之旅是对中国的开创性研究。1887年，柏林东方语言研究会开设了第一批汉语班和汉学班。1889年，德国第一个汉学讲座在莱比锡大学成立，第一个全职教授是汉斯·格奥尔格·科农·冯·德·加贝伦茨。1912年，第二任主席由格鲁特在柏林设立，1914年由奥托·福兰阁在汉堡殖民地研究所设立。--Kang Haoyu (talk) 02:12, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

19世纪60年代初以来，费迪南·冯·李希霍芬的地质地理研究之旅是对中国的开创性研究。1887年，柏林东方语言研究会开设了第一批汉语班和汉学班。1889年，德国第一个汉学委员会在莱比锡大学成立，第一个全职教授是汉斯·格奥尔格·科农·冯·德·加贝伦茨。1912年，第二个委员会由格鲁特在柏林设立，1914年由奥托·福兰阁在汉堡殖民地研究所设立了另一委员会。--Jiang Fengyi (talk) 12:38, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Kang Lingfeng 康灵凤

During colonial times, in which the German Empire held the Chinese colony “Kiautschou”, the interest in Chinese culture grew. The exile of many Chinese scientists in the period of National Socialism harmed the German Sinology sustainably. Since the opening up of the People's Republic of China in the 1980s, Sinology in Germany is no longer among the orchid subjects and new students of Sinology have good job prospects.

在殖民时期，德意志占领了中国山东青岛的胶州市，人们对中国文化的兴趣与日俱增。纳粹时期许多中国科学家背井离乡，对德国汉学造成了持续的伤害。自20世纪80年代改革开放以来，德国汉学不再被束之高阁，汉学新生就业前景良好。--Kang Lingfeng (talk) 11:48, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Kong Xianghui 孔祥慧

The change of attitude among early China experts with the example of the early reception of the Red Chamber Dreams

The Red Chamber Dreams shortly after publication in 1791 spread fast among the foreigners’ community including Robert Morrison (who incorporated parts of it into his language teaching material and dictionary already by 1813-1815).

早期中国专家态度的转变-以早期接受《红楼梦》为例 《红楼梦》在1791年出版后不久，就在国外迅速传播包括罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison）。罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison）早在1813年至1815年就将其部分内容纳入了他的语言教材和词典中。--Kong Xianghui (talk) 08:59, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

早期中国作家的态度转变，以《红楼梦》的早期收录为例

1791年，《红楼梦》出版后不久，便在包括罗伯特·莫里森(Robert Morrison)在内的国外社会迅速流传。（莫里森早在1813年-1815年就将《红楼梦》的部分内容引入其语言教材和词典中）--Chen Sunfu (talk) 06:48, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

早期中国专家态度的转变-以早期接受《红楼梦》为例 《红楼梦》在1791年出版后不久，就在国外迅速传播包括罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison）。罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison）早在1813年至1815年就将其部分内容纳入了他的语言教材和词典中。--Jiang Qiwei (talk) 07:18, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Kong Yanan 孔亚楠

The novel also was made known in partial translation both in English and French (by John Francis Davis) in Europe in 1819. However, for a few decades, the Western reviews of the book were mostly negative, revealing an ethnocentric approach, valuing Chinese literature below Western literature.

1819年，《红楼梦》的英语和法语（John Francis Davis译）的部分翻译使这部小说知名于欧洲。然而，几十年之后，西方对于该书的评论大多是消极的，他们认为该书呈现出种族中心主义的观点，并且认为西方文学高于中国文学。--Kong Yanan (talk) 03:27, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

1819年,该小说还被译成英语和法语（约翰·弗朗西斯·戴维斯译（John Francis Davis）），因而在欧洲为人所知。然而，几十年来，西方对该书的评论大多是负面的，这揭示了西方的一种民族中心主义，即认为西方文学高于中国文学。--Deng Jinxia (talk) 03:43, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

1819年，这部小说在欧洲被部分翻译成英语和法语（作者:约翰·弗朗西斯·戴维斯）。然而，几十年来，西方对该书的评论大多是负面的，即揭示了一种民族中心主义的态度，对中国文学的评价低于西方文学。--Li Lingyue (talk) 01:36, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Lei Fangyuan 雷方圆

It took almost a century to get to know each other better, to change attitudes from ethnocentric to dialectical, to stop exploiting the novel and to come to the insight that Chinese literature with Dream as one of its masterpieces was not only comparable to other world literatures but also could bring value to Western readers (Mayers 1867).

经过几乎一个世纪，双方增进了解，并从“民族中心主义”的优越感向辩证思想转变，停止利用小说互相攻击，开始深入了解中国文学，不仅将《红楼梦》这类杰作与其他世界文学相比较，而且，更重要的是将价值观带给西方读者。（梅辉立(Mayers) 1867年）。

几乎一个世纪,增进了彼此的了解。双方从“民族中心主义”转向辩证思想，停止利用小说互相攻击，并开始深入了解中国文学。不仅将《红楼梦》这类杰作与其他世界文学相比较，更是将价值观带给西方读者。（梅辉立(Mayers) 1867年）。--Kang Haoyu (talk) 02:17, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

近一个世纪，彼此之间增进了了解，从”民族中心主义“的优越感转向辩证思想，停止利用小说互相攻击，并开始深入了解以《红楼梦》为代表的中国文学，它不仅可以与世界其他文学相媲美，而且还可以为西方读者传递价值观。（梅辉立（Mayers） 1867年）。--Lei Fangyuan (talk) 13:30, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

经过近一个世纪的发展之后，中西双方彼此之间有了更好的了解。在态度上，由“民族中心主义”转变为辩证思想，并停止了对对方小说的抨击。在此基础上，他们意识到：以《红楼梦》为代表的中国文学不仅可以与世界其他文学媲美，同时也可以为西方读者带来价值（梅辉立（Mayers ）1867）。--Li Liqin (talk) 06:51, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Lei Kuangxi 雷旷溪

Main Controversies

a) The Great Divergence

One of the main controversies in Chinese Studies is that for a long time China appeared economically backward (compared to Western European nations). Sociologists (Marx), philosophers (Hegel), economists (Kenneth Pomeranz: The Great Divergence) and sinologists tried to explain this with the static nature of Chinese economy due to Confucianism.

主要的争议

a)大分流

汉学研究的主要争议之一是，长期以来，中国出现了经济落后的情况(与西欧国家相比)。许多社会学家(如马克思)，哲学家(如黑格尔)，经济学家(如肯尼斯·彭慕兰：《大分流》)和汉学家试图用儒家思想所导致的中国经济的静态性来解释这一现象。--Lei kuangxi (talk) 03:06, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Lei Kuangxi

Li Haiquan 李海泉

Scholars have questioned this: Angus Maddison suggested that China was leading (rotating ranks with India) by GDP from 0 to 1550 so that the current development was a return to old status. Philipp C.C. Huang concentrated on rural developments and argued that only the concentration of production capibilities during the socialist reforms laid the foundation for today’s Chinese economical miracle. Today, sinologists argue that Confucianism is one of the main reasons for the economical miracle.

学者们对此提出了质疑:安格斯•麦迪森认为，中国从0年到1550年在GDP上处于领先地位(与印度轮流排名)，所以目前的发展是一种对旧地位的回归。菲利普•黄关注农村的发展，认为只有在社会主义改革中集中生产能力，才能为今天中国经济奇迹奠定基础。今天，汉学家认为儒家思想是经济奇迹的主要原因之一。--Li Haiquan (talk) 11:11, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

学者们提出质疑，奥格斯·麦迪逊认为中国从开始到1550年GDP一直处于领先地位（与印度不分伯仲），所以中国当今的发展只是回到了旧时的社会地位。菲利普 C.C.黄专注于乡村发展，并且认为社会主义改革时期将重心放在生产力上为如今中国经济奇奠定了基础。如今，汉学家认为儒家思想是中国经济奇迹的主要原因之一。--Chang Huiyue (talk) 12:06, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Lili 李丽丽

“The Chinese have as a general characteristic, a remarkable skill in imitation, which is exercised not merely in daily life, but also in art. They have not yet succeeded in representing the beautiful, as beautiful; for in their painting, perspective and shadow are wanting. “中国人有种普遍特征，即拥有卓越的模仿能力，这种能力不仅体现在日常生活中，也体现在艺术中。但由于其绘画领域中缺乏透视法和阴影画法，他们无法充分展现事物的美。--Li LIli (talk) 07:25, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Li Lili

“总之，这个民族有种罕见的模仿能力，这不仅体现在他们的日常生活中，也用运到了艺术创作当中。美作为美的事物去展示对于这个民族来说并不成功，因为在绘画中缺少了透视和阴影。

中国人有一个总体特征，那就是其超凡脱俗的模仿能力。这不仅体现在他们的日常生活中，也运用到了艺术创作当中。由于其绘画中缺乏透视法和阴影，他们无法淋漓尽致地表现出事物的美。--Mo Ling (talk) 14:28, 18 November 2020 (UTC)Mo Ling

“中国人有种普遍特征：一种卓越的模仿能力，这种能力不仅运用于日常生活中，也运用在艺术领域。但由于画中缺乏透视和阴影，中国人没能成功展现出美感”--Gan Fengyu (talk) 01:47, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Lingyue 李凌月

And although a Chinese painter copies European pictures (as the Chinese do everything else) correctly; although he observes accurately how many scales a carp has; how many indentations there are in the leaves of a tree; what is the form of various trees, and how the branches bend; - the Exalted, the Ideal and Beautiful is not the domain of his art and skill. The Chinese are, on the other hand, too proud to learn anything from Europeans, although they must often recognize their superiority.” Hegel, The Philosophy of History (transl. J. Sibree, p. 155)

即使中国画家原封不动地模仿欧洲的绘画，如若他知道鲤鱼有多少鳞片……，崇高的、理想的、美的事物也不是他的艺术土壤和擅长之处。” 黑格爾，《历史哲学讲演录》

尽管一个中国画家原封不动地地复制了欧洲的图画（就像中国人所做的所有事那样）；尽管他能准确地观察到鲤鱼有多少鳞片；一棵树的叶子上有多少凹痕；各种树木的形状是什么，树枝是如何弯曲的；崇高、理想和美丽不是他的艺术领域和技巧。另一方面，中国人过于骄傲，不愿向欧洲人学习任何东西，虽然他们必须经常认识到自己的优越性。J、 西布里，第155页）--Li Lingyue (talk) 01:34, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Liqin 李丽琴

b) Chinese and Western scholarship

Traditional Chinese education (focusing on self development and social harmony) differed much from Western scholarship (search for truth and universal human values). Chinese scholars of guoxue often do not recognize Western scholars of Hanxue as their colleagues. Today there are trends to return to Confucian education, teaching and scholarship in China, taking the Hanlin academy as example (see: Hong Kong College).

b）中西学问

中西方在传统教育方面又很大不同，前者侧重于追求自我发展和社会和谐，后者寻求真理和普世价值观。中国国学学者通常不把西方汉学学者当作同行。如今，儒家教育以及儒学研究在中国如火如荼，以翰林书院为例（见：香港大学）。--Li Liqin (talk) 07:19, 18 November 2020 (UTC)

b）中西学术 中国传统教育（注重自我发展和社会和谐）与西方学术（追求真理和普遍的人类价值）有很大不同。中国国学学者往往不承认西方汉学学者是他们的同僚。今天，中国教育有向儒学教育回归的趋势，以翰林院为例（参见：香港大学）。--Hu Baihui (talk) 03:17, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Luyi 李璐伊

Also Traditional Chinese Medicine has continued to be an alternative to Western medicine, although the general grouping into Yin and Yang has been proven to be arbitrary since objects/organs etc. historically were assigned to Yang for a time and to Yin at other times. However, acupuncture has been recognized by Western medicine to be effective. Western reproach towards Chinese scholarship is that it is not conducted in a free environment.

此外，传统中医仍然是西方医学的替代品。尽管因为物体/有机体等在历史上一段时间被指定为阳，一段时间被指定为阴，一般的阴阳分类已经被证明是随意的。然而，针灸仍被西医认为是有效的。西方对中国学术的指责是，它不是在一个自由的环境中进行的。--Li Luyi (talk) 16:51, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

此外，传统中医仍然是西方医学的替代品。尽管因为物体、器官等在历史上一段时间被指定为阳，一段时间被指定为阴，但是一般的阴阳分类已经被证明是任意的。然而，针灸已为西医所认可，但西方学者指责中国学术不是在自由的环境中进行的。--Gong Yumian (talk) 07:16, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Meng 李梦

From Ethnocentrism and Exoticism to Universalism and Dialogue: the General Trend of Chinese Studies in the West - A Case Study of the Early Western Reception of Red Chamber Dreams

从种族中心主义和异国主义到普遍主义和对话： 西方中国学之总趋势——以《红楼梦》早期西方接受为例

Martin Woesler (Witten/Herdecke University, Peking Normal University, Nanking Normal University)

Abstract “Chinese Studies” (Sinology, Chinakunde, Études Chinoises etc.) in general from its origins until today sees a main trend from ethnocentrism and exoticism to universalism and dialogue. Undergoing historical periods of Chinoisérie and then China-bashing during imperialist and colonialist times, Chinese Studies at universities and in associations like the German China Association has established a more objective view on China. 摘要 “汉学” （又名“国学”、“中国学” 等等）自起源至今，大体上经过这样一条发展主线：从种族中心主义和追求异域风情发展至普世主义和对话机制。在经过中国风(Chinoisérie)时代，到批判和抨击中国（China-bashing）的帝国主义和殖民主义时代之后，汉学在大学和学术协会（如德中协会）里建立了一个对中国更为客观的看法。 摘要 “汉学” （又名“国学”、“中国学” 等等）自起源至今，大体上经过这样一条发展主线：从种族中心主义和追求异域风情发展至普世主义和对话机制。在经过中国风(Chinoisérie)时代，到批判和抨击中国（China-bashing）的帝国主义和殖民主义时代之后，大学和学术协会（如德中协会）的汉学建立了一个对中国更为客观的看法。--Li Meng (talk) 00:40, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Yongshan 李泳珊

Ethnocentrism is still existing among Western sinologists today and has to be fought. Still, the contemporary trends globalization, digitalization and travel freedom offer the current generation of sinologists so far unseen possibilities of international cooperation, promising extremely fruitful especially between distant cultures like China and the West. 但是，在当代西方汉学家中间仍然还存在民族中心主义，我们需要为此而抗争。随着全球化、数字化和“出境自由行”这三种当代趋向的出现，新一代汉学家获得了前所未见的国际合作可能，特别像是中西间如此大跨度的文化差异，其国际合作的前景和潜力更是无可估量。 今天，很多西方汉学家依然带着民族优越论的思想，我们需要为此抗争。伴随着全球化、数字化和旅行自由的潮流，当代汉学家在国际合作上有了前所未有的可能；尤其是像中西这样如此大跨度的两个文化间，其合作的前景更是无可估量。--Li Yongshan (talk) 05:57, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Li Yu 李玉

Key words Ethnocentrism, Exoticism, Universalism, Chinese Studies, German China Association, universal values, Gregor Paul, cooperation, China and the West

關鍵詞 宗族中心主義、異國主義、普遍主義、漢學/中國學、德中協會、普遍價值觀、Gregor Paul、合作、中國與西方

When we define an academic category like “Chinese Studies”, we pay respect to the fact that the world historically has developed differently in different regions.

关键词 宗族中心主义、异国主义、普世主义、汉学/中国学、德中协会、普世价值观、格力高•保罗、合作、中国与西方

当我们定义一个类似于“汉学”的学术大类时，我们考虑的是这样一个事实，即从历史的维度上说，这个世界在不同地区的发展是不同的。--Li Yu (talk) 07:33, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Lin Min 林敏

Of course the world was far less connected than today, with slow carriers like horses and ships and often bad or risky infrastructure like roads. Therefore it appears on first sight that these regions have developed their culture, their civilization and even first written languages on their own, independently.

当然，世界之间的联系远不如今天，诸如马和轮船之类的速度较慢的运输工具，以及诸如道路之类的基础设施往往损坏或危险丛丛。 因此，乍看之下，这些地区已经独立地发展了自己的文化、文明甚至第一语言。--Lin Min (talk) 08:29, 21 November 20 当然，世界各地区间的联系远不如今天；当时使用的都是马和船只这样的慢速运输工具，道路之类的基础设施也往往很原始，危险重重。--Li Yongshan (talk) 06:02, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Lin Xin 林鑫

The oldest evidence of written civilizations, dating back around 3500 years BC, we find in the fertile crescent Mesopotamia with the clay tablets of the Sumerer. A little bit later there is evidence in Ancient Egypt, then in Proto-India and finally also in China.

最古老的文字文明的证据，可以追溯到公元前3500年，我们在美索不达米亚平原这片新月状的沃土中找到了苏美尔人的粘土板。随后在古埃及，然后是印度，最后在中国也相继找到了证据。--Lin Xin (talk) 12:03, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

书面文明最古老的证据可以追溯到约公元前3500年，我们在美索不达米亚平原这片新月状的沃土中找到了当时苏美尔人的粘土板。紧接着，在古埃及、原始印度最后在中国也出现了书面文明的证据。--Li Yu (talk) 07:40, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Ling Zijin 凌子瑾

But the more we explore history, the more fascinating evidence comes to light that these seemingly independently developing regions have had more trade relations and exchange of ideas than seems likely bearing in mind mobility: The Silk Road is not only rediscovered and reevaluated historically, but also rebuilt as a political agenda today. We today find early evidence of European civilizations in America and Asia as well as the Chinese civilization also in America and Europe.

但是我们对历史探索得越多,就有更多有趣的证据证明，比起看似可能存在的思维迁移，这些看似独立的发展中地区存在更多的贸易关系和思想交流，从历史角度来看，我们并不只是重新发现和重新评估丝绸之路,也是作为一个政治议程来重建它。我们今天在美洲和亚洲发现了欧洲文明的早期证据，在美洲和欧洲也发现了中国文明的早期证据。--Ling Zijin (talk) 09:23, 20 November 2020 (UTC) 但我们越是探索历史，就会发现更有吸引力的证据：这些看似独立发展的地区之间的贸易关系和思想交流比思维流动性更频繁：丝绸之路不仅在历史上被重新发现和重新评价，而且在今天也被重建为政治议程。如今，我们在美洲和亚洲发现了欧洲文明的早期证据而在美洲和欧洲也同样发现了中国文明。--Liubo (talk) 06:55, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Bo 刘博

Cultural Science is more influenced by its subject than other sciences, since we are part of it and cannot leave it to examine it. The history of cultural science has developed from the first times of intercultural encounters to today’s life, in which cultures are mixed and people understand each other as being part of different cultures simultaneously. 文化科学比其他科学更受其研究对象的影响，因为我们是它的一部分，不能离开它去研究它。文化科学的历史从最初的跨文化冲突发展到今天的生活，文化相互交融，人们作为不同文化的一部分互相理解。--Liubo (talk) 06:51, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

与其他科学相比，文化科学受其研究对象影响更大，因为我们是文化科学的一部分，不能独立于它去研究它。文化科学的历史已经从最初的跨文化交流发展到今天，文化相互交融，同时人们作为不同文化的一部分相互理解。--Li Luyi (talk) 17:10, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Jinxingqi 刘金惺琦

However, there will always be differentiation between cultures, simply because the trends of integration and separation occur at the same time.

When there is different cultures, there is an interest in comparing these. This medal has two sides. As soon as you start to compare, you may value. Cultural encounters happened before there were experts or a whole discipline. 然而，文化之间的差异总是存在的，那是因为整合和分离的趋势是同时发生的。 当不同文化存在时，对它们的比较便存在意义。文化有两个方面。一旦开始比较，便会发现其价值。在没有专家或该学科之前就已经发生了文化交流。--Liu Jinxingqi (talk) 03:20, 23 November 2020 (UTC) 然而，文化之间的差异总是存在的，简而言之是因为整合和分离的趋势是同时发生的。 只要有不同的文化，人们就会非常有兴趣把它们进行比较。文化有两个方面。一旦开始比较，便会发现其价值。在没有专家或该学科之前就已经发生了文化交流。--Mo Nan (talk) 03:20, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Liu 刘柳

So the first comparisons between cultures were ethnocentric: You compared whatever you encountered as “other”, “foreign” or “alien”, to your own culture. This was often accompanied with feelings. There was both, the feeling of fear of the unknown and curiosness in the exotic.

因此，文化间的第一次比较是具有种族中心主义的：你拿你遇到的任何事物与你自己的文化相比较，认为它们是“其他的”、“外国的”、“外来的”。这时常伴随着情绪：既有对未知的恐惧，也有对异国的好奇。--Liu Liu (talk) 15:33, 21 November 2020 (UTC) 因此，文化之间的第一次比较是具有民族中心主义的：拿你所接触的任何事物与自己的文化相比较，发现他们是“其他的”、“外国的、“异样的” 这常常混杂着个人情感的：既有对未知的恐惧，也有对异国的好奇。--Liu Jinxingqi (talk) 03:27, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Ou 刘欧

You may categorize civilizations into so-called “high civilizations” and “low civilizations”, into “developed” and “underdeveloped” cultures. This was an ethnocentric approach in the age of cultural relativism. Today in the age of post-growth economy and after tragic experiences of colonialization and missionization, we know that each culture is equal and cannot be ranked to be higher or lower, of more or less value than the other.

你可以将文明分为所谓的“高级文明”和“低级文明”，“发达”和“欠发达”文化。 在文化相对主义时代，这是一种以民族为中心的方法。 但在后增长经济时代的今天，在经历了殖民化和传教化的不幸经历之后，我们知道，每种文化都是平等的，不能认为哪种文化的价值更高或更低。--Liu Ou (talk) 14:48, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Yangnuo 刘洋诺

While very early there were historians collecting knowledge from travel reports or official delegations visiting foreign cultures, in the middle ages handbooks collected the knowledge to describe different cultures. Even the Romans had words for the Chinese (Seres in the North and Sinae in the South) and attributed to Asian-looking people certain characteristics of behaviour, attitudes, value systems, beliefs, morals and character. 早期一些历史学家从游记和文化交流使者当中了解异国文化，中期他们用手册描述不同文化。罗马人就用两个不同的单词来表示中国人，北方人是用赛里斯(Seres)，南方人是用塞琳娜(Sinae)，罗马人还根据行为、态度、价值体系、信念、道德和性格划分亚洲人的特性。--Liu Yangnuo (talk) 13:03, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Liu Yi 刘艺

The first in-depth analysis of the Chinese culture through Western people came not with the merchants, but with the Jesuits. How few was known about China can be seen from the fact, that only the Jesuits managed to clarify, that the myth of the two empires, Tartary and Kitai/Cathay, in fact both were the same (China).

第一次通过西方人对中国文化进行深入的分析，不是来自商人，而是来自耶稣会士。对中国的了解是多么的少，这可以从以下事实中看出，只有耶稣会士设法澄清了鞑靼和基泰/卡泰两个帝国的神话，事实上，这两个帝国都是同一个（中国）。--Liu Yi (talk) 02:36, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

第一次对中国文学进行深入分析的西方人不是商人，而是耶稣会士。西方人对中国知之甚少可以从以下事实看出：只有耶稣会士成功地澄清了鞑靼和契丹这两个帝国的神话事实上是相同的（都属于中国）。--Kong Yanan (talk) 03:44, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

西方第一次对中国文学进行深入分析的是耶稣会士，而不是商人。从只有耶稣会士才设法阐明鞑靼和契丹这两个帝国的神话实质上是相同的（讲的都是中国）这一事实来看，西方对中方的了解少之甚少。--QiKai (talk) 09:04, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Qi Kai

Liu Yiyu 刘怡瑜

However, the Jesuit’s approach was still ethnocentric and cultural relativist, because by portraying (like Du Halde) China as a seemingly ideal state suitable for mission work, they contributed to subjective views on China.

Around 1720 presumably the French Jesuit Jean-François Noëlas even translated the Dao de jing into Latin.[ Collani, Claudia von, Harald Holz, Konrad Wegmann eds. Uroffenbarung und Daoismus: jesuitische Missionshermeneutik des Daoismus. Europ. University Press, 2008. [Partial retranslation Chinese-Latin-German.]]

Liu Zhiwei 刘智伟

The translation turns out to deviate from the original in the way that we suddenly find the Christian trinity god in it.

This is the starting point of an ethnocentric tradition to read the self and the own into the other and the alien, instead of respecting the other as a value by itself and allowing it to even challenge the own beliefs.

翻译偏离了原文，我们才猛然发现其中基督教三位一体的上帝。 这是一种种族中心主义传统的出发点，它把原文本身解读成他者并异化，而不是把他者当作一种价值观来尊重，甚至允许它挑战自己的信仰。--Liu Zhiwei (talk) 12:42, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Lou Cancan 娄灿灿

Even the German Christian missionary and sinologist Richard Wilhelm used a Christian language (belief, heavens’ doors, life after death etc.) in his influential 1919 Taoteking translation and in 1925 he translated “god” into the Analects of Confucius.

The missionaries baptized the seemingly “backward” aborigines in several continents, sometimes supported by the sword.

连德国基督教传教士兼汉学家理查德·威廉在其影响深远的1919年道教翻译中也使用了基督教语言(信仰、天堂之门、来生等)，并在1925年在《论语》中使用上帝这一翻译。

传教士们在几个大陆上给看似“落后”的土著人施洗，有时还用武力威胁。--Lou Cancan (talk) 02:23, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Luo Weijia 罗维嘉

A lot of cultures, considered less “developed”, were heavily influenced or even destroyed and extinguished. Earlier, the “Warriors of the Cross” even fought wars and devastated complete regions.

The other aspect, the exotization of the other was expressed by the way the first Chinese people who came to Europe were received: They were passed on at tea meetings and gazed at like animals.

许多被认为不太“发达”的文化受到了严重影响，甚至遭到破坏并且已经消亡。早些时候，“十字军”甚至发起战争，摧毁了整个地区。

另一方面， 异域化表现在第一批来到欧洲的中国人所能接受的方式：这些文化在茶话会上被传下来，受到瞩目。--Luo Weijia (talk) 13:56, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

许多在人们看来不是太“发达”的文化遭受了重创，甚至已经毁灭或消亡。早些时候，“十字军”发起战争，摧毁了整个地区。

另一方面，对其他文化的异域化影响则表现在第一批来欧洲的中国人被欧洲人接纳：他们在参加各种茶话会，被人们奇怪地看待。--Majuan (talk) 02:33, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Luo Yuqing 罗雨晴

Soon Chinese goods became the symbol of the exotic. Chinese porcellain and nick-nacks, even Chinese-style buildings were recreated in Europe. The fever-like admiration of a China image, which certainly was not the true China, is called Chinoiserie. The Chinoiserie even involved European philosophers like Voltaire and Leibniz, who compared China to an ideal country without religion and still moral values, represented by a wise emperor.

很快中国货就成了异国情调的象征。中国的瓷器和小装饰品，甚至中国风格的建筑都在欧洲得以重现。狂热崇拜中国形象，被称为中国热，当然不是对真正中国形象的狂热。这股中国热甚至影响到伏尔泰和莱布尼茨这样的欧洲哲学家，他们把中国比作一个理想国家，这个国家没有宗教信仰和道德价值观，由一位睿智的皇帝所代表。--Luo Yuqing (talk) 05:03, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Ma Juan 马娟

In Europe, the first experts on Chinese culture were entrusted with the task to explain the Chinese culture no longer from the ethnocentric viewpoint, but from a scientific one: Professorships at universities were established. Their early translations show traces of admiration of the exotic. Chinoiserie was also countered by Européerie in China.

在欧洲，第一批中国文化的专家的任务是不再从民族中心主义的角度而是从科学的角度来解释中国文化，许多大学给予很多人教授头衔，他们早期的翻译显示出外来的附加痕迹，“中国风”也被中国的“山寨风”所抵制。--Majuan (talk) 02:20, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Ma Shuya 马淑雅

However, this phase did only last as long as it fit to European politics. As soon as the import of colonial goods (and resources) became an economic factor, the (wrong) image of the ideal China changed into a negative one (similarly wrong). Not only mission and belief were motifs to look down on the Chinese culture, but also the comparison of economic development and living standards.

Ma Zhixing 马智星

Hegel continued the ethnocentric view on China with his ranking of cultures. Although Confucius already had developed a “Golden Rule” principle comparable to Kant’s “Categorical Imperative”, Hegel declared Chinese philosophy as inferior to European philosophy, and even saw a geographical step by step development from Confucius over Buddha, Zarathustra, the ancient Greek and the Roman philosophy, leading to the European philosophy.黑格尔以他的文化排名延续了对中国的种族中心主义观点。尽管孔子已经发展出一套可与康德的“绝对命令”相媲美的“黄金法则”原则，但黑格尔却宣称中国哲学不如欧洲哲学，甚至认为看到了从孔子到佛陀、查拉图斯特拉、古希腊和罗马哲学的一步一步的地理发展，引领了欧洲哲学。--Zhixing ma (talk) 04:44, 23 November 2020 (UTC) --Zhixing ma (talk) 04:44, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Meng Ying 孟莹

A ladder only second by the Arab philosophy. At the turn from the 19th to the 20th century, China was suddenly considered as static, as “the sick man of Asia”. Actually semi-colonialism in China helped to hinder development there.

Rereading the reviews of Chinese literature in contemporary Western journals, it is astonishing, how disrespectful even men of letters treated Chinese literature, even during a time, when it was not yet available in translation, so that it is save to say that ethnocentric attitude prevailed over knowledge.

这是仅次于阿拉伯哲学的阶梯。在19世纪和20世纪的交替之时，中国突然被认为是停滞不前的，是“东亚病夫”。事实上，是中国的半殖民主义阻碍了中国的发展。 重读当代西方期刊上关于中国文学的评论，令人惊讶的是，即使在中国文学还没有翻译的时候，文人也如此不尊重中国文学，所以只能说，民族中心主义的态度压倒了知识。--Meng Ying (talk) 13:40, 23 November 2020 (UTC)Meng Ying

Mo Ling 莫玲

This can be proven by the many mistakes you can find in the reviews (Morrison: the book was of low literary quality, but written in Peking dialect and therefore useful as language learning material; Gützlaff: the protagonist Baoyu is a petulant woman; Giles: the words “Red Chamber Dreams do not appear in the book” etc.).

错误百出的评论可以证明这一点（马礼逊：这本书没什么文采，但由于它是用北京方言所写，因而可以作为语言学习材料；居茨拉夫：主角宝玉真是一个爱耍小性子的女人；贾尔斯：“红楼梦没有在书中出现过”等等。）。--Mo Ling (talk) 14:17, 18 November 2020 (UTC)Mo Ling

书评中许多人对其的误解能证明这一点（马礼逊：这本书文笔拙劣，但由于是用北京话写的，因此可以用作语言学习材料;居茨拉夫：主角宝玉是一个被宠坏的女子; 贾尔斯：“红楼梦”一词没有在书中出现等）。--Ou Rong (talk) 08:47, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Ou Rong

Mo Nan 莫南

Also, the tradition of the title translation as “Dream of the Red Chamber” can be traced back to the origins of the better translation as “Red Chamber Dreams”, sacrificed by Francis Davis finally in favor of the powerful tool of Morrison’s dictionary calling it “Dream of the Red Chamber”. 另外，标题翻译的传统是“Dream of the Red Chamber”，它的起源可以追溯到更好的一个翻译，即“Red Chamber Dreams”，这是弗朗西斯·戴维斯（Francis Davis）最终因为莫里森词典的强大而放弃的 一个标题翻译。--Mo Nan (talk) 14:17, 18 November 2020 (UTC)Mo Nan 另外，“Dream of the Red Chamber”这一标题翻译传统来源于另一个更好的译本，即“Red Chamber Dreams”，但是弗朗西斯·戴维斯（Francis Davis）参考强大的莫里森词典后，他最终放弃了这个译本。--Liu Yangnuo (talk) 13:13, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Nie Xiaolou 聂晓楼

Here, the exotic was used to make fun of China. Barrow introduces an excerpt, describing the outward appearance of Baoyu and Xifeng, translated by Francis Davis into English, explicitely for the reason to “amuse the beaux and belles”. Francis Davis himself picks two poems from the novel for translation, but not for its own sake, but to use them as a proof for his own (minority) opinion that the Chinese poetry knew a certain, “descriptive” function of poems in novels.

在这里，外来翻译只是用于取笑中国。巴罗介绍了一段《红楼梦》节选，描述的是宝玉和熙凤的外貌，弗兰西斯•戴维斯将其翻译成英文，但显然是为了“嘲笑花花公子和美丽佳人”。弗兰西斯•戴维斯从这本小说中挑选了两首诗歌翻译，但其目的不是为了诗歌本身，而是为了证明他自己的观点（这也是少数人的观点）—中国诗人明白，小说中的诗歌是具有一定“描写”功能的。--Nie Xiaolou (talk) 06:47, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Nie Xiaolou

此处，外来翻译只是用于取笑中国。巴罗挑选了《红楼梦》一节来描述宝玉和熙凤的外貌。弗兰西斯•戴维斯将其译成英文，但显然是为了“嘲笑花花公子和美丽佳人”。弗兰西斯•戴维斯从这本小说中挑选了两首诗歌翻译，但其目的不是为了诗歌本身，而是为了证明他自己的观点（这也是少数人的观点）—中国诗人明白，小说中的诗歌是具有一定“描写”功能的。--Li Haiquan (talk) 11:24, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Ou Rong 欧蓉

In 1815 Macao Reverend Robert Morrison (1782-1834) coined the Western translation of the novel’s title by mentioning it in his Dictionary of the Chinese Language as “[dreams of the red chamber.” He explained the character “妙” as in the novel’s character “妙玉 Meaou yǔh [Miao Yu]” as “the admirable gem, name of one of the female characters in the novel called 紅樓夢 the dreams of the red chamber”, see Robert Morrison: A Dictionary of the Chinese language in three parts, Macao: East India Company Press 1815, vol. I., 930 pp., here p. 614, left column. 24 years after the print edition was published, this is the first mention and translation of the novel’s title into a Western language known so far. If no earlier occurrence is found it means that Morrison created a translation which has lasted until today almost unchanged.] He chose the plural, which was quite reasonable as there are many dreams in the novel. It appears that 27 years later the plural “dreams” was turned into the singular “dream,” which sounds a bit more general and is therefore also a reasonable translation.

1815年，澳门牧师罗伯特·莫里森（Robert Morrison，1782-1834年）在其《汉语词典》中将小说的标题称为“红楼梦”，从而创造了该小说的标题的西译本。[他解释道小说红楼梦中一个叫妙玉的女子就像是一块令人钦佩的宝石，参见罗伯特·莫里森：《汉语词典》三部分，澳门：东印度公司出版社1815年，第一卷p930，此处p614，左栏。印刷版出版24年后，这是第一次提及该小说，并将其标题翻译成迄今已知的西方语言。如果没有更早的发现，则意味着莫里森所创作的译本一直持续到今天几乎不变。]他选择了复数形式，这是相当合理的，因为小说中有许多梦想。似乎在27年后，复数的“梦”变成了单数的“梦”，听起来更笼统，因此也是一种合理的翻译。--Ou Rong (talk) 08:35, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Ou Rong

1815年，澳门牧师罗伯特·莫里森(1782-1834)在他的《汉语词典》中将《红楼梦》称作“dreams of the red chamber”，从而创造了小说的英文译名。他把《红楼梦》这本小说中一个女性人物的名字“妙玉”中的“妙”字解释为“令人艳羡的宝石”，（参见罗伯特·莫里森《汉语词典》，澳门：东印度公司出版社，1815年，第一卷第936页，此处第614页左栏)。在印刷版出版24年后，这是第一次提到并将标题翻译成西方语言。如果找不到比这还早的标题翻译，便意味着莫里森创造的翻译一直持续到今天都几乎发生没有改变。“梦”这个词的译文他选择了复数“dreams”，这是相当合理的，因为在小说中有许多梦。27年后，复数的“梦”（dreams)变成了单数的“梦”(dream)，这听起来有点笼统，但也是一个合理的翻译。--Lin Xin (talk) 12:35, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Ouyang Jinglan 欧阳静兰

Red Chamber Dreams is the most common translation in English and, in its variations, in all Western languages so far.

In 1817 Rev. Robert Morrison published a book for studying Chinese,[ Robert Morrison, A view of China for philological purposes: containing a sketch of Chinese Chronology, Geography, Government, Religion & Customs, designed for the use of persons who study the Chinese language, Macao: East Asia Company Press, 1817, 141 S., hier S. 120-121.] in which he recommended “Dreams of the Red Chamber” as beginner readings, together with the novel Hao qiu zhuan, which was available mostly in English and partly in Portuguese by 1719, and fully in English by 1761. Both were written in colloquial style.

在所有的翻译中，“ Red Chamber Dreams”是到目前为止英语以及所有西方语言中最常见的翻译。

1817年，罗伯特·莫里森牧师出版了一本研究汉语的书，[罗伯特·莫里森，出于语言学目的对中国的看法：包含对中国年历，地理，政府，宗教和习俗的描写，旨在供学习汉语的人使用。 澳门语言：东亚公司出版社，1817年，141 S.，hier S. 120-121。]，其中他推荐“红楼梦”和小说《好秋传》作为初学者的读物。 到1719年，红楼梦的翻译大部分是英语，部分是葡萄牙语。在1761年以后全部用英语翻译。两种都是口语化的。--OUYANGJINGLAN (talk) 03:14, 23 November 2020 (UTC)OuYang Jinglan 欧阳静兰

在所有的翻译中，“ Red Chamber Dreams”是到目前为止英语以及所有西方语言中最常见的翻译。

1817年，罗伯特·莫里森牧师出版了一本研究汉语的书，[罗伯特·莫里森，出于语言学目的对中国的看法：包含对中国年历，地理，政府，宗教和习俗的描写，旨在供学习汉语的人使用。 澳门语言：东亚公司出版社，1817年，141 S.，hier S. 120-121。]，其中他推荐“红楼梦”和小说《好秋传》作为初级读物。 到1719年，《好秋传》的翻译大部分是英语，部分是葡萄牙语。在1761年以后全部用英语翻译。两种都是口语化的。--Peng Dan (talk) 06:19, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Ouyang Ling 欧阳玲

Morrison claims that Dream was written in Peking dialect. This does not hold true, since the author’s family Cao came from the South and many people in the novel have Nanking dialect sprinkles. In fact, the highly artful and intentional switch of dialects and sociolects contributed to the later fame of the novel. Morrison’s mistake developed its own tradition.[ Even in 1995, you could read that the Dreams is written in Peking dialect, cf. Shu Changshan, Die Rezeption Thomas Manns in China, 1995, Frankfurt: Lang, 326 pp. At least Tong Yao, Die Vielfältigkeit der Literatur, 2006 mentions both Peking and Nanking dialects.]

马礼逊称《红楼梦》是用北京方言写的，但他的说法并不属实，因为书的作者曹雪芹其实是南方人，书中很多角色有时候还会说南京方言。实际上，书中地方方言和社会方言的切换十分巧妙，也是作者有意而为之，这也是此作品之后享有盛名的原因之一。马礼逊的这一错误还持续了很长一段时间。[ 甚至到了1995年仍有人说《红楼梦》是用北京方言写成。]--Ouyang Ling (talk) 11:07, 18 November 2020 (UTC)Ouyang Ling

马礼逊认为，《红楼梦》是用北京方言写的，但他的说法并不属实，《红楼梦》的作者曹雪芹其实是南方人，书中很多角色在某些场合甚至还会说南京方言。实际上，书中地方方言和社会方言的切换十分巧妙，这是作者有意而为之，也是《红楼梦》在后来享有盛名的原因之一。马礼逊的这一错误还持续了很长一段时间。[ 甚至到了1995年时，仍有人认为《红楼梦》是用北京方言写成。]--Guo Lu (talk) 02:22, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

马礼逊声称《红楼梦》是用北京方言写成的。这一说法是不正确的，因为作者曹雪芹来自南方，小说中很多人说话都有南京方言的色彩。事实上，方言和社会用语的巧妙和有意的转换为这部小说后来的名声做出了贡献。马礼逊的错误持续了很长一段时间。[即使是在1995年，还有人说《红楼梦》是用北京方言写成的。]--Ling Zijin (talk) 09:29, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Peng Dan 彭丹

Barrow mentioned the title “[...] a Chinese novel called Hung-low-Mung, or, The Red Chamber Dreams” on June 4, 1819, in the Quarterly Review. He inserted this （导言）reference into a review[ My own findings, so far not discussed in 20th century hongxue, and published first in October 2010. John Barrow, “Art. IV Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that Country, in the Years 1816 and 1817; containing an Account of the most interesting Transactions of Lord Amherst's Embassy to the Court of Pekin, and Observations on the Countries which it visited. By Clarke Abel F.L.S. London 1818”, in: William Gifford ed., Quarterly Review 21:41 (January 1819) S. 67-91, hier S. 79-80. This edition appeared (only by) June 4, 1819 with 13,000 copies. The author follows here the argumentation of the assignment to the author Barrow due to the following indications: “Gentleman's Magazine (Mar. 1844), 246-47. The article's author refers to #415 and #438 (including a specific reference), both of which are on the same topic and are by Barrow. Cf. also the discussion of infanticide (p.76) and Raffles's account of Java reviewed by Barrow in #422. In his Q[uarterly] R[eview] articles, it was Barrow's signature practice to refer to his own works, see “Quarterly Review Archive” http:// www.rc.umd.edu/reference/qr/index/41.html, last visited Dec 5, 2010.] of Clarke Abel’s report of a journey through China.[ Clarke Abel, Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, and of a Voyage to and from that Country, in the Years 1816 and 1817; containing an Account of the most interesting Transactions of Lord Amherst's Embassy to the Court of Pekin, and Observations on the Countries which it visited, F.L.S. London 1818.] He interrupted his review with an excursus on the uniform appearance and static nature of the Chinese, in line with the contemporary China-bashing of Herder and Hegel. 巴罗在1819年6月4日的季刊上提到了书名“[...] a Chinese novel called Hung-low-Mung, or, The Red Chamber Dreams”。他在一篇评论中这样写道：这是我自己的发现。迄今还未被20世纪的红学讨论过，第一次发表是在2010年10月。1816年和1817年在中国内陆的旅行，以及往返于那个国家的航行;书中记载了阿默斯特公爵驻北京法院的大使馆最有趣的事情，以及对它访问过的国家的观察(克拉克阿裨尔，伦敦，1818，于威廉吉福德，季刊21:41,1819年1月，67-91页，79-80页）这个版本仅仅在1819年6月4日发行了13000本。作者在此遵循了对作者巴罗任务的论证，原因如下:“绅士杂志(1844年3月)，246-47。这篇文章的作者提到了#415和#438(包括一个特定的引用)，它们都是关于同一个主题的，都是巴罗写的。还有关于杀婴的讨论(第76页)和巴罗在第422页审查过的莱佛士对爪哇的描述。在他的Q[uarterly] R[eview]文章中，巴罗的标志性做法是引用他自己的作品，参见“季刊评论档案”，http:// www.rc.umd.edu/reference/qr/index/41.html，上一次访问是在2010年12月5日。克拉克·阿贝尔(Clarke Abel)关于中国之旅的报道。[克拉克·阿贝尔，1816年和1817年在中国内陆的旅行，以及往返于那个国家的航行;书中记载了阿默斯特公爵驻北京法院的大使馆最有趣的事情，以及对它访问过的国家的观察，1818年伦敦F.L.S.。他以一段关于中国人千篇一律的外表和一成不变的本质的论述打断了他的评论，这与当时赫尔德和黑格尔对中国的抨击一致。--Peng Dan (talk) 06:12, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Peng Juan 彭娟

For contemporary Europeans, the Chinese appeared abnormally uniform and simple in their clothes and appearance. They would not be subordinated to the tyranny of fashion; their culture was static. In order to entertain the “belles and beaux of Great Britain,” Barrow provides a foil to this general impression by quoting the descriptions of the garments and anatomy of two characters, Wang Xifeng and Jia Baoyu, from chapter 3 of J. Davis’ translation of Dream. 对于当代欧洲人来说，中国人看起来异常的统一，衣着和外表都相当简单。他们不会屈从于暴政时尚;他们的文化是静止的。为了娱乐“大不列颠的美女和美人”，巴罗（Barrow）引用了杰·戴维斯《翻译的梦》第三章，对服装的描述和对两个人物的剖析，来衬托这个总体印象。--Pengjuan (talk) 06:26, 22 November 2020 (UTC)pengjuan

对于当代欧洲人，中国人的穿着和外表显得异常统一和朴素。 他们不会服从时尚的暴政。 他们的文化是静态的。 为了娱乐“大不列颠的风向标”，巴罗引用了戴维斯红楼梦翻译第3章中对两个人物王熙凤和贾宝玉的服装和人物性格剖析的描述。--OUYANGJINGLAN (talk) 03:25, 23 November 2020 (UTC)OuYang Jinglan 欧阳静兰

对当代欧洲人，中国人的穿着外表显得异常统一和朴素。 他们不会顺从时尚的绝对掌控。 他们的文化是静态的。 为了娱乐“大不列颠的风向标”，巴罗引用了戴维斯红楼梦翻译第3章中对王熙凤和贾宝玉的服装和人物性格剖析的描述。--Meng Ying (talk) 13:43, 23 November 2020 (UTC)Meng Ying

Peng Ruihong 彭锐宏

In fact the graphic comparisons given in these descriptions were simply strange to Europeans of that time, since they apparently did not correspond to the European’s own ideal of beauty.

Even in 1842 Gützlaff criticized: “the author [makes] many protestations of his inability to do justice to the subject, which indeed is the only truth in the book […] the style is without any art […] whosoever wishes to familiarize himself with the manner of speaking the northern court dialect, may peruse this work with advantage”[ “Amongst the novels of the Chinese, this work holds a decidedly high rank. The author, after making many protestations of his inability to do justice to the subject, which indeed is the only truth in the book […] Having brought this tedious story to a conclusion, in expressing our opinion about the literary merits of the performance, we may say that the style is without any art, being literally the spoken language of the higher classes in the northern provinces. Some words that are used in a sense different from that in ordinary writings, and others are formed for the occasion, to express provincial sounds. But after reading one volume the sense is easily understood, and whosoever wishes to familiarize himself with the manner of speaking the northern court dialect, may peruse this work with advantage.” ibid., p. 273.]

实际上，这些描述中给出的图形比较对于当时的欧洲人来说简直是陌生的，因为它们显然不符合欧洲人自己的美感。

甚至在1842年，居茨拉夫（Gützlaff）都批评说：“作者[对]他无法对这个主题伸张正义，提出了许多抗议，这确实是书中唯一的道理。以说北方法院方言的方式，可以有利地细读这部作品” [“在中国小说中，这部作品绝对享有很高的地位。在多次抗议他无法公正对待这个主题之后，这确实是本书中唯一的真相[...]总结了这个乏味的故事，在表达我们对表演文学价值的看法后，我们可以说这种风格没有任何艺术意义，实际上是北部省份上层阶级的口头语言。有些词的用法与普通著作有所不同，而另一些词的用法则是为了表达省级声音。但是，读完一卷书后，这种感觉很容易理解，并且无论谁希望熟悉北部法院方言的表达方式，都可以从中受益。同上，p。273.] --Peng Ruihong (talk) 03:49, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Peng Xiaoling 彭小玲

In 1867, 78 years after the first Chinese printed edition, we find a first real in-depth review of two pages by William Frederick Mayers:[ William Frederick Mayers, in: Notes and Queries (Dec 31, 1867) pp. 167-168, here p. 167. Mayers was Chinese secretary of the British Legation at Peking. He gives also short extracts in translation: “Vast as is Heaven above or Earth below – Sighs may such limits fill for passion vainly past Grieve for the senseless youth, the hapless maiden’s woe ! Not oft is love’s light pledge redeem’ed at last ! ” (p. 167) […] Vain to be soft in temper, mild in ways, Fair as the fairest … (p. 168) […] Not often shines thy longings too are vain ! ” (p. 168)].]

“If it be lawful to avow a feeling approaching to enthusiasm for any Chinese production, The Hung Low Mêng 紅樓夢 or ‘Dreams of the Red Chamber’ is beyond possibility of cavil the work for which genuine admiration may be expressed.

1867年，即第一本中文印刷版出版78年之后，我们对梅辉立的两页进行了首次真正的深入回顾：[梅辉立，在：中日释疑（1867年12月31日）,第167-168页，此处第167页。梅辉立曾担任英国使馆驻北京的中国秘书。他还给出了一些翻译中的简要摘录： “天堂之上或地狱之下都很广阔– 叹息可能会限制过去的激情 为无知的青年，不幸的少女而悲伤！ 最后，爱的誓言不是经常被兑现的！ ”（第167页）[…] 不会脾气柔和，方式温和， 公平为最公平…（第168页） […] 不常发光 你的渴望也是徒劳的！ ” (第168页)].]

“如果公然宣称对任一中国作品充满热情的感觉是合法的，那么要对红楼梦或‘Dreams of the Red Chamber’的无端指摘表示真正的钦佩是不可能的。--Peng Xiaoling (talk) 13:37, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

Peng Yongliang 彭永亮

What, in English literature, the writings of Thackeray and Bulwer are in comparison with the wearisome and unskilful productions of previous generations, such is the Hung Low Mêng when compared with the works of fiction that have emanated from other Chinese authors.

在英国文学中，萨克雷和布尔沃的作品经常被与前几代令人厌倦和不熟练的作品相比较，就如同红楼梦被与其他中国作家的小说作品作比较一样。--Peng Yongliang (talk) 14:22, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

在英国文学中，萨克雷和布尔沃的作品经常被拿来和早期一些令人厌倦和不熟练的作品作比较，同样地，人们也经常把《红楼梦》与其他中国作家的小说作比较。--Ouyang Ling (talk) 06:12, 23 November 2020 (UTC)Ouyang Ling

Peng Yuzhi 彭育志

Human character in its complex variety of shades, the intricacies of family relations, the force of passion and the torture of disappointed yearnings after love are pourtrayed with a degree of skill and knowledge such as in truth suggests a resemblance with the two great master-spirits of English romance;

复杂多变的人物性格，错综复杂的家庭关系，猛烈的激情，追求爱情而不得的折磨，凡此种种，作者都以具有技巧和才识的笔触描绘出来，这事实上展现了他与两位英国浪漫小说大师的相似之处。--Peng YuZhi (talk) 04:41, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

作者那具有技巧和才识的笔触下的这些，性格复杂多变的人物，错综复杂的家庭关系，猛烈的激情，追求爱情而不得的折磨，事实上展现了他与两位英国浪漫小说大师的相似之处。--Peng Yongliang (talk) 14:32, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Qi Kai 漆凯

whilst, as in Nature's own drama of existence, the reflections of storm and sunshine are closely interlaced, and the lighter thread of comedy runs side by side with the dark main-strand of a story which opens with the omens of sorrow and is conducted to a tearful end.

同时，就像在自然界的生存戏剧中一样，风暴和阳光的反射紧密地交织在一起，喜剧的轻快线与故事的黑暗主线并排而行，故事的黑暗主线以悲伤的预兆开始，以泪洗面而终。--QiKai (talk) 12:35, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Qi Kai

同时，正如自然存在本身就具有戏剧性，风暴与阳光之间的映射紧密纠缠，明亮的喜剧线与黑暗的故事主线并肩而行，展开故事，它以悲伤的预兆开头，并最终导向令人垂泪的结局。--Peng YuZhi (talk) 04:56, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Qu Miao 瞿淼

If, at the same time, a faint – a very faint – tinge of the supernatural is allowed to show itself in the conception of the tale, this is not only in full accord with the inclinations of the people for whom the work is written, but is also far less obtrusive than the similar element which pervades more than one of our own most celebrated fictions. […]” 同时,如果一点微弱的-一点非常微弱的超自然色彩展现在故事中,这就不仅是完全符合目标读者的口味,而且还远远不如目前最受欢迎的小说中的相似素材那么突兀。--Qu Miao (talk) 08:19, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Quan Meixin 全美欣

Reading through almost 80 years of reviews, during which more and more chapters of the novel became available, the ethnocentric attitude gradually changes to the scientific one and finally, with Mayr’s review of 1867 to a dialectic one, not only admitting that the Chinese novel was a piece of world literature, but even leaving open the possibility that it surpassed literary achievements of the own culture.

梅尔读了近80十年的书评，在阅读过程中，他能读懂越来越多的章节，所以他民族中心主义的观点逐渐变化，最后变成了科学的观点。他1867年的书评呈现了辩证的态度，他不仅承认中国小说是世界小说的一部分，甚至对中国小说有没有可能超越其本国文化取得的成就持开放态度。--Quan Meixin (talk) 11:48, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Sagara Seydou

This process certainly has been brought to a good end with the establishment of further diversified Chinese Studies in Europe and the USA, with the role of overseas Chinese at American universities, with further translations especially through Franz Kuhn in the 1930s and with the establishment of the German China Association in the 1950s. 随着在欧洲和美国建立更多多元化的中文研究，在美国大学中扮演海外华人的角色，尤其是在1930年代通过Franz Kuhn进行的进一步翻译以及 1950年代的德国中国协会.--Sagara Seydou 3 (talk) 03:12, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

随着在欧洲和美国建立更多样化中国研究中心，随着海外华人在美国大学中角色的改变，随着二十世纪三十年代翻译进一步发展，这其中弗兰克·库恩（Frank kuhn)是典型代表，随着二十世纪五十年代德国中国协会的建立，这个过程完满结束了。--Quan Meixin (talk) 11:29, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Shi Diwen 石迪文

During its 60 years of history, the German China Association (next to the developing chairs of Chinese Studies at universities and next to other organizations dealing with China like friendship associations and Confucius Institutes) has helped to overcome prejudices, cultural relativism with diversity and tolerance. This is especially challenging, because the cultures and languages are quite distant and German media and internet community tends to bash China.

During the last 20 years, the German China Association was shaped through its prolific president, Gregor Paul, who has shaped the prestige of the Association with his sharp and precise analysis of a common logic in China and the West as well as universal values, including human rights, worth to strive for both in the West and in China.

在其60年的历史中，德国中国协会(旁边是正在发展的大学中国研究中心，旁边是其他与中国打交道的组织，如友好协会和孔子学院)以多样性和宽容帮助克服偏见和文化相对主义。这尤其具有挑战性，因为两国文化和语言相当遥远，而德国媒体和互联网社区往往会抨击中国。 在过去的20年里,德国的中国协会在优秀的主席格雷戈尔保罗领导下建立,通过敏锐和精确的分析中国和西方的一个共同的逻辑，还有普世价值,包括值得一起追求的人权，他建立起了这个协会的声誉。--Shi Diwen (talk) 04:17, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Shi Haiyao 石海瑶

His entertaining and informative lectures used a rhethoric often referring to persuasive conventional wisdom, e.g. that differences often come from different opinions instead of a difference of the nature of the things, as can be seen from a quarrel with his wife about what both remembered had happened the day before. Paul is a consequent logician and a real universalist and he has added to Germany’s international reputation as “the land of poets and thinkers”.

The process of doing more justice to China today culminates in the cooperation between Chinese and Western scholars at international conferences, in research projects or international book projects like “A Harvard Literary History of Modern China”.

他的演讲娱乐性强，内容翔实，善用修辞，引经据典。例如：分歧往往源于意见不和，而非事情性质不一致，这从他和妻子的争吵中可以看出，他们都记得前一天发生的事情。保罗是一名逻辑学家和普遍主义者，他提升了德国的国际声誉，德国被誉为“诗人和思想家的国度”。

如今，中国与西方学者在国际会议、研究项目或诸如“现代中国的哈佛文学史”之类的国际图书项目上的合作，是对中国更加公正的体现，也是合作达到高潮的体现。--Shi Haiyao (talk) 06:18, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Si Yu 司妤

Europeans (and later US-Americans) have made a contribution to Chinese Studies in general. They were influenced heavily by the idealizers (Jesuits, European philosophers of the enlightenment) and by China-bashers (Hegel, the German emperor...). It took 100 years for a Chinese piece of world literature to be recognized as such in Europe. But today, Chinese literature and culture is recognized with the Nobel Prize and Confucius Institutes do successful work in the whole work promoting and exporting Chinese culture abroad.

However, we should not overestimate the European contribution. There are still examples of ethnocentrism, even of religiously motivated reading of things into Chinese literature. One of these examples is the 10 volume History of Chinese Literature published in Bonn.

总体上来说，欧洲人（以及后期的美国人）对中国的研究做出了贡献。研究很大程度上受到了理想主义者（耶稣会士和德国启蒙哲学家）以及抨击中国者（黑格尔和德国教皇）的影响。中国的文学作品花费了100年的时间才能得到像欧洲文学那样的认可。但是如今，中国文学和文化已经受到诺贝尔奖的认可，孔子学院也成功地在国外传播弘扬中国文化。

然而，我们不能高估欧洲对中国文学的贡献。仍有很多民族中心主义的例子，甚至有宗教鼓励性的读物混入中国文学当中。其中一个例子便是在波恩出版的《十卷中国文学史》。--Si Yu (talk) 03:12, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Song Jianru 宋建茹

In two volumes, the one about the origins of Chinese literature and the one on Chinese poetry, a German sinologist, who formerly was a priest, defines, that the origin of Chinese literature lies in the dialogue of the author with god. This reminds us again of the Jesuit reading of things into Chinese texts, it reminds us of the attempts, to impose your own culture on other seemingly backward cultures, in this case even the try to impose the Western god on the Chinese culture of a time, when China had a totally different understanding of the world and of heaven than that of a Christian god. The emergence of Chinese literature comes from songs, speeches and paintings, from the wish to document events, family etc., but not from an encounter with god.

其中的两卷，一卷关于中国文学的起源，另一卷关于中国的诗歌。有位曾担任过牧师的德国汉学家认为，中国文学源于作家与上帝的对话。这让我们再次想起耶稣会教士对中文文本的解读，他们试图将其自身文化强加到其他看似落后的文化上。在这本书中，这位汉学家甚至试图把西方的上帝强加到某一时期的中国文化上，尽管中国对世界和天堂的理解与西方完全不同。其实，中国文学兴于诗歌、演讲和绘画，把美好愿景和文献记载世代相传，而非源自与上帝的邂逅。--Song Jianru (talk) 13:20, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

其中的两卷，一卷关于中国文学的起源，另一卷关于中国的诗歌。有位曾担任过牧师的德国汉学家认为，中国文学源于作家与上帝的对话。这让人联想到耶稣会教士对中文文本的解读，他们试图将其自身文化强加到其他看似落后的文化上。在这本书中，这位汉学家甚至试图把西方的上帝强加到某一时期的中国文化上，而这个时候中国对世界和天堂的理解与西方完全不同。其实，中国文学兴于诗歌、言论和绘画，从美好愿景到记载事件、家族等，而非源自与上帝的邂逅。--Shi Diwen (talk) 04:25, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Su Lin 苏琳

The same German sinologist retranslated the Analects, attributed to Confucius, and translated some of the more than 50 occurrences of “heaven” or “demon/ghost” with the term “god”.

Experts on Confucius also quote the few passages, where Confucius addresses the question of the supranatural like ghosts etc. and analyze that Confucius may have been at best not interested or even negative about the belief in ghosts, while he was positive about the social stability and peace rituals brought for the people.

This reminds us of the fact, that it is to us to make sure that ethnocentrism is still existing today and that science is a field that needs to be aware of and cautious about it. And it needs courage to speak out against it. 这位德国汉学家重新翻译了源于孔子的《论语》，并用“神”一词翻译了50多个“天堂”或“恶魔/鬼魂”的事件。研究孔子的专家也引用了一些孔子说的鬼神等超自然的问题。而且他还分析到孔子充其量对鬼神的信仰可能不太感兴趣，甚至持有消极的态度，但他对其为人民带来的社会稳定与和平持积极态度。这提醒了我们一个事实，那就是我们要确保民族中心主义在今天仍然存在，并且科学是一个需要警惕和谨慎的领域。公开反对它需要勇气。

“We were wrong” – Coming to terms with failed master narratives of Chinese Studies

“我们错了”——汉学应对承认主流叙事传统错误

Martin Woesler 吴漠汀

Abstract 摘要

We, the international scholars of Chinese Studies, apologize for two main misinterpretations of China.

1. The master narrative of Jesuits and others who tried to proof the Western Christian god in ancient Chinese texts. As a tool, they used a distortion of the Chinese texts by manipulated translation.

我们作为汉学的海外学者，要向中国道歉，因为我们在两个方面误读了中国。1. 耶稣会教士和其他人的主流叙事试图证明古代中国作品存在西方的基督教上帝。他们通过操纵翻译来歪解中国作品。

2. The master narrative of the stagnation of China, sometimes claimed to be inherent and systemic, often reasoned with Confucianism. This narrative was a dogma for 150 years between 1830 and 1980. The disruptive economic development since 1978 has proven this narrative wrong, Confucianism is seen as one reason for the economic miracle.

2.关于中国停滞的主要叙述，有时被称为固有的和系统性的，常常用儒家思想来推理。这种叙述是1830年至1980年间150年的教条。自1978年以来的破坏性经济发展证明了这种叙事错误，儒家思想被视为经济奇迹的一个原因。

常以儒家思想为依据的中国停滞论有时被认为是固有的和系统性的。在1830-1980年这150年间，这种说法如同教条主义一般。直到1978年中国经济飞速发展才证明这种说话是错误的，儒家思想也被视为中国经济奇迹的原因之一。--Tan Xinjie (talk) 04:49, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

2.中国停滞的主要叙述有时是内在的、系统的，通常由儒家思想所论证。这种叙述是1830年至1980年间150年的教条。自1978年以来的破坏性经济发展证明了这种叙述是错误的，而儒家思想被视为经济奇迹的原因之一。--Peng Xiaoling (talk) 01:31, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

关于中国发展停滞不前的大体说法有时被认为是固定的、系统的，且往往以儒家思想为依据。在1830-1980年这150年里，这种说法像教条一样根植人心。直到1978年以后，中国经济的腾飞推翻了这一说法，儒家思想也被视为是中国经济奇迹的原因之一。--Tang Yiran1 (talk) 03:20, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

3. The master narrative of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution as a successful Communist reform. During the 1970s, Western sinologists abandoned basic principles of neutrality, distance and fact-seeking and, based on propaganda, enthusiastically celebrated the Cultural Revolution and became dedicated followers of Mao Zedong, holding up the Little Red Book.

无产阶级文化大革命的主要叙事是成功的共产主义改革。在20世纪70年代，西方汉学家放弃了中立，距离和事实寻求的基本原则，并在宣传的基础上，热烈地庆祝文化大革命，成为毛泽东的忠实粉丝，举起小红皮书。相信中国宣传的意愿部分是出于将中国理想化为一种模式的愿望，这种模式可以为西方社会的改革指明方向。

主述将无产阶级文化大革命（文革）描述为共产党的一场成功改革。20世纪70年代，西方汉学家放弃了中立、保持距离、实事求是的基本原则，并在宣传的基础上，热衷于庆祝文化大革命，高举小红书，成为毛泽东的忠实追随者。--Tan Yuanyuan (talk) 10:40, 19 November 2020 (UTC)

在主流叙事中，无产阶级文化大革命是一场成功的共产主义改革。20世纪70年代，西方汉学家放弃了中立、保持距离、实事求是的基本原则，并在宣传层面上热烈庆祝文化大革命，高举小红书，成为毛泽东的忠实追随者。--Tan Xingyue (talk) 01:16, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

The readiness to believe in the Chinese propaganda was partly motivated by the wish to idealize China into a model which could show the way for a reform of Western societies.

相信中国宣传的意愿部分是出于将中国理想化为一种模式的愿望，这种模式可以为西方社会的改革指明方向。

人们愿意信任中国的宣传，部分原因是希望将中国理想化为一种典范，而这种典范可以为西方社会改革指明道路。--Tang Bei (talk) 04:49, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

人们愿意相信中国的宣传，部分原因是希望将中国理想化为一种典范，可以为西方社会改革指明道路。 --Luo Yuqing (talk) 05:07, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Key words

关键词

Apology, errors, mistakes, manipulation, ethnocentrism, eurocentrism, master narratives, Chinese Studies, sinology, coming to terms with the past

道歉，错误，错误，操纵，种族中心主义，欧洲中心主义，大师叙事，中国研究，汉学，与过去达成协议

关键词 道歉，错误，失误，操纵，种族中心主义，欧洲中心主义，大师叙事，中国研究，汉学，与过去达成协议 --Tang Ming (talk) 11:55, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Tang Ming

1. God in China 上帝在中国

Human beings develop ancestor worship, complemented by natural religions. The natural religions established a layer of shamans who interpreted the will of the natural gods.

人类发展祖先崇拜，辅以自然宗教。自然宗教建立了一套解释自然神灵意志的法则。

人类开创了祖先崇拜的先例，并辅以自然宗教。自然宗教组建了一支能解释自然神灵意志的萨满法师队伍。--Tang Yiran1 (talk) 02:38, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

In India, the layer of priests of the Vedan religion alienated from the people, because the religious texts of Vedan religion brought a conservating effect to language, texts were canonized and finally not understood by ordinary people any more.

在印度，Vedan宗教的神职人员与人民疏远，因为Vedan宗教的宗教文本对语言产生了保护作用，文本被册封，最后不再为普通人所理解。 在印度，吠檀教的祭司层与人们疏远，因为吠檀教的宗教文本给语言带来了保守的效果，文本被封为圣徒，最终不再为普通人所理解。--Tao Ye (talk) 06:52, 23 November 2020 (UTC)Tao Ye

Finally, only the Vedan priests could understand the Vedan texts any more. This was the start of the so-called “anti-religious” start of Buddishm.

最后，只有Vedan牧师才能理解Vedan文本。这是Buddishm所谓的“反宗教”起源的开始。

最后，只有Vedan牧师才能理解Vedan文本。这是佛教所谓的“反宗教”起源的开始。--Wang Meiling (talk) 13:50, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

最后，只有Vedan牧师才能理解Vedan文本。佛教所谓的“反宗教”起源由此开始。--Wang Yu (talk) 08:56, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Due to the alienation of people and the religious texts and its priests, Buddha was able to establish Buddhism. He claimed that every individual was able to find his or her own way to self-perception and spiritual liberation (nirvana).

由于人与宗教文本及其祭司的异化，佛陀能够建立佛教。他声称每个人都能找到自己的自我认知和精神解放的方式（涅槃）。

由于人与宗教文本和祭司关系并不紧密，佛陀才能建立佛教。他声称每个人都能找到自己的自我认知和精神解放的方式--Wang Xuan (talk) 13:36, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Wang Xuan

由于人们和宗教文本及其祭司的异化，佛陀得以建立佛教。他宣称，每个人都能找到自己的方式来实现自我认知和精神解脱（涅槃）。--Liu Yi (talk) 02:38, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

人们和宗教由于文本及其祭司发生了异化，佛陀得以建立佛教。佛陀宣称，每个人都能找到自己的方式来实现自我认知和精神解脱（涅槃）。--Wang Meiling (talk) 13:59, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Although Buddha did not abandon priests, he established the new tradition that masters would have their disciples and these could overcome their masters. Also, Buddha destroyed the perfectionism of the almighty god by claiming that the life of imperfect men simply was much more interesting.

虽然佛陀没有放弃传教者，但他建立了新的传统，即主人会有他们的门徒，这些人可以推翻他们的主人。此外，佛陀通过声称不完美男人的生活更加有趣，摧毁了全能神的完美主义。

尽管佛陀没有放弃祭司，但他创建了新传统，即大师们会收弟子，弟子们也能青出于蓝而胜于蓝。并且，佛陀摧毁了全能神的完美主义，他认为不完美的人的人生会更精彩。--Wang Yu (talk) 08:53, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

佛陀尽管没有放弃祭司，但是他创立了新传统，即大师们会收弟子，弟子们可以青出于蓝而胜于蓝。此外，佛陀认为不完美之人的人生更加精彩，从而摧毁了全能神的完美主义。--Wu Yilu (talk) 10:26, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

In China, ancestor worship has kept its dominant role until today. Although there was the age of shamans, since several millenia every family clan had its own tradition of ancestor worship. It was believed that the ancestors in heaven watched over and influenced the lives of their descendants on earth.

在中国，从古至今祖先崇拜一直保持其主导地位。虽然有巫师的时代，但自几千年以来，每个家族宗族都有自己的祖先崇拜传统。人们相信，天上的祖先会注视着并影响他们的后代在地球上的生活。--Wang Yuan (talk) 01:19, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

在中国，从古至今祖先崇拜一直占据其主导地位。尽管有过巫师的时代，但是几千年来，每个家族都有其自己的祖先崇拜传统。人们相信，天上的祖先会注视并影响着其后代在地球上的生活。--Tang Bei (talk) 04:58, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

So the most important unit were family clans. Even rulers used fire cracks and characters inscribed in turtle shells or cattle bones to communicate with the ancestors and to predict the future.

所以最重要的单位是家族。甚至统治者也使用火龟纹和龟壳或牛骨上的字符来与祖先交流并预测未来。

因此最核心的单位是家族。统治者甚至通过把火裂纹和符号刻在龟壳和牛骨上的方式和祖先进行交流和预测未来。--Wei Honglang (talk) 05:24, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

因此，最重要的单位是宗族。甚至统治者也会将火裂纹和字符刻在龟壳或牛骨上，用来与祖先交流并预测未来。--Wang Yuan (talk) 01:25, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

However, when the dynasty changed and a new ethnic group took over, they could not claim the ancestors to be their relatives any more, so the shangdi concept was replaced by heaven (tian) and related understandings like “son of heaven”, “mandate of heaven” etc., supllying them with legitimization of power.

然而，当王朝改变并且一个新的族群接管时，他们不能再宣称祖先是他们的亲戚，所以上帝的概念被天堂（天）和相关的理解所取代，如“天堂之子”，“任务”天国等等，用权力合法化来贬低他们。

然而，当王朝更迭并且被一个新的族群所接替时，他们不能再宣称祖先是他们的亲戚。所以上帝的概念被天堂（天）和其相关的理解所取代，如“天之子”“天之使命”等等，用权力合法化来作为补充。--Weiyafei (talk) 10:46, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Weiyafei

Although there were mythical divine creatures, the understanding of gods was not developed as distinct and authoritative as in Europe and Egypt. Egypt and Europe both further developed from multi theism to mono theism.

虽然有神话般的神圣生物，但对神的理解并没有像欧洲和埃及那样发展出独特和权威。埃及和欧洲都从多神论到单一神论进一步发展。

虽然有神话中的神创物，但对神的理解并没有像在欧洲和埃及那样发展得独特而权威。埃及和欧洲都从多神论进一步发展到一神论。--Wensixing (talk) 02:21, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

---

尽管存在神话中的神圣生物，但对神灵的了解却没有欧洲和埃及那样独特而权威。埃及和欧洲都是从多神论进一步发展到一神论的。--Wu Qi (talk) 08:46, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

虽然有神话中的神圣生物，但对神灵的了解却没有欧洲和埃及那样独特而权威。埃及和欧洲都是从多神论进一步发展到一神论的。--Weiyafei (talk) 10:48, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Weiyafei

Theism established a layer of priests, occupying the role of mediators between god and men. Since every uncontrolled authority abuses its power, these mediators gained earthly wealth and took advantage of their control over people by abuse of their work force and even sexual abuse.

有神论建立了一套祭祀法则，成为了神与人之间调解者的角色。由于每个不受控制的权威都滥用权力，这些调解人获得了人间的财富，并利用他们对工作人员的滥用甚至性虐待来控制他们。 有神论确立了一些神职人员来充当上帝和人民之间的调停者。无限制的权力会导致权力的滥用，因此这些调停者不仅获得了大量的财富，还利用自己对人民的控制来压榨他们的劳动力甚至是通过性虐待来达到此目的。--Wen Xiaoyi (talk) 14:08, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

In Europe, the power was divided among the rulers and the church, represented by the pope, the cardinals, the bishops and the priests.

在欧洲，权力在统治者和教会之间分配，由教皇，红衣主教，主教和神父代表。

在欧洲，权力被统治者和以教皇、红衣主教、主教和神父为代表的教会所控制，并且被分享、分配。--Wu Kai (talk) 04:21, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

在欧洲，由统治者和以教皇，红衣主教，主教和神父为代表的教会掌控分配权力。--WuQiong (talk) 03:55, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

在欧洲，统治者和以教皇，红衣主教，主教和神父为代表的教会分配权力。--Blank (talk) 04:02, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Since religion in general claims to be valid for all of menkind, when new territories were discovered in East Asia and Africa, the missionaries tried to enlarge the territorium under their control by forcing locals to accept European religions and societal development models like modernization and economical development. 因为宗教通常声称对所有人都有效，所以当在东亚和非洲发现新的领土时，传教士试图通过迫使当地人接受欧洲宗教和社会发展模式，如现代化和经济发展，来扩大他们控制下的领土。--Wu Qi (talk) 08:34, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

由于宗教一般主张对所有人都有效，所以当在东亚和非洲发现新的领土时，传教士会试图通过强迫当地人接受欧洲的宗教和社会发展模式，如现代化和经济发展，来扩大自己控制的领土。--Tan Xinjie (talk) 04:56, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

After the first missionaries arrived in China and saw that the exchange was positive for both sides, they also developed a motivation to keep the missionaries alive, which was a second motivation for them.

在第一批传教士抵达中国，并看到双方的交流是积极的之后，他们也发展了一种让传教士活动的动力，这是他们的第二个动机。--WuQiong (talk) 07:47, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

在第一批传教士抵达中国后，并看到这种交流对双方来说都是积极的，他们也就产生了另一个动力，让传教士们积极活动。--Xu Mengdie (talk) 11:11, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xu Mengdie

第一批传教士抵达中国并看到双方的交流是积极的以后,他们又发展了一种保持传教士活力的动力，这是他们发展的第二个。--Fang Jieling (talk) 13:36, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Since the Christian religion is a religion revealed in divine texts, the missionaries had a strong motivation to find evidence in the classical Chinese texts that the Christian god also existed there. So among the first texts, they selected, translated and sorted were the canonized texts. A good example is the Daodejing which they translated in a distorted way, allowing them to proof the existence of the Christian god in China.

由于基督教是一种神圣文本中所揭示的宗教，传教士有强烈的动机在中国古典文本中找到证据，证明基督教的神也存在于那里。 因此，在第一批文本中，他们选择、翻译和排序的是册封文本。一个很好的例子就是《道德经》，他们以扭曲的方式翻译，使他们能够证明中国基督教神的存在。

由于基督教起源于神圣文本，所以传教士很想在中国古典作品中找到基督教的神亦存在的证据。因此，他们最初选择、翻译、排序的文章都是经典作品。这些传教士歪曲事实，翻译《道德经》是一个很好的证明。其目的是证明中国存在基督教的神。--Wu Xiang (talk) 04:35, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

This was the first major mistake, the attitude of Europeans to find evidence of their European god in Chinese roots. This attidtude lead to translation practises abandoning the basic rules of the profession:

这是第一个重大错误，即欧洲人在中国人根源中找到欧洲神的证据的态度。这种原因导致翻译实践放弃了专业的基本规则：

这是第一个重大错误，即欧洲人想寻找证据，证明自己的欧洲神明存在于中国人根源之中的这种态度。这种态度导致其在翻译实践中放弃专业的基本规则：--Wu Yilu (talk) 02:14, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

这是第一个重大错误，即欧洲人试图在中国根源中找到欧洲神的证据的态度。这种态度导致翻译实践放弃了专业的基本规则：--Wensixing (talk) 02:24, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Terms, concepts and ideas sounding familiar were forcibly changed into the original European meaning. However, the published translations did only show a slight influence of this practise, the main translations, e.g. of the Daodejing first were not published, but discussed internally.

熟悉的术语、概念和想法被强制改变，具有原欧洲意义。但是，已发表的翻译并没有受太大影响，主要翻译，例如最初没有发表的《道德经》，在内部进行了讨论。--Wu Zijia (talk) 03:25, 19 November 2020 (UTC)Wu Zijia

为人熟知的术语、概念和想法被强制改变为原欧洲意义。然而，已发表的翻译作品仅受到了轻微影响。但主要的翻译作品，例如最初没有发表的《道德经》，在内部进行了讨论。--Yang Yue (talk) 04:35, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

为人所熟知的术语、概念和思想，被迫改为原来的欧洲含义。然而，已发表的翻译只是受到了这种做法的轻微影响，但主要的翻译作品，如《道德经》最初没有出版，而是进行内部讨论。--Zhao Xi (talk) 11:07, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

The outcome of the discussion was that the deviations in the translations would have to go too far and ultimately that there was no proof of the Christian god in ancient Chinese texts.

讨论的结果是，翻译中的偏差必须走得太远，最终在中国古代文本中没有基督教之神的证据。

讨论的结果是，译本的偏差会太大，最终导致在古代中国文本中没有基督教上帝存在的证据。--Xiao Shuangling (talk) 01:21, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Shuangling

讨论的结果是译本可能会偏差过大，最终导致在中国古籍中没有基督教存在的依据了。--Xiao Ting (talk) 07:50, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Ting

Nonetheless, since then several missionaries, priests (Richard Wilhelm) and sinologists (Wolfgang Kubin) still tend to translate the Chinese concept of “heaven” into concepts familiar to Europeans like “god”.

尽管如此，从那时起，几位传教士，牧师（理查德威廉）和汉学家（顾彬）仍然倾向于将中国的“天堂”概念翻译成欧洲人熟悉的概念，如“上帝”。

尽管如此，从那时起，一些传教士、牧师（如理查德·威廉）和汉学家（如沃尔夫冈·库宾）还是倾向于把中国的“天”译作欧洲人所熟悉的概念，如“上帝”--Xiao Ting (talk) 07:41, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Ting

尽管如此，从那时起，一些传教士、牧师(理查德·威廉)和汉学家(沃尔夫冈·库宾)仍然倾向于把中国的“天堂”概念翻译成欧洲人熟悉的概念，比如“上帝”。--Xiao Shuangling (talk) 01:26, 21 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Shuangling

This is wrong and we as sinologists, apologize to the Chinese citizens for this eurocentric approach. We hope to overcome this historical mistake by cooperation with our Chinese colleagues.

这是错误的，我们作为汉学家，为这种以欧洲为中心的方法向中国公民道歉。我们希望通过与中国同事的合作修正这一历史错误。

这是错误的，并且作为汉学家，我们为这种以欧洲为中心的做法向中国公民道歉。我们希望通过与中国同事的合作来纠正这一历史错误。--XiaoXi (talk) 06:29, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Xi

这种以欧洲为中心的做法是不对的。作为汉学家，我们为此向中国公民道歉，希望能够和中国汉学家合作来纠正这个历史错误。--Wu Xiang (talk) 04:45, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

All institutionalization develops inertia, the Chinese society was very instituionalized, therefore the Christianization in general failed. However, he secondary aims of the missions, to bring the European understanding of societal development (development of economy, health, education bringing about progress and modernization) were a success.

所有制度化都发展了惯性，中国社会非常机构化，因此基督教化总体上失败了。 然而，他的使命的次要目标，使欧洲对社会发展的理解（经济、健康、教育带来进步和现代化）的成功是成功的。

一切制度化都滋长了惰性，中国社会非常制度化，因此基督教化总体上失败了。然而，他的任务的第二个目标是，使欧洲人了解社会发展（经济、卫生、教育的发展带来进步和现代化），这个目标成功了。--Xiao yining (talk) 10:42, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Yining

一切制度化滋长了惰性，中国社会非常制度化，因此基督教化总体上失败了。然而，他的任务的第二个目标：使欧洲人了解社会发展（经济、卫生、教育的发展带来进步和现代化），成功了。--Lou Cancan (talk) 02:34, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

The missionaries translated European books of knowledge into Chinese and therefore practically performed a knowledge transfer. Also the learning of foreign languages enhanced.

传教士将欧洲知识书籍翻译成中文，实际上不仅传递了知识，也提高了他们外语学习的能力。--XieFan (talk) 09:27, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

传教士将欧洲的知识书籍译成了中文，从而将知识的传递落到了实处。人们的外语学习能力也得到了提高。--Yao Jia (talk) 00:53, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

During history, the authoritarian rule was replaced by democracies. In China, this was the case with the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912. During history, the power of the church was also restrained with protestant reformism.

在历史上，专制统治被民主取代。 在中国，1912年中华民国成立就是这种情况。在历史上，教会的权力也受到新教改良主义的制约。

在历史上，专制统治被民主制所取代。 在中国，1912年中华民国成立就是这种情况。在历史上，新教改革派也限制了教会的权力。--Ishikami (talk) 04:23, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

在历史上，独裁统治被民主政体所取代。而在中国，中华民国于1912年成立就是这样的事件。历史上，教会的权力也受到新教改革主义的制约。--Wu Kai (talk) 04:27, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Religions are more or less tolerant regarding people believing in different religions or regarding atheists. Islam in average is less tolerant the Christianity.

宗教对于相信不同宗教或无神论者的人或多或少都是宽容的。平均而言，伊斯兰教对基督教的宽容度较低。

各大宗教对于有别的宗教信仰的人或无神论者或多或少持宽松态度。一般而言，伊斯兰教对基督教徒的宽松度较低。--Xu Jia (talk) 05:32, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Xu Jia

任何宗教对于信仰不同宗教的人或无神论者都有着或多或少的宽容。一般来说，伊斯兰教对基督教的宽容度较低。--Xu Jing2 (talk) 06:07, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

宗教对于有着不同信仰的信徒或者无神论者有着或多或少的包容。但是，总体而言，伊斯兰教对于基督教信徒的包容度较低。--XieFan (talk) 07:52, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

Since two millenia, Europe has been dominated by Christianity and China mostly by ancestor worship, with a huge tolerance towards Buddhism, Daoism and other forms of religious practises.

自两千年以来，欧洲一直由基督教和中国主导，主要是祖先崇拜，对佛教、道教和其他形式的宗教活动有着巨大的容忍。

自从两千年以来，欧洲一直以基督教为主，中国大多以崇拜祖先为主，对佛教，道教和其他形式的宗教活动具有极大的容忍度。--Xu Jing2 (talk) 06:02, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

自两千年以来，欧洲一直为基督教所主导，而中国主要为祖先崇拜所主导，对佛教、道教和其他形式的宗教信仰有着极大的宽容。--You Yuting (talk) 10:46, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

2. Stagnant China 停滞的中国

Times when international China watchers (scholars, philosophers) and China experts (merchants, missionaries, members of delegations, scholars) idealized China (Chinoiserie) and when they demonized her (stagnation, Yellow peril) followed each other.

国际中国观察家（学者、哲学家）和中国专家（商人、传教士、代表团成员、学者）理想化中国（中国风）以及妖魔化她（停滞、黄祸）的时代相互依存。

国际上中国的关注者（学者、哲学家）和对中国颇为了解的人（商人、传教士、代表团成员、学者）先是把中国理想化（Chinoiserie），接着又把中国妖魔化（停滞、黄祸）。--Xu Jing (talk) 08:00, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

国际上中国的观察者们（学者、哲学家）和中国通（商人、传教士、代表团成员、学者）把中国理想化(中国风）、妖魔化（停滞、黄祸）的时期是互相交汇的。--Wei Honglang (talk) 05:34, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Western Sinology has long declared the "stagnation" in China as being “without an alternative” and as “being caused by Confucianism”. However, China showed a disruptive economical development since 1978, which proves this narrative wrong. Now also the Chinese "economic miracle" is explained by the Western sinologists with Confucianism.

西方汉学早就宣称中国的“停滞”是“没有其他选择”和“由儒学引起的”。 然而，自1978年以来，中国显示出飞速的经济发展，证明这种说法是错误的。 现在中国的“经济奇迹”也被西方汉学家用儒学解释了。

西方汉学早就宣称中国的“停滞”是“无法避免的”，“由儒学造成的”。然而，从1978年来，中国的经济出现了颠覆性的发展，证明这种说法是错误的。现在，西方汉学家又用儒学去解释中国的“经济奇迹”。--Xu Mengdie (talk) 11:00, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xu Mengdie

Now is the time for Western Sinology to admit its historical mistake and to overcome the eurocentric and racist dogma of “stagnation” by diversification. The exchange with Chinese colleagues like here at the congress offers a good opportunity to do so.

现在是西方汉学承认其历史错误、克服多元化“停滞”的欧洲中心和种族主义教条的时候了。在这里与大会上的中国同事交流提供了一个很好的机会。

现在，西方汉学应当承认自己的历史错误，并通过多样化来克服“停滞”的欧洲中心主义和种族主义教条。本次大会上与中国同事的交流为此提供了一个很好的机会。--Xu Pengfei (talk) 04:53, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xu Pengfei

现在是西方汉学承认历史错误，通过多元化克服“停滞”的欧洲中心主义和种族主义教条的时候了。本次大会上与中国同事的交流提供了一个很好的机会。--Xiao yining (talk) 10:45, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Yining

With the overall turn from admiring China to demonizing China, also Hegel started to judge on China as a “stagnant” empire.

随着从钦佩中国到妖魔化中国的整体转变，黑格尔也开始判断中国是一个“停滞不前”的帝国。

从钦佩中国到妖魔化中国，黑格尔也开始认为中国是一个“停滞不前”的帝国。--Yang chenting (talk) 08:22, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Yang Chenting 随着黑格尔从钦佩中国到妖魔化中国的全面转变，他也开始认为中国是一个“停滞”的帝国。--XiaoXi (talk) 04:21, 22 November 2020 (UTC)Xiao Xi

Although he found evidence that Confucius had invented the Golden Rule, he described China as the lowest stage of a stairways to the world Geist# with Berlin at the top. His condemnation of China was taken over by Marx who condemned China too.

尽管他发现了孔子发明黄金法则的证据，但他将中国描述为通往世界精神阶梯的最低阶段，而柏林位居榜首。他对中国的谴责也被谴责中国的马克思所接管。

尽管他发现了黄金法则由孔子发明，但他仍将中国描述为通往世界精神阶梯的最低阶段，而柏林位居阶梯之首。他对中国的谴责也由谴责中国的马克思所接替。--Yang Hairong (talk) 06:23, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

尽管他发现了黄金法则是由孔子发明的证据，他仍将中国描述为通往世界精神阶梯的最低阶段，而柏林位居该阶梯之首。他对中国的谴责为同样谴责中国的马克思所接管。--Zeng Xinyuan (talk) 07:46, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

There were several narratives establishing a Great Divergence or arguing for little divergences during the early stage of globalization. However, new rediscoveries of ancient Chinese translations of Western books of knowledge and new statistics of sugar consumption (which was for the most time higher in China than in Europe) question these narratives today.

在全球化的早期阶段，有几种叙述形成了一种大分歧或争论很少的分歧。 然而，中国古代西方知识翻译的新发现以及食糖消费的新统计数据（这在中国的时间比欧洲最高）在今天质疑这些叙述。

有几种说法造成了巨大的分歧，或主张在全球化的早期阶段几乎没有分歧。然而，对西方知识书籍和糖消费新统计数据 (中国的糖消费量比欧洲高得多) 的中国古代翻译的新发现质疑了今天的这些说法。--YangHui (talk) 12:56, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

在全球化的早期阶段，有几种叙述形成了极大的分歧，或争论较小的分歧。 然而，如今，有关西方叙事的古汉语翻译的新发现和食糖消费的新统计数据（在中国多数时候高于欧洲）都质疑这些叙述。--Zhou Shuyao (talk) 06:44, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

在全球化的早期阶段，有几种说法造成了巨大的分歧，或争论较小的分歧。 然而，一些关于西方书籍的古汉语翻译和新的糖消费统计数据 (中国的糖消费量通常比欧洲高得多) 的新发现质疑了今天的这些说法。--Yang Yi (talk) 13:08, 26 November 2020 (UTC)

3. Western Sinologists as Red Guards 作为红卫兵的西方汉学家

Whenever science and scholarship serves an ideology or a religion, it gives up its objectivity and it betrays the fundamental principles of science and scholarship, e.g. the principle that you conduct research independantly without any predestined results and that you accept the results whatever they are.

每当科学和学术服务于意识形态或宗教时，它就会放弃其客观性，并背叛科学和学术的基本原则，例如： 你独立进行研究而没有任何预定结果的原则，你接受的结果无论它们是什么。

每当科学和学术服务于一种意识形态或宗教时，它就会失去其客观性，并会违背科学和学术的基本原则，例如这一项原则：当你独立地进行一项没有任何注定结果的研究时，你就得接受任何研究结果。--Yang Yi (talk) 06:21, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

每当科学和学术服务于意识形态或宗教时，它就会放弃其客观性，并背叛科学和学术的基本原则，例如： 在你独立进行研究时，你可能会想要一个预定好的结果。你可能不太愿意接受不想要的答案。--Yang Ziling (talk) 07:22, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Sinologists and scholars of Chinese Studies are scholars who deal with the subject of China. To keep the distance, it is good that they are able to freely travel to and out of China in order to be able to change perspectives and to keep the distance.

中国研究的汉学家和学者是处理中国主题的学者。为了保持距离，他们能够自由地进出中国以便能够改变视角并保持距离。

汉学家和中国研究学者都是研究中国主题的学者。为了区分不同，他们能够自由进出中国，以便能够改变视角去研究不同方面，这是非常好的方法。--Yang Yue (talk) 04:44, 20 November 2020 (UTC) 汉学家和中国研究学者是研究中国问题的学者。为了保持距离，他们能够自由地往返于中国，以便能够改变视角，保持距离，这是很好的。--Zhou Siqing (talk) 12:40, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

There was a time at the end of the 1960s, when the Western capitalism and establishment was challenged, initi-ated by images from the Vietnam war, dismantling the cruelty of war, where American soldiers used unfair tech-niques like chemical weapons against civilians in Vietnam. The photo of the naked children, scared to death from the napalm air strikes and running away in panic, changed the attitude of the people in the USA and in Europe against the institutionalized form of capitalism. Suddenly, the people, who were assured to be the “good ones” asked instead if they were the “bad ones” and had to change their systems towards peaceful coexistence.

20世纪60年代末，西方资本主义的形成和建立受到挑战，受到越南战争的影响。资本主义使战争看上去不那么残酷，美国士兵在越南对平民使用化学武器等不公平技术。看到裸体儿童的照片，看到他们在凝固汽油弹袭击中惊恐万分的模样，惊慌而逃的身影，改变了美国和欧洲人民对制度化资本主义的态度。 突然之间，那些发誓要成为“好人”的人们反而会质疑自己是否是“坏蛋”，并且不得不改变他们自己的方式以实现和平共处。--Yang Ziling (talk) 07:13, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

20世纪60年代末，西方资本主义和建立受到越南战争的影响，摧毁了战争的残酷，美国士兵在越南对平民使用化学武器等不公平技术。 裸体儿童的照片，在凝固汽油弹袭击中惊恐万分，在恐慌中逃跑，改变了美国和欧洲人民对制度化资本主义形式的态度。 突然之间，那些被保证成为“好人”的人们反而要求他们是“坏人”，并且不得不改变他们的制度以实现和平共处。

Western sinologist in the whole world were too ready to believe the propaganda of a successful “Great Proletari-an Cultural Revolution”. In 1961 Defense Minister Lin Biao instructed the army journal People’s Liberation Army Daily to print one saying of Mao each day. Sorted thematically, the first collection of these sayings was published in 1964. The little red book with sayings by Mao Zedong was printed more than 740 million times in China to supply every citizen with a copy. During its peak of popularity 1966-1971, it was the most printed book, it was printed in more than 30 languages more than a billion times.

全世界的西方汉学家都准备好相信成功的“无产阶级文化大革命”的宣传。 1961年，国防部长林彪指示军民报“人民解放军报”每天打印一篇毛泽东的语录。 按主题排序，这些说法的第一个集合于1964年出版。毛泽东的红宝书在中国印刷了7.4亿多次，为每个公民提供了一份副本。 在1966年至1971年的人气高峰期间，它是印刷最多的书，以超过30种语言印刷超过十亿次。--Yao Cheng (talk) 03:20, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

全世界的西方汉学家都不敢相信“伟大的无产阶级文化大革命”的宣传竟如此成功。1961年，国防部长林彪指示军队日报《人民解放军日报》每天刊登一篇毛泽东语录。按主题分类，这些语录的第一本合集于1964年出版。《毛泽东语录红皮书》在中国印刷了7.4亿多册，几乎人手一本。在1966至1971年间，该书的印刷量达到顶峰，被翻译成30多种语言，印刷超过10亿次。 --Zhang Ling (talk) 06:46, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

整个世界的西方汉学家都太相信“伟大的无产阶级-文化革命”的宣传了。1961 年，国防部长林彪指示“人民解放军日报”每天刊登一篇关于毛泽东的文章。按主题分类，这些谚语的第一次收集是在 1964 年出版的。毛泽东写的红色小本子在中国印刷了 7.4亿 多次，为每个公民提供了一本。在 1966-1971 年的鼎盛时期，它是最受欢迎的印刷书籍，以 30 多种语言印刷了超过 10亿 次--YangHui (talk) 12:58, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Rudolf Wagner engaged in a propaganda activity to support China's war in Cambodscha and drafted a leaflet. Other activists included Tilman Spengler, Heiner Roetz etc.###

Jean-Luc Godard released his film “La Chinoise” in August 1967, displaying a youthful Parisian Maoist sect. This lead to a popularity of this ideology among Western experts of Chinese Studies.

Jean-Luc Godard于1967年8月发行了他的电影《中国姑娘》，展示了一个年轻的巴黎毛派教派。这导致了这种意识形态在西方中国研究专家中的流行。

让-吕克·戈达尔（Jean-Luc Godard）于1967年8月发行了电影《中国姑娘》，展示了一个年轻的巴黎毛派教派。随后，此意识形态在西方中国研究专家中流行。--Zhang Weihong (talk) 06:31, 20 November 2020 (UTC) Zhang Weihong

1967年8月，让-吕克·戈达尔（Jean-Luc Godard）发布了其电影《中国姑娘》，电影中展示了一个年轻的巴黎毛派教派。随后，此意识形态在那些做中国研究的西方专家中流行开来。--Yao Jia (talk) 00:45, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Recently, Cambridge University Press published a collection of memories of how Western sinologists and young intellectuals have received and embraced Maoism in the 1960s and 1970s.

最近，剑桥大学出版社出版了一系列关于西方汉学家和年轻知识分子如何在20世纪60年代和70年代接受和信奉毛泽东思想的回忆。

最近，剑桥大学出版社出版了一系列回忆录，里面记录了西方汉学家和年轻知识分子如何在20世纪60年代和70年代就已接收并信奉毛泽东思想。--Yi Huan (talk) 00:19, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

最近，剑桥大学出版社出版了一系列回忆录，里面记录了西方汉学家和年轻知识分子在20世纪60年代和70年代对毛泽东思想的接受和信奉情况。--Lou Cancan (talk) 02:28, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

最近，剑桥大学出版社出版了一系列回忆录，里面记录了20世纪60年代和70年代西方汉学家和年轻知识分子对毛泽东思想的接纳过程。--Zeng Fangyuan (talk) 10:15, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

John Gray in a book review has summarized main points of the book. I mostly follow his summary here. He de-scribes how French thinkers received this film:

约翰格雷在书评中总结了本书的要点。 我在此将列出他主要的总结。他描述了法国思想家如何评价这部电影：

约翰格雷在书评中总结了这本书的要点。 我将在此列出他主要的总结。他描述了法国思想家如何评价这部电影：--Yao Cheng (talk) 03:21, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

约翰·格雷在书评中总结了他这本书的主要观点。在这里，我主要是跟随着他的总结。他描述了法国的思想者是如何接受这部电影的：--Yang chenting (talk) 08:25, 20 November 2020 (UTC)Yang Chenting

约翰格雷在书评中总结了本书的要点。 我在此将列出他主要的总结。他讲述了法国思想家对这部电影的评价：--Yi Zichu (talk) 04:38, 23 November 2020 (UTC)

[Julian] Bourg: “Mao’s language of violence had a certain rhetorical appeal.” In fact, it was his combination of rhetorical violence with sub-Hegelian dialectical logic that proved so irresistible to sections of the French intelligentsia. Eulogising Mao’s distinction between principal and secondary contradictions, Louis Althusser deployed Maoist categories as part of an extremely abstract and, indeed, largely meaningless defence of “the relative autonomy of theory”.

[Julian] Bourg：“毛泽东的暴力语言具有一定的修辞吸引力。”事实上，正是他将修辞暴力与次黑格尔辩证逻辑相结合，证明了法国知识分子的各个部分是如此不可抗拒。 颂扬毛泽东对主要和次要矛盾的区分，路易斯·阿尔都塞将毛派分类作为极其抽象的，实际上在很大程度上毫无意义地保护“理论的相对自治”的一部分。

[Julian] Bourg:“毛泽东暴力语言具有一定的修辞吸引力。”事实上，正是他的修辞暴力与亚黑格尔的辩证逻辑相结合，对法国知识分子的各个部分来说是如此难以抗拒。 颂扬毛泽东对主要和次要矛盾的区分,路易·阿尔都塞将毛泽东主义者分类作为极其抽象的,实际上是对“理论相对自治”的毫无意义的辩护的一部分。--Zhang Xueyi (talk) 07:46, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

[Julian] Bourg：“毛泽东的暴力语言具有一定的修辞吸引力。”事实上，正是因为他将修辞暴力与次黑格尔辩证逻辑相结合，才证明了法国知识分子的各个部分是如此不可抗拒。 路易斯·阿尔都塞颂扬毛泽东对主要和次要矛盾的区分，并将毛派分类作为极其抽象的，实际上是对“理论的相对自治”的毫无意义的辩护的一部分。--Yu Ni (talk) 03:27, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

[Julian] Bourg：“毛泽东的暴力语言具有一定的修辞吸引力。”实际上，正是他将修辞暴力与次黑格尔辩证逻辑相结合，才证明了法国知识分子的各个部分是如此不可抗拒。 颂扬毛泽东对主要和次要矛盾的区分，路易斯·阿尔都塞将毛派分类作为极其抽象的，实际上在很大程度上毫无意义地保护“理论的相对自治”的一部分。--You Yuting (talk) 10:43, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Althusser’s student Alain Badiou (for many years professor of philosophy at the École Normale Supérieure) continued to defend Maoism long after the scale of its casualties had become undeniable. As recently as 2008, while commending himself for being “now one of Maoism’s few noteworthy representatives”, Badiou praised Mao’s thought as “a new politics of the negation of the negation”. From one point of view, this stance is merely contemptible – a professorial pirouette around a vast pile of corpses. But one must bear in mind the fathomless frivolity of some on the French left. Already in 1980, two former Maoist mili-tants had announced their rejection of the creed in the language of fashion: “China was in . . . Now it is out . . . we are no longer Maoists.” Against this background, Badiou’s persistence is almost heroically ab-surd.

阿尔都塞的学生Alain Badiou（多年来在巴黎高等师范学院的哲学教授）在其伤亡人数不可否认之后很久就继续捍卫毛派。 就在2008年，尽管称赞自己是“现在是毛派少数几个值得注意的代表之一”，但巴迪欧称赞毛泽东的思想是“否定否定的新政治”。 从一个角度来看，这种立场仅仅是可鄙的 - 围绕着一大堆尸体的教授旋转。 但是人们必须牢记法国左翼一些人的无聊轻浮。 早在1980年，两位前毛泽东武装分子就已经宣布以时尚语言拒绝信条：“中国是在中国。。。 现在它出来了。。。 我们不再是毛泽东思想者。”在这种背景下，巴迪欧的坚持几乎是荒谬的荒谬。

阿尔都塞的学生阿兰·巴迪欧（多年来一直是巴黎高等师范学院的哲学教授）在伤亡人数不可否认之后很久仍继续捍卫毛派。就在2008年，巴迪欧称自己“现在是毛泽东主义为数不多的重要代表之一”，并称赞毛泽东的思想是“否定否定的新政治”。某种程度上来说，这种姿态简直是可鄙的——围绕着一大堆尸体旋转的教授。但是，我们必须记住一些法国左翼人士不可理喻的轻浮。早在1980年，两位前毛泽东武装分子已经用时尚的语言宣布拒绝这一信条：“中国在。现在它出来了。在这样的背景下，巴迪欧的坚持几乎是英勇无畏的。--Yu Ni (talk) 03:14, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Dominique Kirchner Reill has documented, that Maoist influence in Italy and Yugoslavia was even wider:

Dominique Kirchner Reill证明，毛派在意大利和南斯拉夫的影响甚至更为广泛：

“In Italy Mao-mania was not purely a left-wing phenomenon. Some ultra-right groups quoted their Little Red Books to justify their arguments.” In 1968-73 the neo-fascist party Lotto di Popolo (“the people’s fight”) lauded Mao as an exemplary nationalist and resolute opponent of US global hegemony.

“在意大利，毛派狂热不仅仅是一种左翼现象。 一些极权团体引用他们的红皮书为他们的论点辩护。“1968年-1973年，新法西斯政党Lotto di Popolo（”人民的斗争“）称赞毛泽东是模范民族主义者和美国全球霸权的坚决反对者。--Yuan SHiqi (talk) 08:13, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

In a footnote he observes 在他的脚注中，他注意到：

“Nazi-Maoist movement in Italy included many other figures and groups” besides the Lotto di Popolo.

除了Lotto di Popolo之外，“意大利的纳粹毛派运动包括许多其他人物和团体”。

Gray beklagt#: “It is a pity this aspect of Mao’s influence is not explored in greater detail.” One of the reasons may be that the generation of Maoist sinologists later were the ones to document their own history, the history of sinologists, but they never came to terms with it, very much like the 1960s activists with sympathy for the German “Red Army Fraction”, who later became part of the establishment, even ministers in the government, and did not want to be reminded of their past.

灰色beklagt＃：“遗憾的是，毛泽东影响力的这一方面没有得到更详细的探讨。”其中一个原因可能是后来毛派汉族的一代人要记录他们自己的历史，也就是汉学家的历史，但是 他们从来没有接受过它，非常像20世纪60年代积极分子同情德国“红军分数”，后来成为该组织的一部分，甚至是政府的部长，并且不想被提醒他们的过去。

在他的脚注中，他表示，参与者除了Lotto di Popolo外，“意大利纳粹毛派运动还包括许多其他人物和团体”。 Gray beklagt#表示：“遗憾的是，在这个层面，毛泽东的影响未得到更细致的探讨。”其中一个原因可能是，后来的毛泽东思想汉学家只记载他们自己的历史，即汉学家的历史。他们从不接受毛泽东思想，这就很像二十世纪六十年代的积极分子同情德国“红军纵队”。该纵队的人后来成为该组织的一部分，有的甚至还成了政府机关部长。这些汉学家不想回忆起自己的历史。--Yuan Tianyi (talk) 04:18, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Gray writes in his book review: 格雷在他的书评中写道：

“In a programmatic introductory essay Alexander C Cook compares the Chinese leader’s book to a “spir-itual atom bomb” and considers its global fallout. Showing how it reflects the influence of the choral sing-ing introduced into China by 19th-century Christian missionaries, Andrew F Jones provides an illuminating account of the rise of the Maoist pop song. Taking as her starting point the global distribution of the Little Red Book to over a hundred countries in the eight months between October 1966 and May 1967, Xu Lanjun examines the process of translation in the context of Maoist ideas of global revolution. Quinn Slo-bodian discusses the impact the book had in eastern and western Germany. In the concluding essay, Ban Wang considers the Little Red Book and “religion as politics” in China. Elsewhere, its influence in Tanzania, India, Peru, Albania and the former Soviet Union is discussed.”

“在一篇程序化的介绍性文章中，亚历山大·库克将中国领导人的书与“精神原子弹”进行了比较，并考虑了它的全球影响。 安德鲁·F·琼斯（Andrew F Jones）展示了它如何反映19世纪基督教传教士引入中国的合唱歌曲的影响，为毛泽东主义流行歌曲的兴起提供了一个有启发性的说明。 在1966年10月至1967年5月的八个月中，徐兰军以红宝书的全球分布为一百多个国家，在毛泽东的全球革命思想背景下考察了翻译的过程。 Quinn Slobodian讨论了该书在德国东部和西部的影响。 在最后的文章中，王班并认为红宝书和中国的“宗教为政治”。在其他地方，讨论了它在坦桑尼亚、印度、秘鲁、阿尔巴尼亚和前苏联的影响。”

“在一篇纲领性的导言文章中，亚历山大·C·库克（Alexander C Cook）把这位中国领导人的书比作是一颗“精神原子弹”，并认为这对全世界都产生了辐射效应。安德鲁·F·琼斯（Andrew F Jones）展示了19世纪基督教传教士将合唱引入中国后所造成的影响，并生动地讲述了毛泽东主义流行歌曲是如何兴起的。在1966年10月至1967年5月的八个月中，徐兰军以红宝书销往的全球一百多个国家为着手点，考察了在毛泽东的全球革命思想背景下的翻译过程。奎因·斯洛博迪安（Quinn Slo-bodian）探讨了该书对德国东部和西部的影响。在这篇文章的最后，王斑研究了红宝书并将其视为中国的“宗教政治”。除了探讨对中国的影响，还讨论了在坦桑尼亚、印度、秘鲁、阿尔巴尼亚和前苏联的影响。"--Yuan Yuchen (talk) 11:45, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

“In West Germany in the late 1960s, the Little Red Book “resembled simultaneously an accessory of the classical workers’ movement and a modish commodity of the educated elite”. In theatres, across from the refreshments, there were glass cases “full of pretty red Mao bibles (two Deutsche Marks each)”. As an anti-consumerist commodity, the book became “a marker of social distinction within a commercial market”.”

“在20世纪60年代后期的西德，红宝书”同时也是古典工人运动的一部分，也是受过教育的精英的一种时尚商品”。 在茶馆对面的剧院里，有一些玻璃盒子“里面装满了漂亮的红宝书（每个都有两个德国马克）”。 作为一种反消费主义商品，这本书成为“商业市场中社会区别的标志”。”

“在20世纪60年代后期的西德，（毛泽东的）红宝书“是古典工人运动的读物，同时也是教育良好的精英阶层中的畅销书。”在茶馆对面的剧院里，有一些玻璃盒子“里面装满了漂亮的红宝书（每个都有两个德国马克）”。作为一种反消费主义的商品，这本书成为了“商业市场中社会差异的标志”。”--Zeng Fangyuan (talk) 03:20, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

“Condemned as distorting Mao’s ideas and exerting a “widespread and pernicious influence”, the book was withdrawn from circulation in February 1979 and a hundred million copies pulped.” “这部书被谴责为歪曲毛泽东的思想并发挥“广泛而有害的影响”，于1979年2月撤销流通，并且有数亿份纸张被废弃。”

“这本书受到了人们的谴责，认为书中歪曲了毛泽东的思想，并带来“广泛而有害的影响”，因此，该书于1979年2月停止发行，数亿份书籍被废弃。”--Zeng Fangyuan (talk) 03:20, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

The popularity of the Chinese system in the West was at the peak when it had the most victims.

中国体制在西方的受欢迎程度因其最多的受害者而达到了峰值。

当受害者人数最多时中国制度在西方的受欢迎程度达到顶峰。--Zeng Liang (talk) 02:29, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

Today, even in China, the Cultural Revolution is evaluated as “10 Years of Chaos”. Mao Zedong’s approach to mobilize the masses in endless revolutions turned out to be a historical failure.

今天，即使在中国，文化大革命也被评为“十年动乱”。 毛泽东在无休止的革命中动员群众的方法被证明是历史性的失败。

今天，即使在中国，文化大革命也称为“十年动乱”。毛泽东发动群众进行无休止革命的做法被证明是历史性的失败。--Zeng Liang (talk) 02:29, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

However, domestic Science and Scholarship today once more receives incentives to pretend an ideological use-fulness of their research results when applying for funds to conduct research projects. However, an independant science and scholarship serves any government best, because a government needs real and true research results, not sugar coated ones.

然而，今天的国内科学和奖学金再次获得激励，在申请资金进行研究项目时，假装其研究成果具有意识形态的有用性。 然而，独立的科学和奖学金最适合任何政府，因为政府需要真实和真实的研究结果，而不是糖衣。

然而，如今国内学科及奖学金再次受到鼓励，要求在申请项目研究资金时伪称其研究结果具有意识形态有用性。但由于政府需要真实准确的研究结果，而非华而不实的研究结果，一项独立的学科及奖学金对任何政府都是绝佳选择。--Zeng Xinyuan (talk) 02:59, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

然而，如今国内的科学学术研究就再次要求在申请研究项目资金时，其研究结果须表现为有助于意识形态建设。然而，独立的科学与学术研究能够最大程度地服务政府，因为政府需要的是真实的研究成果，而不是让其巧加粉饰。--Xu Jing (talk) 08:32, 21 November 2020 (UTC)

然而，今天国内的科学和学术再次获得激励，在申请资金进行研究项目时，可以假装其研究成果具有意识形态的有用性。 然而，真正独立的科学和学术才能够最好地服务于政府，因为政府需要真正的和真实的研究结果，而不是徒有其表的。--Fancy (talk) 01:54, 22 November 2020 (UTC)

Freedom is always the freedom within the limits not to restrict the freedom of others. But this historical event posed a new question: When is it time to kill a massmurderer? If communism threatens to enslave a whole population with millions of death victims – how far is it justified to intervene or not to intervene? But when it is not just a mass murderer, but a whole group of people mislead by a leader, a whole administration of a country, how can you clearly differentiate between good and evil? Reality often consists out of different levels of grey.

自由永远是限制的自由，而不是限制他人的自由。但这一历史事件提出了一个新问题：什么时候杀死一名群众？ 如果共产主义威胁到全世界数百万死亡受害者的奴役 - 干预或不干预到底有多大理由？ 但是，当它不仅仅是一个大规模杀人犯，而且还是一群人误导领导者，一个国家的整个政府时，你怎么能清楚地区分善恶呢？ 现实通常由不同级别的灰色组成。

自由永远是在不限制他人自由的范围内的自由。但是这一历史性事件向我们提出了一个新的问题：什么时候应该杀死一个杀人凶手？如果共产主义威胁要奴役数以百万计的死亡受害者，那么进行干预或不进行干预的合理性有多大差别？但是，当它不仅是一个大规模杀人犯，而且是一群人被一个领导人，一个国家的整个政府误导时，该如何清楚地区分善与恶？现实通常是由不同层次的灰色组成的。--Fancy (talk) 13:28, 20 November 2020 (UTC)

Chinese fulltext

摘要

作为国际汉学研究者，我们想对中国的两个主要误解道歉。第一，耶稣会士和其他人试图在古代中国文本中证明西方基督教之神存在的主要叙述。他们将其作为一种工具，通过操纵翻译来歪曲中文文本。第二，中国停滞的主要叙述经常是由于儒家思想，有时被称为固有的和系统性的。在1830年至1980年间，这种叙述是一种教条。自1978年以来，破坏性经济发展证明了这种叙事错误，而儒家思想被视为经济奇迹的原因之一。无产阶级文化大革命的主要叙事是成功的共产主义改革。在20世纪70年代，西方汉学家放弃了中立，距离和事实寻求的基本原则，并在宣传的基础上，热烈地庆祝文化大革命，成为毛泽东的忠实粉丝，举起小红皮书。相信中国宣传的意愿一部分是出于将中国理想化为一种模式的愿望，这种模式可以为西方社会的改革指明方向。

关键词: 道歉；错误；误解；操纵；种族中心主义；欧洲中心主义；大师叙事；中国研究；汉学；接受过去

Abstract： We, the international scholars of Chinese Studies, apologize for two main misinterpretations of China. 1. The master narrative of Jesuits and others who tried to proof the Western Christian god in ancient Chinese texts. As a tool, they used a distortion of the Chinese texts by manipulated translation. 2. The master narrative of the stagnation of China, sometimes claimed to be inherent and systemic, often reasoned with Confucianism. This narrative was a dogma for 150 years between 1830 and 1980. The disruptive economic development since 1978 has proven this narrative wrong, Confucianism is seen as one reason for the economic miracle. 3. The master narrative of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution as a successful Communist reform. During the 1970s, Western sinologists abandoned basic principles of neutrality, distance and fact-seeking and, based on propaganda, enthusiastically celebrated the Cultural Revolution and became dedicated followers of Mao Zedong, holding up the Little Red Book. The readiness to believe in the Chinese propaganda was partly motivated by the wish to idealize China into a model which could show the way for a reform of Western societies.

Key words： Apology; errors,;mistakes, manipulation, ethnocentrism, eurocentrism, master narratives, Chinese Studies, sinology, coming to terms with the past

一、上帝在中国

人类发展祖先崇拜，辅以自然宗教。自然宗教建立了一套解释自然神灵意志的法则。在印度，因味丹宗教的宗教文本对语言产生了保护作用，文本被册封，最后不再为普通人所理解，因此味丹宗教的神职人员与人民疏远，最后，只有味丹牧师才能理解味丹文本。这是佛教所谓的“反宗教”起源的开始。由于人与宗教文本及其祭司的异化，佛陀能够建立佛教。他声称每个人都能找到自己的自我认知和精神解放的方式（即涅槃）。虽然佛陀没有放弃传教者，但他建立了新的传统，即佛陀会有他们的门徒，这些人可以推翻掌管他们的佛陀。此外，佛陀通过声称不完美男人的生活更加有趣，摧毁了全能神的完美主义。

在中国，祖先崇拜一直保持其主导地位，直到今天。虽然萨满有年龄，但几千年来每个家族都有自己的祖先崇拜传统。据信，天上的祖先监视并影响了他们在地球上的后代的生活，所以最重要的单位是家族。甚至统治者也使用火龟纹和龟壳或牛骨上的字符来与祖先交流并预测未来。然而，当王朝改变并且一个新的族群接管时，他们不能再宣称祖先是他们的亲戚，所以上帝的概念被天堂（天）和相关的理念所取代，如“天之子”，“上天的命令”等等，用权力合法化来贬低他们。虽然有神话般的神圣生物，但对神的理解并没有像欧洲和埃及那样发展出独特性和权威性。埃及和欧洲从多神论进一步发展到到单神论。

有神论建立了一套祭祀法则，成为了神与人之间调解者的角色。由于每个不受控制的权威都滥用权力，这些调解人获得了人间的财富，并滥用他们对工作人员的掌管权利甚至性虐待来控制他们。在欧洲，权力在统治者和教会之间分配，主要由教皇、红衣主教、主教和神父代表。

由于宗教一般声称对所有人都有效，当在东亚和非洲发现新领土时，传教士试图通过迫使当地人接受欧洲宗教和现代化和经济发展等社会发展模式，来扩大其控制下的领土。在第一批传教士抵达中国，并看到双方的交流是积极的之后，他们也发展了一种让传教士活动的动力，这是他们的第二个动机。由于基督教是一种神圣文本中所揭示的宗教，传教士有强烈的动机在中国古典文本中找到证据，证明基督教的神也存在于那里。 因此，在第一批文本中，他们选择、翻译和排序的是册封文本。一个很好的例子就是《道德经》，他们以扭曲的方式翻译，让他们能够证明中国基督教神的存在。

这是第一个重大错误，即欧洲人在中国人根源中找到欧洲神证据时的态度。这种原因导致翻译实践放弃了专业的基本规则：熟悉的术语、概念和想法都被强制改变为具有原始的欧洲意义。但是，已发表的翻译仅显示出这种做法的轻微影响，主要的翻译文本，例如首先没有发表《道德经》，但在内部进行了讨论。讨论的结果是，翻译中的偏差必须走得太远，最终在中国古代文本中没有基督教之神的证据。尽管如此，从那时起，几位传教士，牧师（理查德·威廉）和汉学家（顾彬）仍然倾向于将中国的“上天”概念翻译成欧洲人熟悉的概念，如“上帝”。这是错误的，我们作为汉学家，为这种以欧洲为中心的方法向中国公民道歉。我们希望通过与中国同事的合作修正这一历史错误。 所有制度化都发展了惯性，中国社会非常机构化，因此基督教化总体上失败了。然而，他的使命的次要目标将欧洲带来的对社会发展的理解（经济、健康、教育带来进步和现代化）是成功的，传教士将欧洲知识书籍翻译成中文，因此实际上实现了知识传递，外语学习也得到了加强。

在历史上，民主取代了专制统治。在中国，1912年中华民国成立就是这种情况。在历史上，教会的权力也受到新教改良主义的制约。

宗教对于相信不同宗教或无神论者的人或多或少都是宽容的。平均而言，伊斯兰教对基督教的宽容度较低。自两千年以来，欧洲一直由基督教主导，而中国则是由祖先崇拜引导，对佛教、道教和其他形式的宗教活动有着巨大的容忍。

二、 停滞的中国

国际中国观察家（学者、哲学家）和中国专家（商人、传教士、代表团成员、学者）理想化中国（中国风）以及妖魔化她（停滞、黄祸）的时代相互依存。

西方汉学早就宣称中国的“停滞”是“没有其他选择”和“由儒学引起的”。然而，自1978年以来，中国显示出飞速的经济发展，证明这种说法是错误的。现在中国的“经济奇迹”也被西方汉学家用儒学解释了。现在是西方汉学承认其历史错误、克服多元化“停滞”的欧洲中心和种族主义教条的时候了。在这里与大会上的中国同事交流提供了一个很好的机会。

随着从钦佩中国到妖魔化中国的整体转变，黑格尔也开始判断中国是一个“停滞不前”的帝国。尽管他发现了孔子发明黄金法则的证据，但他将中国描述为通往世界精神阶梯的最低阶段，而柏林位居榜首。他对中国的谴责也被谴责中国的马克思所接管。

在全球化的早期阶段，有几种叙述形成了一种大分歧或较少的分歧。然而，中国古代西方知识翻译的新发现以及食糖消费的新统计数据（这在中国的时间比欧洲最高）在今天质疑这些叙述。

三、作为红卫兵的西方汉学家

每当科学和学术服务于意识形态或宗教时，它就会放弃其客观性，并背叛科学和学术的基本原则，例如：你独立进行研究而没有任何预定结果的原则，你接受的结果无论它们是什么。

中国研究的汉学家和学者是处理中国主题的学者。为了保持距离，他们能够自由地进出中国以便能够改变视角并保持距离。

20世纪60年代末，西方资本主义和建立受到越南战争的影响，摧毁了战争的残酷，美国士兵在越南对平民使用化学武器等不公平技术。 裸体儿童的照片，在凝固汽油弹袭击中惊恐万分，在恐慌中逃跑，改变了美国和欧洲人民对制度化资本主义形式的态度。 突然之间，那些被保证成为“好人”的人们反而要求他们是“坏人”，并且不得不改变他们的制度以实现和平共处。

全世界的西方汉学家都准备好相信成功的“无产阶级文化大革命”的宣传。 1961年，国防部长林彪指示军民报“人民解放军报”每天打印一篇毛泽东的语录。 按主题排序，这些说法的第一个集合于1964年出版。毛泽东的红宝书在中国印刷了7.4亿多次，为每个公民提供了一份副本。 在1966年至1971年的人气高峰期间，它是印刷最多的书，以超过30种语言印刷超过十亿次。

让·吕克·戈达尔于1967年8月发行了他的电影《中国姑娘》，展示了一个年轻的巴黎毛派教派。这导致了这种意识形态在西方中国研究专家中的流行。

最近，剑桥大学出版社出版了一系列关于西方汉学家和年轻知识分子如何在20世纪60年代和70年代接受和信奉毛泽东思想的回忆。

约翰·格雷在书评中总结了本书的要点。 我在此将列出他主要的总结。他描述了法国思想家如何评价这部电影： 【朱莉安】伯格：“毛泽东的暴力语言具有一定的修辞吸引力。”事实上，正是他将修辞暴力与次黑格尔辩证逻辑相结合，证明了法国知识分子的各个部分是如此不可抗拒。 颂扬毛泽东对主要和次要矛盾的区分，路易斯·阿尔都塞将毛派分类作为极其抽象的，实际上在很大程度上毫无意义地保护“理论的相对自治”的一部分。

阿尔都塞的学生阿兰·巴迪欧（Alain Badiou）（多年来在巴黎高等师范学院的哲学教授）在其伤亡人数不可否认之后很久就继续捍卫毛派。 就在2008年，尽管称赞自己是“现在是毛派少数几个值得注意的代表之一”，但巴迪欧称赞毛泽东的思想是“否定否定的新政治”。从一个角度来看，这种立场仅仅是可鄙的 - 围绕着一大堆尸体的教授旋转。 但是人们必须牢记法国左翼一些人的无聊轻浮。 早在1980年，两位前毛泽东武装分子就已经宣布以时尚语言拒绝信条：“中国是在中国……现在它出来了…… 我们不再是毛泽东思想者。”在这种背景下，巴迪欧的坚持几乎是荒谬的荒谬。

多米尼克·基什内尔·赖尔（Dominique Kirchner Reill）证明，毛派在意大利和南斯拉夫的影响甚至更广：

“在意大利，毛派狂热者不仅仅是一种左翼现象。 一些极权团体引用他们的红宝书为他们的论点辩护。“1968-1973年，新法西斯政党Lotto di Popolo（”人民的斗争“）称赞毛泽东是美国全球霸权的模范民族主义者和坚决反对者。

在他的脚注中，他注意到：除了Lotto di Popolo之外，“意大利的纳粹毛派运动包括许多其他人物和团体”。 格雷感叹道：“遗憾的是，毛泽东影响力的这一方面没有得到更详细的探讨。”其中一个原因可能是后来毛派汉族的一代人要记录他们自己的历史，也就是汉学家的历史，但是 他们从来没有接受过它，非常像20世纪60年代积极分子同情德国“红军分数”，后来成为该组织的一部分，甚至是政府的部长，并且不想被提醒他们的过去。 格雷在他的书评中写道：“在一篇程序化的介绍性文章中，亚历山大·库克将中国领导人的书与“精神原子弹”进行了比较，并考虑了它的全球影响。 安德鲁·F·琼斯（Andrew F Jones）展示了它如何反映19世纪基督教传教士引入中国的合唱歌曲的影响，为毛泽东主义流行歌曲的兴起提供了一个有启发性的说明。 在1966年10月至1967年5月的八个月中，徐兰军以红宝书的全球分布为一百多个国家，在毛泽东的全球革命思想背景下考察了翻译的过程。 奎因·斯洛博迪安（Quinn Slobodian）讨论了该书在德国东部和西部的影响。 在最后的文章中，王班并认为红宝书和中国的“宗教为政治”。在其他地方，讨论了它在坦桑尼亚、印度、秘鲁、阿尔巴尼亚和前苏联的影响。” “在20世纪60年代后期的西德，红宝书”同时也是古典工人运动的一部分，也是受过教育的精英的一种时尚商品”。 在茶馆对面的剧院里，有一些玻璃盒子“里面装满了漂亮的红宝书（每个都有两个德国马克）”。 作为一种反消费主义商品，这本书成为“商业市场中社会区别的标志。”

“这部书被谴责为歪曲毛泽东的思想并发挥“广泛而有害的影响”，于1979年2月撤销流通，并且有数亿份纸张被废弃。”

中国体制在西方的受欢迎程度因其最多的受害者而达到了峰值。

今天，即使在中国，文化大革命也被评为“十年动乱”。 毛泽东在无休止的革命中动员群众的方法被证明是历史性的失败。

然而，今天的国内科学和奖学金再次获得激励，在申请资金进行研究项目时，假装其研究成果具有意识形态的有用性。 然而，独立的科学和奖学金最适合任何政府，因为政府需要真实和真实的研究结果，而不是糖衣。 自由永远是限制的自由，而不是限制他人的自由。但这一历史事件提出了一个新问题：什么时候杀死一名群众？ 如果共产主义威胁到全世界数百万死亡受害者的奴役 - 干预或不干预到底有多大理由？ 但是，当它不仅仅是一个大规模杀人犯，而且还是一群人误导领导者，一个国家的整个政府时，你怎么能清楚地区分善恶呢？ 现实通常由不同级别的灰色组成。