History of Chinese Culture/Chapter 1
Chapter 1: What Is "Chinese Culture"? Definitions, Boundaries, and Methods
1. Introduction: The Problem of Cultural Definition
What is "Chinese culture"? The question appears simple, yet it conceals a labyrinth of definitional, geographical, historical, and methodological difficulties that any serious cultural history must confront before proceeding to its narrative. Unlike political history, which can anchor itself to dynasties, borders, and rulers, or economic history, which can follow trade routes and production systems, cultural history must grapple with the most elusive of human phenomena: the shared meanings, practices, beliefs, aesthetic sensibilities, and material creations through which communities define themselves and make sense of the world. When the culture in question is that of China — one of the oldest continuously inhabited civilizations on earth, home to over a billion people, encompassing an enormous geographical territory and a bewildering diversity of languages, ethnicities, religions, and local traditions — the definitional challenge becomes formidable indeed.
This chapter undertakes to define the scope, methods, and key concepts that will guide the present work. It argues that "Chinese culture" is best understood not as a monolithic, unchanging essence but as a dynamic, internally diverse, historically evolving field of practices and meanings, shaped by constant interaction between elite and popular traditions, center and periphery, indigenous development and foreign influence. At the same time, it acknowledges that there are genuine continuities — in writing system, philosophical orientation, ritual practice, aesthetic sensibility, and material culture — that give Chinese civilization a recognizable coherence across three millennia, and that justify treating it as a meaningful unit of analysis.
2. Culture as Material and Immaterial Civilization
The English word "culture" derives from the Latin cultura, originally meaning the tending of crops or animals — a meaning preserved in words like "agriculture" and "horticulture." Over the centuries, the term acquired increasingly abstract connotations, coming to designate first the cultivation of the human mind and spirit (as in Matthew Arnold's famous definition of culture as "the best which has been thought and said"), and eventually the entire complex of beliefs, customs, arts, and institutions that characterize a given society.[1]
In modern scholarship, particularly since the anthropological revolution associated with Edward Tylor, Franz Boas, and Clifford Geertz, "culture" has been understood in an expansive sense that encompasses virtually all aspects of human social life. Tylor's classic 1871 definition remains influential: "Culture or Civilization, taken in its wide ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society."[2] Geertz refined this approach by emphasizing culture as a system of symbols and meanings: culture, he argued, consists of "webs of significance" that human beings themselves have spun, and the analysis of culture is therefore "not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning."[3]
For the purposes of cultural history, it is useful to distinguish between material culture and immaterial (or intangible) culture, while recognizing that the two are inextricably intertwined. Material culture encompasses the physical objects, technologies, built environments, and bodily practices through which human beings engage with and transform their world: tools, buildings, clothing, food, medicines, weapons, means of transportation, works of art, musical instruments, and the like. Immaterial culture includes beliefs, values, philosophical systems, religious practices, ritual forms, social norms, linguistic conventions, aesthetic sensibilities, and the oral and written traditions through which these are transmitted across generations.
A history of Chinese culture must attend to both dimensions. The Great Wall, the terracotta warriors of the First Emperor, a Song dynasty celadon bowl, a Ming garden, a Qing court robe — these material artifacts are as much expressions of Chinese culture as the Analerta of Confucius, the poetry of Li Bai, the Buddhist sutras translated at Dunhuang, or the philosophical debates of the "Hundred Schools." Indeed, one of the distinctive features of Chinese civilization is the exceptionally rich documentation of both material and immaterial culture, thanks to the early development of writing, the bureaucratic impulse to record and classify, and the remarkable continuity of the historical tradition.
The distinction between material and immaterial culture maps roughly, though not exactly, onto the Chinese distinction between wuzhi wenming (物质文明, "material civilization") and jingshen wenming (精神文明, "spiritual civilization"), a pairing that has played an important role in modern Chinese cultural discourse, particularly since the 1980s when the Chinese Communist Party adopted the slogan of building "socialist spiritual civilization" alongside material modernization.[4] But the Chinese conceptual vocabulary for thinking about culture is far richer and more complex than this modern formulation suggests, as the following section will explore.
3. The Chinese Concepts Wenhua (文化) and Wenming (文明)
The modern Chinese word for "culture," wenhua (文化), is composed of two characters: wen (文), meaning "pattern," "writing," "literature," or "civility," and hua (化), meaning "transformation" or "change." The compound thus carries a meaning something like "transformation through pattern" or "civilizing through written culture" — a meaning that reflects the deep Chinese conviction that culture is not merely a description of how people happen to live but a normative project of human refinement and moral cultivation.
The character wen is one of the most resonant and multivalent terms in the Chinese lexicon. In its earliest usage, attested in oracle bone inscriptions of the Shang dynasty (ca. 1600–1046 BCE), wen referred to patterns or markings — the lines on a tortoise shell, the striations in jade, the decorative motifs on bronze vessels. By extension, it came to designate writing itself (the patterned marks that record human language), and from writing it expanded to encompass literature, learning, civility, and the entire domain of refined human expression as opposed to wu (武), the martial or military domain. The Analects of Confucius (Lunyu) use wen in several of these senses: as the cultural heritage transmitted from the sage-kings of antiquity (in the famous passage where Confucius declares that "with King Wen dead, is not culture [wen] here with me?"), as literary accomplishment, and as the outward refinement that should balance inner substance (zhi, 质) in the morally cultivated person.[5]
The term wenming (文明), now commonly translated as "civilization," has an equally venerable pedigree. The compound appears in the Yijing (Book of Changes), one of the oldest Chinese classics, in the commentary on the hexagram Qian (乾, "The Creative"), where it describes the radiant, illuminating quality of culture and virtue: wenming yi zhi (文明以止), "culture and illumination reach their proper place." In traditional usage, wenming conveyed the idea of a society illuminated and ordered by culture — a state of affairs in which human beings, guided by ritual propriety, learning, and moral example, transcend their raw, uncultivated nature and achieve genuine civilization.
The relationship between wenhua and wenming has been a subject of debate among Chinese intellectuals since the late nineteenth century, when the encounter with Western modernity forced a fundamental rethinking of Chinese cultural self-understanding. The Japanese scholar Fukuzawa Yukichi had already distinguished between bunmei (the Japanese reading of wenming) as the outward, institutional aspect of civilization and bunka (wenhua) as the inward, spiritual dimension, and this distinction was adopted and adapted by Chinese thinkers in the early twentieth century.[6] During the New Culture Movement of the 1910s and 1920s, intellectuals such as Chen Duxiu, Hu Shi, and Lu Xun subjected traditional Chinese wenhua to withering critique, arguing that Confucian culture was an obstacle to modernization and that China needed a radical cultural transformation — a new wenhua — in order to achieve wenming in the modern sense of a prosperous, powerful, scientifically advanced nation-state.
This tension between culture as inherited tradition and culture as a project of transformation remains central to Chinese cultural discourse today. The present work takes the position that both dimensions — the descriptive and the normative, the traditional and the transformative — are essential to understanding Chinese culture in its full historical depth and complexity.
4. Geographical Scope: The "Chinese Cultural Sphere"
If the concept of "Chinese culture" is complex, its geographical boundaries are no less so. China today, as the People's Republic of China, encompasses approximately 9.6 million square kilometers, making it the third- or fourth-largest country in the world by area. Its territory includes the fertile river valleys of the Yellow River (Huang He) and the Yangtze (Chang Jiang), the arid steppes and deserts of Central Asia, the Tibetan Plateau, the tropical forests of Yunnan, and thousands of kilometers of Pacific coastline. The cultural diversity within this enormous territory is staggering: China officially recognizes 56 ethnic groups (minzu, 民族), of which the Han Chinese constitute approximately 92 percent of the population, with the remaining 8 percent comprising Zhuang, Manchu, Hui, Miao, Uyghur, Tujia, Yi, Mongol, Tibetan, Buyi, Dong, Yao, Korean, Bai, Hani, Kazakh, Dai, Li, and dozens of other peoples, each with their own language, customs, religious practices, and cultural traditions.
But the geographical scope of "Chinese culture" extends well beyond the borders of the PRC. The concept of a "Chinese cultural sphere" (中华文化圈, Zhonghua wenhua quan; also known in Western scholarship as the "Sinosphere" or the "East Asian cultural sphere") designates a broader region — encompassing not only China proper but also Korea, Japan, Vietnam, and parts of Southeast Asia — that was profoundly shaped by Chinese cultural influence over many centuries. The defining features of this cultural sphere include the adoption (or adaptation) of the Chinese writing system, the influence of Confucian social and political philosophy, the spread of Mahayana Buddhism through Chinese intermediation, the use of Chinese-style legal and administrative institutions, and shared aesthetic traditions in painting, calligraphy, poetry, garden design, and the decorative arts.[7]
Korea, for instance, adopted the Chinese writing system in the early centuries of the common era and continued to use classical Chinese as the language of government, scholarship, and elite literature until the twentieth century, even after the invention of the Korean phonetic script Hangul in the fifteenth century. Korean Confucianism, particularly the Neo-Confucian philosophy of the Joseon dynasty (1392–1897), developed into a sophisticated intellectual tradition that in many ways rivaled its Chinese counterpart. Japan similarly absorbed massive amounts of Chinese culture during the Sui and Tang dynasties (sixth through ninth centuries), adapting Chinese writing, Buddhist practice, Confucian philosophy, legal codes, urban planning, and artistic traditions to its own distinctive cultural context. Vietnam, under direct Chinese rule for over a millennium (111 BCE to 938 CE), was perhaps the most deeply sinified of all East Asian societies, developing a literary culture in classical Chinese that persisted well into the modern period.
This work focuses primarily on culture within the territory of what is now China, but it recognizes that Chinese culture cannot be fully understood in isolation from the broader East Asian context. Where relevant, it draws attention to the ways in which Chinese cultural practices and ideas were received, adapted, and sometimes transformed by neighboring societies, and to the reciprocal influences that flowed back into China from Korea, Japan, Vietnam, and the wider world.
Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau present special cases. Each has developed a distinctive cultural identity shaped by unique historical circumstances — Japanese colonialism in the case of Taiwan, British colonialism in the case of Hong Kong, Portuguese colonialism in the case of Macau — while remaining deeply rooted in Chinese cultural traditions. The global Chinese diaspora, numbering some 50 million people, adds yet another dimension to the geography of Chinese culture. This work treats all of these as part of the broader story of Chinese cultural history, while respecting their distinctive identities and historical trajectories.
5. Periodization
Any history must divide time into manageable periods, and the periodization of Chinese cultural history presents both opportunities and challenges. The most obvious framework is the dynastic system, which has organized Chinese historical consciousness for over two millennia. The traditional sequence of dynasties — Xia, Shang, Zhou, Qin, Han, the Three Kingdoms, Jin, the Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui, Tang, the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms, Song, Yuan, Ming, Qing — provides a convenient and widely recognized structure for organizing historical narrative. It has the additional advantage of reflecting how the Chinese themselves have understood their own history: the dynastic cycle, with its pattern of founding, flourishing, decline, and fall, has been a central organizing principle of Chinese historiography since the great historian Sima Qian (ca. 145–86 BCE) established the model in his monumental Shiji (Records of the Grand Historian).
However, the dynastic framework has significant limitations for cultural history. Political boundaries do not necessarily correspond to cultural boundaries: the Tang dynasty (618–907), for example, was a period of extraordinary cultural creativity, but its cultural influence extended far beyond the territories controlled by the Tang state, while within those territories cultural practices varied enormously from region to region. Conversely, some of the most important cultural transformations in Chinese history — the spread of Buddhism, the development of printing, the commercialization of culture during the Ming-Qing transition — cut across dynastic boundaries and cannot be adequately understood within the framework of a single dynasty.
The present work adopts a flexible approach to periodization, using dynastic labels as convenient markers while recognizing that cultural processes often operate on different timescales than political ones. It identifies several major periods of cultural transformation that do not always coincide with dynastic change:
- The Neolithic and Bronze Age Foundations (ca. 8000–1046 BCE): The emergence of settled agriculture, the development of jade and bronze technologies, the origins of writing, and the earliest forms of Chinese religious practice and cosmological thought.
- The Axial Age (ca. 1046–221 BCE): The Zhou dynasty period, during which the fundamental philosophical, ethical, and aesthetic foundations of Chinese culture were laid, including Confucianism, Daoism, Legalism, and the "Hundred Schools of Thought."
- The Imperial Synthesis (221 BCE – 220 CE): The Qin and Han dynasties, during which the political unification of China was accompanied by the creation of a shared cultural framework — including a standardized writing system, a common canon of classical texts, a Confucian-Legalist ideology of governance, and a comprehensive system of ritual practice.
- The Age of Division and Buddhist Transformation (220–589): The period of political fragmentation following the fall of the Han, during which Buddhism transformed Chinese culture in ways as profound as Christianity's transformation of the Roman world.
- The Cosmopolitan High Culture (589–907): The Sui and Tang dynasties, marked by extraordinary cultural creativity, cosmopolitan openness to foreign influences, and the development of distinctively Chinese forms of Buddhism, poetry, painting, and music.
- The Neo-Confucian Renaissance (907–1279): The Song dynasty, during which China experienced a technological, economic, and cultural efflorescence that many historians regard as the most creative period in Chinese history, accompanied by the systematic philosophical synthesis of Neo-Confucianism.
- The Late Imperial Period (1279–1911): The Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, marked by the development of a mass commercial culture, the flourishing of vernacular fiction and drama, the expansion of the Chinese cultural sphere, and the growing encounter with Western civilization.
- The Modern Transformation (1911–present): The revolutionary overthrow of the imperial system and the ongoing, often anguished process of cultural transformation in response to Western modernity, encompassing the Republican period, the Maoist era, the reform period, and the present.
6. The Unity-Diversity Tension: Fifty-Six Ethnic Groups and Regional Cultures
One of the most striking features of Chinese civilization is the coexistence of powerful unifying forces — a shared writing system, a common body of classical texts, a centralized bureaucratic tradition, and a Confucian ideology of cultural and political unity — with extraordinary internal diversity. This tension between unity and diversity has been a central theme of Chinese cultural history from the earliest times to the present.
The most visible dimension of this diversity is ethnic. China's 56 officially recognized ethnic groups (minzu) include peoples as culturally distinct as the Uyghurs of Xinjiang (a Turkic-speaking Muslim people with deep connections to Central Asian culture), the Tibetans (whose culture is shaped by Vajrayana Buddhism and a distinctive literary and artistic tradition), the Dai of Yunnan (a Tai-speaking people closely related to the Thai and Lao), and the Korean minority of northeastern China (who maintain strong linguistic and cultural ties to the Korean peninsula). Each of these groups possesses its own language (or languages), religious traditions, musical and artistic forms, culinary culture, clothing styles, and social customs. The idea that China has a single, unified "culture" becomes immediately problematic when one considers this diversity.
Even within the Han Chinese majority, cultural diversity is enormous. The linguistic diversity alone is staggering: the "Chinese language" is in reality a family of related but mutually unintelligible language varieties — Mandarin, Wu, Cantonese (Yue), Min, Hakka, Xiang, Gan, and others — that differ from one another as much as French differs from Italian or Portuguese. A Cantonese speaker from Guangzhou and a Wu speaker from Shanghai cannot understand each other's spoken language; they communicate through the shared medium of the Chinese writing system and, increasingly, through Mandarin (putonghua), the standard language promoted by the state since the 1950s. The regional cultures of China — Jiangnan (the lower Yangtze delta), Lingnan (the far south), Sichuan, Fujian, the Central Plains, the northeast, the northwest — each possess distinctive culinary traditions, local opera forms, religious practices, architectural styles, and social customs that give them a cultural identity as rich and distinctive as that of many European nations.
The Chinese state has historically responded to this diversity with a combination of cultural integration and administrative accommodation. The imperial examination system, established in rudimentary form during the Sui dynasty (581–618) and perfected during the Tang and Song, was perhaps the single most powerful instrument of cultural unification: by requiring all aspiring officials to master a common canon of Confucian classical texts, it created a national elite united by shared literary culture, philosophical outlook, and ritual practice, regardless of regional origin.[8] The writing system itself served a similar function: because Chinese characters represent meanings rather than sounds, they could be read and understood by speakers of mutually unintelligible dialects, creating a shared literary culture that transcended linguistic boundaries.
At the same time, the imperial state generally tolerated (and sometimes actively encouraged) local cultural diversity, so long as it did not threaten political stability or the fundamental Confucian social order. Local religious cults, regional culinary traditions, dialect literature, and distinctive local customs flourished throughout the imperial period, creating a cultural landscape of extraordinary richness and variety. The present work seeks to do justice to both the unifying and the diversifying forces in Chinese cultural history, attending to regional and ethnic diversity while also tracing the threads of continuity and shared identity that give Chinese civilization its coherence.
7. Sources and Methodology for Cultural History
The sources available for the study of Chinese cultural history are unusually rich and diverse, reflecting the Chinese civilization's exceptional commitment to written documentation and the remarkable survival of material artifacts across thousands of years.
Written Sources. China possesses what is arguably the longest continuous tradition of historical writing in the world. The Twenty-Four Histories (Ershisi shi, 二十四史), the official dynastic histories compiled from the Han dynasty onward, constitute a vast repository of information not only about political events but also about cultural practices, religious institutions, literary production, technological innovation, and daily life. The "Treatises" (zhi, 志) sections of these histories — devoted to subjects such as ritual, music, astronomy, geography, economics, and bibliography — are particularly valuable for cultural historians. Beyond the official histories, China has produced an enormous body of unofficial historical writing, including personal memoirs, local gazetteers (difangzhi, 地方志), encyclopedias, collectanea (congshu, 丛书), and the records of Buddhist and Daoist monasteries.
Literary texts — poetry, fiction, drama, essays, philosophical treatises, and literary criticism — constitute another indispensable source for cultural history. The Chinese literary tradition is one of the richest in the world, spanning more than three thousand years from the Shijing (Book of Songs, ca. 1000–600 BCE) to the present. Literary texts not only reflect cultural values and aesthetic sensibilities but also provide invaluable evidence about social practices, emotional life, gender relations, and the material world.
Material and Archaeological Sources. The archaeological record of China has been enormously enriched since the founding of the PRC in 1949, when systematic archaeological work began on a large scale. Major discoveries — from the Neolithic cultures of Yangshao, Longshan, and Liangzhu, to the Shang dynasty oracle bones of Yinxu, the terracotta army of the First Emperor, the Han dynasty tomb at Mawangdui, the Tang dynasty treasures of the Famen Temple, and countless other sites — have transformed our understanding of Chinese material culture and frequently overturned or complicated narratives based on written sources alone. The growing field of underwater archaeology has added maritime trade routes and shipwrecks to the evidentiary base, while advances in archaeobotany, zooarchaeology, and DNA analysis have shed new light on the origins of Chinese agriculture, animal domestication, and population movement.[9]
Visual and Artistic Sources. Paintings, sculptures, ceramics, textiles, metalwork, and other artistic productions are not merely illustrations of cultural history but primary evidence for it. The study of Chinese art history, pioneered by Western scholars such as Osvald Siren, Laurence Sickman, and James Cahill, and by Chinese scholars such as Zheng Zhenduo (郑振铎) and Teng Gu (滕固), has developed sophisticated methods for analyzing visual culture as evidence of social, religious, and intellectual life. The present work draws extensively on art-historical scholarship, treating visual evidence as equal in importance to written texts.
Ethnographic and Anthropological Sources. For those aspects of culture that are poorly documented in written sources — particularly the practices of ordinary people, women, ethnic minorities, and rural communities — ethnographic observation and oral history provide essential evidence. The rich tradition of Chinese folklore studies (minsuxue, 民俗学), founded in the early twentieth century by scholars such as Gu Jiegang (顾颉刚) and Zhong Jingwen (钟敬文), has documented an enormous range of popular cultural practices — festivals, rituals, songs, stories, games, foodways, and beliefs — that might otherwise have been lost. Anthropological fieldwork, conducted by both Chinese and foreign scholars, has added depth and nuance to our understanding of local cultures, religious practices, and social organization.[10]
Methodological Approach. The present work adopts an interdisciplinary approach that draws on all of these source types, combining the methods of intellectual history, social history, art history, archaeology, religious studies, literary studies, and anthropology. It is informed by several theoretical perspectives: the Annales school's emphasis on longue durée patterns and the history of mentalities; Clifford Geertz's interpretive anthropology and the concept of "thick description"; Pierre Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital and habitus; and the comparative civilizational approach associated with S.N. Eisenstadt, Benjamin Schwartz, and more recently Mark Edward Lewis. At the same time, it seeks to avoid the pitfall of imposing Western theoretical frameworks uncritically on Chinese material, and it takes seriously the Chinese intellectual tradition's own categories and methods for understanding culture.
8. Key Reference Works
The study of Chinese cultural history has generated an enormous scholarly literature in Chinese, English, Japanese, and other languages. Several reference works deserve special mention as indispensable guides.
In English, the most comprehensive recent work is the Cambridge History of China, a multi-volume collaborative project begun in 1978 and still in progress, which devotes substantial attention to cultural topics within each period. The Cambridge History of Ancient China (1999), edited by Michael Loewe and Edward Shaughnessy, provides authoritative coverage of the archaeological and textual evidence for early Chinese civilization. For material culture, the series Chinese Civilization: A Sourcebook (1993), edited by Patricia Buckley Ebrey, offers translated primary sources organized thematically. Joseph Needham's monumental Science and Civilisation in China (1954–), though focused on science and technology, contains invaluable material on many aspects of Chinese culture. More recent works of synthesis include Mark Edward Lewis's three-volume history of early China for the Harvard Belknap series (2006–2009), Timothy Brook's The Troubled Empire: China in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties (2010), and William T. Rowe's China's Last Empire: The Great Qing (2009).
In Chinese, the most important recent comprehensive work is Ge Zhaoguang's (葛兆光) Zhongguo sixiang shi (中国思想史, An Intellectual History of China, 1998–2001), which offers a magisterial reinterpretation of Chinese intellectual and cultural history from the earliest times to the modern period. Feng Tianyu's (冯天瑜) Zhongguo wenhua shi (中国文化史, 2005) provides a systematic survey of Chinese cultural history, and the multi-volume Zhongguo wenhua tongshi (中国文化通史, 2000), edited by Zheng Shixu (郑师渠), offers detailed coverage of cultural developments period by period. For material culture, the Zhongguo meishu quanji (中国美术全集, 1986–1989) is an indispensable visual compendium.
In Japanese, Miyazaki Ichisada's (宮崎市定) studies of Chinese social and institutional history, and Yoshikawa Kojiro's (吉川幸次郎) literary-historical works, remain fundamental. In German, the pioneering works of Wolfgang Franke, Herbert Franke, and more recently Helwig Schmidt-Glintzer have shaped the field of Sinology, and Wolfram Eberhard's comparative cultural studies continue to offer valuable insights. In French, the Sinological tradition running from Edouard Chavannes and Paul Pelliot through Jacques Gernet's magisterial Le monde chinois (1972) provides an alternative perspective that has enriched scholarly understanding.[11]
9. The Plan of This Book
The present work is organized in eight parts. Part I (Chapters 1–3) establishes the foundations, defining key concepts, surveying the archaeological evidence for China's earliest cultures, and examining the philosophical and ritual foundations laid during the Zhou dynasty and the Axial Age. Part II (Chapters 4–7) traces the "imperial synthesis" from the Qin-Han unification through the Buddhist transformation and the cosmopolitan culture of the Tang to the Neo-Confucian renaissance of the Song. Part III (Chapters 8–11) covers late imperial culture from the Yuan through the Ming and Qing dynasties. Part IV (Chapters 12–15) examines the modern transformation of Chinese culture from the encounter with Western modernity to the present, including the distinctive cultural trajectories of Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the overseas Chinese. Part V (Chapters 16–20) offers thematic treatments of the arts and expressive culture: the writing system and calligraphy, religions and belief systems, architecture, visual arts, and performing arts. Part VI (Chapters 21–23) addresses material culture and daily life: food, clothing, and the ritual year. Part VII (Chapters 24–27) examines knowledge systems, cultural exchange, and the question of cultural identity. Part VIII (Chapters 28–30) looks at cultural heritage, the digital transformation, and China's place in world cultural perspective.
Throughout, the work seeks to balance breadth of coverage with depth of analysis, attending to both elite and popular culture, both the center and the periphery, both continuity and change. It aspires to be not merely a catalog of cultural achievements but an interpretation of how Chinese culture has been created, transmitted, transformed, and contested across three millennia — and how it continues to evolve in the twenty-first century.
References
- ↑ Raymond Williams, Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (London: Fontana, 1976), 76–82.
- ↑ Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture (London: John Murray, 1871), 1.
- ↑ Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 5.
- ↑ Wang Hui, China's Twentieth Century: Revolution, Retreat and the Road to Equality (London: Verso, 2016), 203–230.
- ↑ Edward Slingerland, trans., Confucius: Analerta (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2003), 9.5, 6.18.
- ↑ Lydia H. Liu, Translingual Practice: Literature, National Culture, and Translated Modernity — China, 1900–1937 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), 292–310.
- ↑ Victor H. Mair, "The Significance of Chinese Cultural Influence in Eastern Asia," in Contact and Exchange in the Ancient World, ed. Victor H. Mair (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2006), 273–290.
- ↑ Benjamin A. Elman, A Cultural History of Civil Examinations in Late Imperial China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 1–30.
- ↑ Li Liu and Xingcan Chen, The Archaeology of China: From the Late Paleolithic to the Early Bronze Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 1–25.
- ↑ Stephan Feuchtwang, Popular Religion in China: The Imperial Metaphor (London: Routledge, 2001), 1–20.
- ↑ Jacques Gernet, A History of Chinese Civilization, trans. J. R. Foster and Charles Hartman, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).