History of China/Chapter 10
Chapter 10: The Sui and Tang Dynasties — Reunification, Expansion, and Cosmopolitan Grandeur (581–907)
1. Introduction: The Second Imperial Age
The Sui (隋朝, 581–618) and Tang (唐朝, 618–907) dynasties together constitute one of the greatest eras in Chinese history — a period of political reunification, territorial expansion, institutional innovation, cultural brilliance, and cosmopolitan openness that is often compared to the Roman Empire at its zenith. If the Qin-Han period created the first Chinese empire, the Sui-Tang period perfected it, building on the institutional experiments of the centuries of division to create a political, social, and cultural order of remarkable sophistication and endurance.
The Sui dynasty, though short-lived (lasting only thirty-seven years and two emperors), accomplished the monumental task of reunifying China after nearly four centuries of division and laid the institutional and infrastructural foundations on which the Tang would build. The Tang dynasty, which endured for nearly three centuries, brought Chinese civilization to what many regard as its highest peak — an era of military power, cultural creativity, religious diversity, and international prestige that made Tang China the most powerful and cosmopolitan empire in the world.
The Tang capital of Chang'an (长安, modern Xi'an) was the largest and most diverse city on earth, a metropolis of over one million inhabitants where Chinese, Central Asian, Persian, Indian, Korean, Japanese, and even Byzantine visitors mingled in a vibrant cosmopolitan culture. Tang poetry, regarded as the supreme achievement of Chinese literature, produced a galaxy of genius — Li Bai (李白), Du Fu (杜甫), Wang Wei (王维), Bai Juyi (白居易) — whose works remain the foundation of the Chinese literary canon. Tang art, architecture, music, and dance achieved levels of sophistication that influenced the entire East Asian cultural sphere. And the institutional framework created by the Tang — the examination system, the legal code, the administrative structure — would serve as the model for Chinese governance for the next millennium.[1]
2. The Sui Reunification and the Grand Canal
The Sui dynasty was founded by Yang Jian (杨坚, 541–604), a general of mixed Chinese-Xianbei aristocratic background who had served as regent for the child emperor of the Northern Zhou. In 581, Yang Jian deposed the last Northern Zhou emperor and proclaimed himself Emperor Wen of Sui (隋文帝, Sui Wendi). In 589, his armies crossed the Yangtze and conquered the Chen dynasty, reunifying China for the first time since the Western Jin in 280.
Emperor Wen was one of the most capable rulers in Chinese history. In the two decades of his reign (581–604), he established the institutional framework that would sustain not only the Sui but also the Tang dynasty that followed. His achievements included the promulgation of a new law code — the Kaihuang lü (开皇律) of 583 — that systematized and humanized the diverse legal traditions of the period of division and became the basis for the Tang legal code, one of the most influential legal documents in East Asian history. He reformed the central government around the "three departments and six ministries" (三省六部, sansheng liubu) structure: the Department of State Affairs (尚书省, Shangshu sheng) handled executive functions through six ministries (Personnel, Revenue, Rites, War, Justice, and Works); the Secretariat (中书省, Zhongshu sheng) drafted imperial edicts; and the Chancellery (门下省, Menxia sheng) reviewed and approved policy decisions. This tripartite structure, with its built-in checks and balances, would remain the foundation of Chinese central government for centuries.
Emperor Wen also reformed the system for selecting officials, abolishing the "Nine Ranks" system that had served as a mechanism for aristocratic self-perpetuation during the period of division and replacing it with a nascent examination system (科举, keju) in which candidates were tested on their knowledge of the Confucian classics and their ability to compose literary essays. This reform, though modest in its initial scope, set in motion the development of the civil service examination system that would become one of China's most distinctive and influential political institutions.
The Sui dynasty's most ambitious and enduring achievement was the construction of the Grand Canal (大运河, Da Yunhe), a massive network of artificial waterways connecting the Yangtze River in the south with the Yellow River and the capital region in the north. The Grand Canal was not built from scratch — it linked and extended earlier canal systems dating back to the Spring and Autumn period — but the scale of the Sui construction was unprecedented. Under Emperor Yang (隋炀帝, Sui Yangdi, r. 604–618), who succeeded his father Emperor Wen (by some accounts through patricide), the canal system was extended to over 2,500 kilometers, connecting the rich agricultural regions of the Yangtze delta with the political center of gravity in the north.
The Grand Canal was an engineering marvel that required the labor of millions of conscripted workers. The human cost was enormous: sources record that millions were mobilized and that a substantial proportion died during the construction. But the canal's economic and strategic significance was immense. It made possible the efficient transport of grain and other resources from the productive south to the capital and the military frontier in the north, binding the reunified empire together economically and ensuring that the government could draw on the wealth of the entire country. The Grand Canal remained one of the most important arteries of Chinese commerce and administration for over a millennium, and it continues to function today — a testament to the vision, if not the methods, of its creators.[2]
The Sui dynasty collapsed with striking speed. Emperor Yang, though a capable ruler in some respects (he was a patron of the arts and a skilled poet), proved ruinously ambitious. In addition to the Grand Canal, he launched a series of enormously expensive projects — the reconstruction of the eastern capital at Luoyang, the construction of lavish palaces, and above all three disastrous military campaigns against the Korean kingdom of Goguryeo (高句丽) in 612, 613, and 614, all of which ended in catastrophic defeat. The combination of crushing labor demands, military conscription, and heavy taxation provoked a wave of popular revolts and aristocratic rebellions that destroyed the dynasty. In 618, Emperor Yang was assassinated by his own bodyguard while taking refuge in the southern city of Jiangdu (江都, modern Yangzhou), and the Sui dynasty came to an ignominious end — its fate eerily paralleling that of the Qin dynasty six centuries earlier.
3. The Tang Founding and the Rise to Greatness
The Tang dynasty was founded by Li Yuan (李渊, 566–635), a Sui aristocrat of mixed Chinese-Xianbei descent who had served as governor of the strategic northern frontier region of Taiyuan (太原, in modern Shanxi). When the Sui began to disintegrate, Li Yuan — urged on by his ambitious and militarily gifted second son, Li Shimin (李世民, 598–649) — raised an army, captured the Sui capital of Chang'an in 617, and proclaimed himself Emperor Gaozu of Tang (唐高祖) in 618.
The first decade of the Tang was consumed by the task of reunifying China, which had again fragmented into a patchwork of rival states during the collapse of the Sui. By 628, Li Shimin — who had forced his father to abdicate in 626 after a brutal episode of fratricide known as the "Incident at Xuanwu Gate" (玄武门之变, Xuanwu men zhi bian), in which he killed his elder brother and younger brother and was then proclaimed Emperor Taizong (唐太宗, r. 626–649) — had completed the reunification and begun the reign that would be regarded for over a thousand years as the model of good governance in Chinese history.
Emperor Taizong was one of the most remarkable rulers in world history. A brilliant military commander who had led his father's armies to victory in the civil wars, he proved equally talented as a civilian administrator. His reign, known as the "Reign of Zhen'guan" (贞观之治, Zhenguan zhi zhi), was characterized by active consultation with his ministers, tolerance of dissent (his famous remonstrator Wei Zheng 魏征 regularly criticized the emperor to his face), fiscal prudence, military expansion, and a genuine commitment to the Confucian ideal of governance for the welfare of the people. Taizong's recorded conversations with his ministers, preserved in the Zhenguan zhengyao (贞观政要, "Essentials of Government in the Zhenguan Era"), became a classic text of Chinese political thought, studied by rulers and officials for the next millennium.
Under Taizong and his successors, the Tang empire expanded to become the largest and most powerful state in the world. Tang armies conquered the Eastern Turks (东突厥, Dong Tujue) in 630, extending Chinese authority deep into the Mongolian steppe. The Western Turks were defeated in 657, bringing the oasis states of the Tarim Basin and much of Central Asia under Tang suzerainty. The Tang established military protectorates across an enormous arc of territory from Korea to Afghanistan, creating the largest territorial extent of any Chinese dynasty up to that time. Taizong himself adopted the title of "Heavenly Khan" (天可汗, Tian Kehan), simultaneously claiming sovereignty over both the Chinese agricultural world and the Turkic nomadic world — a dual identity that reflected the cosmopolitan character of the Tang ruling elite.[3]
4. The Equal-Field System and the Fubing Militia
The Tang state rested on two interconnected institutional foundations: the equal-field (均田, juntian) land distribution system and the fubing (府兵) militia system. Together, these institutions created the economic and military base that sustained the Tang empire during its first century and a half.
The equal-field system, which had originated in the Northern Wei and been refined by the Sui, allocated farmland to adult males in standardized allotments. Each adult male received approximately 80 mu (亩, roughly 4.5 hectares) of land, of which a portion was "personal share" land (口分田, koufen tian) that reverted to the state upon the holder's death and a portion was "perpetual" land (永业田, yongye tian) that could be inherited. In return, each household owed the state a fixed amount of grain tax (租, zu), cloth or silk (调, diao), and twenty days of labor service (庸, yong) per year — or a cash payment in lieu of labor. This "tax-in-three-parts" system (租庸调, zu-yong-diao) provided the Tang government with a predictable and broadly based revenue stream.
The equal-field system was designed to prevent the concentration of land in the hands of large landowners — the phenomenon that had undermined the fiscal base of the Han and contributed to its fall. By ensuring that every household had access to a basic allotment of farmland, the system maintained a large population of self-sufficient peasant households that served as both taxpayers and potential soldiers. In practice, the system was never implemented perfectly — powerful families always found ways to accumulate land beyond their allotments — but it functioned well enough during the first century of the Tang to sustain a vigorous agrarian economy and a large tax base.
The fubing militia system, which also originated in the Northern Wei and was perfected by the Sui and early Tang, organized the peasant population into military units that rotated between farming and military service. The empire was divided into approximately 600 military districts (折冲府, zhezhong fu), each responsible for maintaining and training a unit of farmer-soldiers who served in rotation at the capital, on frontier garrisons, or in military campaigns. The fubing soldiers provided their own equipment and supplies (financed by their land allotments), reducing the cost to the state. The system tied military service directly to the land system, creating an integrated socio-economic-military order that was both efficient and self-sustaining.
The fubing system also served a political function: by distributing military forces among hundreds of small local units and rotating them regularly to the capital, it prevented the concentration of military power in the hands of any single commander — the phenomenon that had destroyed the Han and the Sui. The emperor maintained direct control over the armed forces through the rotational system, ensuring that no general could build a personal army from the soldiers under his command.
Both the equal-field system and the fubing militia began to break down in the early eighth century as population growth, the accumulation of land by powerful families, the expansion of the frontier, and the increasing professionalization of warfare undermined the conditions on which they depended. Their collapse would have profound consequences for the Tang state and for subsequent Chinese history.[4]
5. The Examination System
The Tang dynasty gave definitive form to one of China's most distinctive and influential political institutions: the civil service examination system (科举制, keju zhi). While the origins of the examination system can be traced to the Han dynasty's recommendation system and the Sui dynasty's initial examinations, it was under the Tang that the examinations became a regular, institutionalized pathway to government office — and the defining feature of Chinese political culture.
The Tang examination system offered several types of examinations, but the two most important were the mingjing (明经, "Illuminating the Classics"), which tested knowledge of the Confucian canonical texts, and the jinshi (进士, "Presented Scholar"), which tested the ability to compose literary essays and poetry. The jinshi degree, which was far more difficult to obtain and far more prestigious, became the gold standard of Chinese bureaucratic recruitment. Success in the jinshi examination required not only mastery of the classical texts but also literary talent, creative intelligence, and the ability to express complex ideas in elegant prose and verse — qualities that, the examiners believed, indicated the broad intellectual cultivation needed for effective governance.
The examinations were held at multiple levels: prefectural examinations selected candidates to proceed to the capital, where the Ministry of Rites administered the central examinations. The number of candidates who passed was small — typically only 20–30 jinshi degrees were awarded per year out of thousands of candidates — making success an extraordinary distinction that brought both official rank and enormous social prestige. The families of successful candidates celebrated their achievement with lavish banquets, and the names of the new jinshi were inscribed on tablets at the Ci'en Temple (慈恩寺) in Chang'an, a tradition known as "inscribing one's name under the Wild Goose Pagoda" (雁塔题名, yanta timing).
The examination system was, in principle, open to all male subjects regardless of social origin (women were excluded). In practice, the literary skills required for success were far more easily acquired by the sons of wealthy and educated families, who had access to private tutors, extensive libraries, and the leisure for years of study. The great aristocratic families of the Tang continued to dominate the upper reaches of the bureaucracy, and the examination system was only one of several routes to office (others included hereditary privilege, recommendation, and direct imperial appointment). Nevertheless, the principle that government office should be earned through demonstrated ability rather than inherited as a birthright was revolutionary, and the examination system — gradually refined and expanded over subsequent centuries — would become the most meritocratic system of political recruitment in the pre-modern world.[5]
6. Tang Chang'an: The World's Greatest City
The Tang capital of Chang'an (长安) was the largest, most populous, and most cosmopolitan city in the world during the seventh and eighth centuries. With a population estimated at over one million inhabitants within its walls and several hundred thousand more in the surrounding suburbs, Chang'an dwarfed its contemporaries: Constantinople had perhaps 500,000 people, Baghdad at its peak around 800,000, and no European city exceeded 50,000.
The city was laid out on a grand, symmetrical grid plan, measuring approximately 9.7 kilometers from east to west and 8.6 kilometers from north to south — an area of over 84 square kilometers, roughly seven times the size of contemporary Constantinople. The imperial palace complex occupied the northern center of the city, with the administrative offices and the emperor's residence arranged along a central north-south axis. South of the palace, the city was divided into 108 residential wards (坊, fang), each enclosed by its own walls with gates that were locked at nightfall — a system of urban surveillance inherited from the Sui. Two large market areas, the East Market (东市, Dongshi) and the West Market (西市, Xishi), served as the commercial hearts of the city.
The West Market was the more cosmopolitan of the two, the terminus of the Silk Road and the center of foreign trade. Here, merchants from across the known world — Persians, Sogdians, Arabs, Indians, Turks, Koreans, Japanese, and peoples of Southeast Asia — bought and sold goods ranging from silk and porcelain to spices, gemstones, medicines, perfumes, and exotic animals. The West Market district was also a center of entertainment, with wine shops, restaurants, gambling houses, and establishments offering music, dance, and other diversions.
The cosmopolitan character of Tang Chang'an was one of its most distinctive features. Foreign communities — Persians, Sogdians, Arabs, Turks, and others — had their own neighborhoods, places of worship, and community organizations. Zoroastrian fire temples, Nestorian Christian churches, Manichaean meeting houses, and Islamic mosques stood alongside Buddhist temples and Daoist monasteries. Foreign fashions, foods, music, and dances were eagerly adopted by the Tang elite: Central Asian music and dance became wildly popular at court, Persian grape wine was prized by the aristocracy, and exotic "barbarian" clothing styles were fashionable among both men and women. This openness to foreign influence, rooted in the Tang elite's own mixed Chinese-nomadic heritage, gave Tang culture a vitality and diversity that distinguished it from earlier and later periods of Chinese history.[6]
7. The An Lushan Rebellion: The Great Watershed
The An Lushan Rebellion (安史之乱, An-Shi zhi luan, 755–763) was the most devastating internal conflict in Tang history and one of the most destructive events in all of Chinese history. It marked the definitive end of the early Tang's golden age and transformed the political, social, and military structure of the empire so profoundly that historians routinely divide the Tang dynasty into "early Tang" (before An Lushan) and "late Tang" (after An Lushan) as fundamentally different periods.
The rebellion was rooted in structural changes that had been building throughout the first half of the eighth century. The equal-field system and the fubing militia had broken down, replaced by a system of professional frontier armies commanded by military governors (节度使, jiedushi) who controlled large territories, substantial revenues, and powerful armies. The most important of these frontier commands were in the northeast, along the border with the Khitan (契丹), Xi (奚), and other peoples, where the Tang maintained its largest and most battle-hardened forces.
An Lushan (安禄山, ca. 703–757) was a general of mixed Sogdian-Turkic origin who had risen through the ranks of the northeastern frontier armies to command three of the most powerful military governorships simultaneously, controlling approximately 180,000 of the empire's best troops. He had gained the personal favor of Emperor Xuanzong (唐玄宗, r. 712–756), who was increasingly absorbed in the pleasures of his court — particularly his famous consort Yang Guifei (杨贵妃) — and had allowed the concentration of military power that made the rebellion possible.
In December 755, An Lushan launched his rebellion from his base at Fanyang (范阳, near modern Beijing), marching south with a force of approximately 150,000 men. The Tang court, caught off guard and with most of its military strength concentrated on distant frontiers, was unable to mount an effective defense. An Lushan's forces captured the eastern capital of Luoyang in January 756 and advanced on Chang'an. Emperor Xuanzong fled the capital in panic, and during the flight his bodyguard mutinied, demanding the execution of Yang Guifei and her family, whom they blamed for the disaster. The emperor was forced to consent, and Yang Guifei was strangled — an episode that became one of the most famous and endlessly retold tragedies in Chinese literary history, immortalized in Bai Juyi's poem "The Song of Everlasting Sorrow" (长恨歌, Changhen ge).
The rebellion was eventually suppressed in 763, but only with the help of foreign allies — Uighur Turks and even Tibetans — and at an enormous cost. The death toll is difficult to estimate but was catastrophic: the census registered 52.9 million people before the rebellion and only 16.9 million after it. While some of this decline reflects the government's loss of control over census records rather than actual population loss, the real death toll from the rebellion's battles, famines, epidemics, and social disruption was certainly in the millions — some historians estimate as many as 36 million dead, which would make it one of the deadliest conflicts in human history prior to the twentieth century.[7]
8. Foreign Relations: Turks, Tibetans, Arabs, and the East Asian Order
The Tang dynasty's foreign relations extended across an enormous geographic area, from the Korean peninsula and the Japanese islands in the east to Central Asia and the borders of the Arab Caliphate in the west, from the Mongolian steppe in the north to the kingdoms of Southeast Asia in the south. The Tang created an international order centered on China — sometimes called the "Chinese world order" or the "tributary system" — that shaped the political relationships of East Asia for centuries.
The relationship with the Turkic peoples of the steppe was central to Tang foreign policy. The Tang's early military successes — the destruction of the Eastern Turkic Khaganate in 630 and the Western Turkic Khaganate in 657 — made Tang China the dominant power in Central Asia for over a century. The Tang administered the Western Regions through a system of military protectorates, with the Protectorate of Anxi (安西都护府, Anxi duhufu) based at Kucha in the Tarim Basin serving as the principal instrument of Chinese authority. The Turkic peoples, though militarily defeated, remained a vital element in the Tang order: Turkic generals served in the Tang armies, Turkic nobles attended the Tang court, and Turkic cultural influence permeated Tang society.
The Tibetan Empire (吐蕃, Tubo or Tufan) emerged during the seventh century as a formidable rival to Tang power in Central Asia. Under a series of capable rulers, the Tibetans built a powerful military state that contested Tang control of the Western Regions and the Gansu Corridor. Relations between Tang and Tibet alternated between alliance and conflict: a Tang princess, Wencheng Gongzhu (文成公主), was sent to marry the Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo (松赞干布) in 641, establishing a diplomatic connection; but warfare between the two powers was frequent and fierce. After the An Lushan Rebellion weakened the Tang, the Tibetans seized the opportunity to capture Chang'an briefly in 763 and established control over the Gansu Corridor and much of the Western Regions.
The Tang also encountered the expanding Arab Caliphate in Central Asia. The Battle of Talas (怛罗斯之战, Daluosi zhi zhan) in 751, in which an Arab-Karluk coalition defeated a Tang army in modern Kazakhstan, is often cited as a pivotal moment — the high-water mark of Tang expansion westward and the beginning of Islamic influence in Central Asia. The battle also had an important cultural consequence: Chinese prisoners captured at Talas are traditionally credited with transmitting the technology of papermaking to the Islamic world, whence it eventually reached Europe.
In East Asia, the Tang served as the model and center of a cultural sphere that encompassed Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. The Korean kingdoms (particularly Silla, 新罗) and Japan dispatched embassies and students to Chang'an, adopting Tang institutions, legal codes, city planning, writing systems, and cultural practices. Japanese missions to the Tang (遣唐使, kentōshi) played a crucial role in the development of Japanese civilization during the Nara and early Heian periods. Vietnam, though under direct Chinese administration for much of this period, also absorbed Tang cultural influences that would shape Vietnamese civilization after independence.[8]
9. Society, Daily Life, and Women in Tang China
Tang China was one of the most vibrant, diverse, and socially dynamic societies in the pre-modern world. The rigid social hierarchy of the Six Dynasties period — dominated by hereditary aristocratic families whose status was determined by genealogy rather than achievement — gradually gave way to a more fluid social order in which wealth, education, and official position became increasingly important determinants of status.
The Tang economy was remarkably sophisticated. Agriculture remained the foundation, with rice cultivation in the south and wheat and millet in the north sustaining a population that reached approximately 80 million at its peak. But commerce, manufacturing, and international trade were also vibrant. Tang cities — Chang'an, Luoyang, Yangzhou, Guangzhou, Chengdu — were bustling commercial centers. The southern port of Guangzhou (Canton) was a major hub of maritime trade, with a large community of Arab, Persian, and Southeast Asian merchants. Tea, which had been a southern regional drink, became a national beverage during the Tang, with the scholar Lu Yu (陆羽) composing the first comprehensive treatise on tea, the Chajing (茶经, "Classic of Tea"), in the eighth century.
The status of women in Tang China was notably more open than in later dynasties — a fact often attributed to the influence of nomadic traditions in the Tang ruling elite, where women played more active public roles. Tang women rode horses, played polo, hunted, and participated in public life to a degree that would have been unthinkable in the more restrictive later Song and Ming periods. The most dramatic example of female power was Wu Zetian (武则天, 624–705), who rose from concubine of Emperor Taizong to empress consort of Emperor Gaozong, and finally, in 690, proclaimed herself emperor of a new Zhou dynasty — the only woman in Chinese history to hold the title of emperor (皇帝, huangdi) in her own right. Wu Zetian's fifteen-year reign (690–705) was controversial but effective: she promoted capable officials (many from non-aristocratic backgrounds), expanded the examination system, and maintained the empire's military strength. She was eventually deposed at the age of eighty and the Tang dynasty was restored.
Religious life in Tang China was extraordinarily diverse. Buddhism reached the height of its influence, with major schools — Chan (禅, the ancestor of Japanese Zen), Pure Land (净土, Jingtu), Tiantai (天台), Huayan (华严), and Esoteric Buddhism (密宗, Mizong) — flourishing side by side. Buddhist monasteries were ubiquitous: the Tang government registered over 5,000 monasteries and 40,000 temples across the empire. Daoism, the native Chinese religion, also flourished under Tang patronage — the Tang imperial family claimed descent from Laozi (老子) and promoted Daoism as a counterweight to Buddhist influence. And foreign religions — Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, Nestorian Christianity, Islam, and Judaism — all found communities of worshippers in the cosmopolitan cities of the Tang.
The great crisis of Buddhist influence came during the Huichang Suppression (会昌灭佛, Huichang mie Fo) of 842–845, when Emperor Wuzong (武宗), an ardent Daoist, ordered the destruction of Buddhist monasteries, the defrocking of monks and nuns, and the confiscation of monastic wealth. The suppression was devastating: over 4,600 monasteries and 40,000 temples were destroyed, and approximately 260,000 monks and nuns were forced to return to lay life. While Buddhism recovered to some degree, it never again achieved the institutional wealth and political influence it had enjoyed before the suppression.[9]
10. Cosmopolitan Culture: Poetry, Art, and the Tang Achievement
The Tang dynasty is universally regarded as the golden age of Chinese poetry. The Quan Tangshi (全唐诗, "Complete Tang Poems"), compiled in the early eighteenth century, contains approximately 49,000 poems by over 2,200 poets — a body of literature that represents the supreme achievement of the Chinese poetic tradition and one of the great literary treasures of world civilization.
The greatest Tang poets are figures of enduring fame. Li Bai (李白, 701–762), the "Immortal of Poetry" (诗仙, shixian), was celebrated for his spontaneous genius, his romantic individualism, and his extraordinary lyric gift. His poems — on moonlight, wine, friendship, exile, and the beauty of nature — are among the most widely known and loved in the Chinese tradition. Du Fu (杜甫, 712–770), the "Sage of Poetry" (诗圣, shisheng), was Li Bai's contemporary and counterpart: where Li Bai was mercurial and romantic, Du Fu was meticulous, compassionate, and deeply engaged with the social and political realities of his time. His poems on the suffering of common people during the An Lushan Rebellion — "The Song of the War Chariots" (兵车行, Bingche xing), "Spring Prospect" (春望, Chunwang), the series "Three Clerks" (三吏, Sanli) and "Three Farewells" (三别, Sanbie) — are among the most powerful expressions of the human cost of war in any language. Wang Wei (王维, 701–761), the "Poet-Buddha" (诗佛, shifo), combined poetic genius with Buddhist contemplation and landscape painting, creating poems of luminous simplicity that evoke the beauty and transience of the natural world. Bai Juyi (白居易, 772–846), whose accessible style made him the most popular poet of the late Tang, composed the narrative masterpiece "Song of Everlasting Sorrow" and the satirical "New Yuefu" (新乐府) poems that used traditional folk-song forms to criticize social injustice.
Tang art was equally brilliant. Painting reached new heights, with masters like Wu Daozi (吴道子), who created enormous Buddhist murals of legendary virtuosity, and the landscape painters who laid the foundations for the great Chinese tradition of landscape painting. Tang ceramics — particularly the famous sancai (三彩, "three-color") glazed pottery, with its distinctive green, amber, and cream colors — were prized throughout the known world. Tang sculpture, especially the Buddhist figures of the Longmen caves and the secular tomb figurines of horses, camels, and foreigners, achieved a naturalism and vitality unmatched in earlier Chinese art.
Music and dance were central to Tang court culture and public entertainment. Central Asian and Indian musical styles, instruments, and dance forms were enthusiastically adopted, creating a fusion of Chinese and foreign performance traditions. The Tang court maintained a vast musical establishment, including the famous Pear Garden (梨园, Liyuan), a training academy for musicians and actors that became the symbolic origin of Chinese theater (performers to this day are sometimes called "disciples of the Pear Garden").
The Tang cultural achievement extended far beyond China's borders. Tang culture profoundly influenced Korea, Japan, and Vietnam, shaping their writing systems, legal codes, urban planning, religious institutions, and artistic traditions. The cultural sphere of Tang China — what scholars have called the "Tang Commonwealth" or the "East Asian cultural sphere" — constituted one of the great civilizational zones of the medieval world, comparable in scope and influence to the contemporaneous Islamic and Byzantine cultural spheres.[10]
11. The Decline and Fall of the Tang
The Tang dynasty survived the An Lushan Rebellion but was fundamentally transformed by it. The post-rebellion Tang (763–907) was a very different state from the confident, centralized empire of the early period. The most important change was the rise of the military governors (节度使, jiedushi), who controlled large provinces with their own armies, revenues, and administrations. In much of northern China, these governorships became hereditary fiefdoms in all but name, with the Tang court able to exercise only nominal authority over them. The empire was effectively federalized, with real power dispersed among dozens of regional strongmen who acknowledged the emperor's symbolic authority but governed their territories independently.
The central government responded to the loss of control over the provinces by developing new revenue mechanisms. The old equal-field system and its associated tax structure had collapsed, and in 780 the finance minister Yang Yan (杨炎) implemented the "Two-Tax" system (两税法, liangshui fa), which replaced the complex web of earlier taxes with two annual payments based on the actual amount of land held by each household. This was a realistic response to the changed conditions of the post-rebellion era, and it remained the basis of Chinese taxation for the next several centuries.
The late Tang was also marked by the continuing struggle between eunuchs and scholar-officials for control of the government — a pattern that had plagued the Eastern Han. Tang eunuchs, who controlled the palace army and thus had the power to make and unmake emperors, dominated the court for much of the ninth century. Several emperors were assassinated or deposed by eunuch factions, and the central government became increasingly dysfunctional.
The final blow came with the Huang Chao Rebellion (黄巢之乱, Huang Chao zhi luan, 875–884), a massive peasant uprising led by Huang Chao (黄巢), a failed examination candidate turned salt smuggler turned rebel leader. Huang Chao's forces swept across southern and central China before capturing and sacking both Luoyang and Chang'an in 880–881. The Tang court fled, and although the rebellion was eventually suppressed (with the help of Turkic allies), the dynasty never recovered. The great city of Chang'an was devastated, never again to serve as a Chinese capital. The empire fragmented into regional warlord states, and in 907 the last Tang emperor was deposed by the warlord Zhu Wen (朱温), who established the Later Liang dynasty and opened the brief but turbulent period of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms (五代十国, 907–960) that preceded the Song reunification.
The Tang dynasty, for all the turmoil of its final century, left an indelible mark on Chinese civilization. The examination system, the legal code, the administrative structure, the literary tradition, the religious landscape, the cosmopolitan cultural spirit — all of these were Tang creations or Tang refinements that would shape Chinese civilization for the next millennium and beyond. In Chinese cultural memory, the Tang remains the golden age — the era when China was the greatest civilization on earth and when Chinese culture reached its highest and most glorious expression.[11]
References
- ↑ Mark Edward Lewis, China's Cosmopolitan Empire: The Tang Dynasty (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 1–30; Denis Twitchett, ed., The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 3: Sui and T'ang China, 589–906, Part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
- ↑ Arthur F. Wright, The Sui Dynasty: The Unification of China, A.D. 581–617 (New York: Knopf, 1978), 68–145; Victor Cunrui Xiong, Sui-Tang Chang'an: A Study in the Urban History of Medieval China (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 2000).
- ↑ Howard J. Wechsler, "T'ai-tsung (reign 626–49) the Consolidator," in Cambridge History of China, Vol. 3, ed. Twitchett, 188–241; Lewis, China's Cosmopolitan Empire, 31–62.
- ↑ Denis Twitchett, Financial Administration under the T'ang Dynasty, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970); Lewis, China's Cosmopolitan Empire, 63–90.
- ↑ Benjamin A. Elman, A Cultural History of Civil Examinations in Late Imperial China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 1–48; Victor Cunrui Xiong, Sui-Tang Chang'an, 140–175; Lewis, China's Cosmopolitan Empire, 195–220.
- ↑ Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T'ang Exotics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963); S. A. M. Adshead, T'ang China: The Rise of the East in World History (New York: Palgrave, 2004); Lewis, China's Cosmopolitan Empire, 131–160.
- ↑ Edwin G. Pulleyblank, The Background of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan (London: Oxford University Press, 1955); Lewis, China's Cosmopolitan Empire, 35–62; Denis Twitchett, "Hsüan-tsung (reign 712–56)," in Cambridge History of China, Vol. 3, 333–463.
- ↑ Jonathan Karam Skaff, Sui-Tang China and Its Turko-Mongol Neighbors: Culture, Power, and Connections, 580–800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Christopher I. Beckwith, Empires of the Silk Road: A History of Central Eurasia from the Bronze Age to the Present (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009), 128–154.
- ↑ Lewis, China's Cosmopolitan Empire, 91–130; N. Harry Rothschild, Wu Zhao: China's Only Woman Emperor (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008); Stanley Weinstein, Buddhism under the T'ang (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
- ↑ Stephen Owen, ed. and trans., The Poetry of the Early T'ang (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977); idem, The Great Age of Chinese Poetry: The High T'ang (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981); Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand; Lewis, China's Cosmopolitan Empire, 161–194.
- ↑ Lewis, China's Cosmopolitan Empire, 35–62, 195–220; Robert Somers, "The End of the T'ang," in Cambridge History of China, Vol. 3, ed. Twitchett, 682–789.