History of Chinese Culture/Chapter 15

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Chapter 15: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Overseas Chinese Cultures

1. Introduction: Chinese Culture beyond the Mainland

The story of Chinese culture cannot be told solely within the borders of the People's Republic of China. Throughout the modern era — and indeed for centuries before the founding of the PRC — Chinese culture has been carried, sustained, transformed, and reinvented by Chinese communities living outside the Chinese mainland: in Taiwan, in Hong Kong, in Macau, in the countries of Southeast Asia, in the Americas, in Europe, in Australasia, and across the globe. These overseas and peripheral Chinese cultures are not merely derivative reflections of a mainland original; they are creative, autonomous, and historically significant cultural formations in their own right, shaped by their own distinctive historical experiences, political circumstances, and encounters with non-Chinese cultures.

The cultural histories of Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the overseas Chinese diaspora are united by a common thread: the experience of living as Chinese people — carrying Chinese languages, traditions, values, and aesthetic sensibilities — in contexts that are radically different from the Chinese mainland. This experience has produced cultural expressions of extraordinary richness and diversity, from the Sinophone literary traditions of Southeast Asia to the transnational pop culture of Hong Kong, from the vibrant indigenous-mainlander cultural negotiations of Taiwan to the hybrid identities of Chinese Americans and Chinese Europeans. These cultures have also served as repositories of Chinese traditions that were suppressed or destroyed on the mainland during the revolutionary upheavals of the twentieth century, preserving classical arts, religious practices, literary traditions, and social customs that might otherwise have been lost.[1]

This chapter examines the cultural histories of Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, and the overseas Chinese diaspora, focusing on the distinctive cultural trajectories of each region and the ways in which they have contributed to the broader story of Chinese civilization.

2. Taiwan: From Colonial Subject to Cultural Powerhouse

Taiwan's cultural trajectory is among the most complex and fascinating in the Chinese-speaking world, shaped by successive waves of migration, colonization, and political transformation that have produced a unique cultural identity — simultaneously Chinese and distinctively Taiwanese, simultaneously traditional and modern, simultaneously connected to and distinct from the Chinese mainland.

The indigenous peoples of Taiwan — the Austronesian-speaking peoples who inhabited the island for thousands of years before the arrival of Chinese settlers — constitute the island's oldest cultural stratum. There are currently sixteen officially recognized indigenous groups (原住民族, yuanzhumin zu), each with its own language, customs, oral traditions, and material culture. These indigenous cultures, long marginalized and suppressed, have experienced a significant revival since the 1980s and are now recognized as an integral part of Taiwan's cultural heritage. The indigenous peoples of Taiwan are linguistically and culturally related to the Austronesian peoples of the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Pacific Islands, giving Taiwan a cultural connection to the broader Pacific world that distinguishes it from the Chinese mainland.

Chinese settlement of Taiwan began in earnest during the seventeenth century, when migrants from Fujian (福建) and Guangdong (广东) provinces — speaking Hokkien (闽南语, Minnanyu) and Hakka (客家话, Kejihua) — crossed the Taiwan Strait and established agricultural communities on the island's western plain. These settlers brought with them the folk religions, temple cultures, lineage organizations, and local customs of southern China, creating a cultural landscape that was recognizably Chinese but distinctly southern in character — a culture of Mazu (妈祖) worship, puppet theater, Hokkien opera (歌仔戏, gezaixi), and clan solidarity that differed markedly from the Mandarin-speaking, Confucian-oriented culture of the northern Chinese elite.

The Japanese colonial period (1895–1945) was a transformative experience for Taiwanese culture. Under Japanese rule, Taiwan was subjected to an ambitious program of modernization and cultural assimilation (皇民化运动, huangminhua yundong, the kominka movement) that sought to transform the Taiwanese into loyal subjects of the Japanese emperor. The Japanese introduced modern education, infrastructure, public health, and legal systems, and they promoted the use of the Japanese language while restricting the use of Chinese. The cultural impact of the colonial period was profound and ambivalent: it introduced Taiwanese intellectuals to Japanese and Western modernity, created a modern educated class, and fostered a nascent Taiwanese cultural identity — but it did so within a framework of colonial domination and cultural suppression that left deep scars on Taiwanese society.[2]

The arrival of the Kuomintang (KMT, 国民党) government and approximately 1.2 million mainland Chinese refugees in 1949 introduced a new and explosive element into Taiwan's cultural dynamics. The mainlanders (外省人, waishengren, literally "people from outside provinces") brought with them the high culture of the Chinese mainland — Peking opera, Mandarin literature, classical Chinese painting, and the Confucian educational tradition — as well as a political ideology that claimed to represent the legitimate government of all China and that sought to impose a unified Chinese cultural identity on an island with its own established cultural traditions. The tension between the mainlander elite and the native Taiwanese (本省人, benshengren) — a tension rooted in linguistic, cultural, and political differences — was the defining dynamic of Taiwanese cultural life for decades.

The KMT government's cultural policy in the early decades of its rule in Taiwan was characterized by the promotion of a "Chinese cultural revival" (中华文化复兴运动, Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yundong), launched in 1966 as a deliberate counterpoint to Mao's Cultural Revolution on the mainland. This movement sought to preserve and promote traditional Chinese culture — classical literature, Confucian philosophy, Chinese calligraphy and painting, traditional music and opera — and to establish Taiwan as the true guardian of Chinese civilization. The National Palace Museum in Taipei, housing the imperial art collections that the KMT had brought from the mainland, became the symbol of this cultural claim. Mandarin was imposed as the sole language of education and public life, while Hokkien, Hakka, and indigenous languages were marginalized and in some cases actively suppressed.

The democratization of Taiwan, which began in the late 1980s with the lifting of martial law in 1987 and culminated in the first direct presidential election in 1996, transformed the island's cultural landscape. Democratization unleashed a "nativization" (本土化, bentuhua) movement that sought to celebrate and recover the distinctive cultural traditions of Taiwan — Hokkien and Hakka languages and cultures, indigenous cultures, the history of Japanese colonialism, and the traumatic memory of the February 28 Incident (二二八事件) of 1947, when the KMT government's violent suppression of an island-wide uprising killed thousands of Taiwanese civilians. The nativization movement produced a flowering of Taiwanese-language literature, film, music, and theater, and it challenged the mainlander-dominated narrative of Taiwanese cultural identity.

Taiwan's contemporary cultural scene is one of the most vibrant and creative in the Chinese-speaking world. Taiwanese cinema — from the "New Cinema" (新电影, xin dianying) of the 1980s, represented by directors like Hou Hsiao-hsien (侯孝贤) and Edward Yang (杨德昌), to the international commercial success of Ang Lee (李安) — has produced some of the most critically acclaimed films in world cinema. Taiwanese popular music (Mandopop), literature, television drama, and digital culture have exerted enormous influence across the Chinese-speaking world. And Taiwan's vibrant civil society — with its free press, active NGO sector, and robust public debate — has produced a culture of democratic participation and civic engagement that is unique in the Chinese-speaking world.[3]

3. Hong Kong: The Hybrid Metropolis

Hong Kong's cultural identity is one of the most distinctive and complex in the Chinese-speaking world — a product of its unique historical position as a Chinese society under British colonial rule, its role as a gateway between China and the West, its extraordinary economic dynamism, and the creative energy of its Cantonese-speaking population. For more than a century, Hong Kong has been a place where Chinese and Western cultures have met, clashed, and fused, producing a hybrid culture that is neither wholly Chinese nor wholly Western but something entirely its own.

The British acquisition of Hong Kong Island in 1842 (following the First Opium War), the Kowloon Peninsula in 1860, and the New Territories in 1898 created a colonial society in which a small British elite governed a predominantly Chinese population. The cultural dynamics of colonial Hong Kong were shaped by the coexistence — sometimes harmonious, often tense — of British colonial institutions and Chinese social structures, of English-language education and Cantonese vernacular culture, of Western law and Chinese customary practice. The vast majority of Hong Kong's Chinese population maintained their own cultural traditions — Cantonese language, Cantonese opera, temple festivals, clan associations, traditional medicine, and folk religion — within the framework of British colonial governance, creating a bilingual and bicultural society of remarkable complexity.

Cantonese opera (粤剧, Yueju) is one of the oldest and most distinctive art forms of Hong Kong's cultural heritage. With roots stretching back to the Ming dynasty, Cantonese opera combines singing, martial arts, acrobatics, and elaborate costumes and makeup to tell stories drawn from Chinese history, legend, and literature. In Hong Kong, Cantonese opera flourished as both a popular entertainment and a marker of cultural identity, producing legendary performers such as Sit Kok-sin (薛觉先) and Yam Kim-fai (任剑辉). The genre faced decline in the latter twentieth century as cinema and television drew audiences away, but it has been recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity and continues to be performed and appreciated in Hong Kong today.[4]

Hong Kong cinema is arguably the city's greatest cultural achievement and its most significant contribution to world culture. From the 1950s through the 1990s, Hong Kong was one of the world's most prolific film production centers, producing hundreds of films per year in genres ranging from martial arts (武侠, wuxia) and kung fu films to comedies, romances, gangster films, and horror movies. The martial arts films of the Shaw Brothers studio, the kung fu films of Bruce Lee (李小龙, 1940–1973), the action choreography of Jackie Chan (成龙) and Jet Li (李连杰), the stylized crime dramas of John Woo (吴宇森), and the genre-defying art cinema of Wong Kar-wai (王家卫) have had an enormous influence on world cinema — shaping the aesthetic vocabulary of Hollywood action films, inspiring directors from Quentin Tarantino to the Wachowskis, and establishing Hong Kong as a global center of cinematic creativity.

The "Cantopop" (粤语流行曲, Yueyu liuxingqu) phenomenon — Cantonese-language popular music — emerged in the 1970s and became one of the most commercially successful and culturally influential popular music traditions in Asia. Pioneered by singers such as Sam Hui (许冠杰), who was the first to write and perform pop songs in Cantonese (previously considered too "vulgar" for popular music, which was dominated by Mandarin), and elevated to iconic status by artists such as Leslie Cheung (张国荣), Anita Mui (梅艳芳), and the "Four Heavenly Kings" (四大天王) — Jacky Cheung (张学友), Andy Lau (刘德华), Aaron Kwok (郭富城), and Leon Lai (黎明) — Cantopop became the soundtrack of Hong Kong's economic boom and a powerful vehicle for the expression of Hong Kong identity. Cantopop's influence extended across the Chinese-speaking world and into Southeast Asia, making Hong Kong a major center of Chinese popular culture.

The handover of Hong Kong from British to Chinese sovereignty on July 1, 1997, under the "one country, two systems" (一国两制, yiguo liangzhi) framework, introduced a new dimension to Hong Kong's cultural identity. The handover prompted an intense process of cultural self-reflection — a search for what it means to be "Hong Kong" in the absence of the colonial framework that had shaped the city's identity for more than 150 years. This process has produced a remarkable flowering of local cultural production — independent films, literature in both Chinese and English, visual art, theater, music, and grassroots cultural activism — much of it focused on questions of identity, memory, belonging, and the relationship between Hong Kong and mainland China.

4. Macau: The Meeting of Portuguese and Chinese Cultures

Macau, the small territory on the western side of the Pearl River Delta that was administered by Portugal from 1557 to 1999, represents a unique case of Chinese-European cultural encounter. For more than four centuries, Macau served as a point of contact between Chinese civilization and the Portuguese-speaking world, producing a distinctive hybrid culture that blends Chinese and Southern European elements in ways that are found nowhere else.

The historic center of Macau, which was inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2005, is a physical embodiment of this cultural hybridity: baroque churches stand alongside Chinese temples, Portuguese colonial architecture flanks Cantonese shophouses, and the Ruins of St. Paul's (大三巴牌坊, Dasanba paifang) — the facade of a seventeenth-century Jesuit church that combines European architectural forms with Chinese and Japanese decorative motifs — is the most iconic symbol of Macau's multicultural heritage.

Macanese culture (土生葡人文化, tusheng Puren wenhua) — the culture of the mixed-race community descended from Portuguese settlers and their Chinese, Malay, Japanese, and Indian wives and concubines — is a unique cultural formation that includes a distinctive cuisine (Macanese cuisine, which blends Portuguese, Chinese, Indian, Malay, and African cooking traditions), a creole language (Patuá, or Macanese Patois, now critically endangered), and a set of social customs and religious practices that reflect centuries of intercultural exchange. Since the handover to Chinese sovereignty in 1999, Macau has been transformed by the rapid development of the casino and tourism industry, becoming the world's largest gambling center and undergoing a process of rapid cultural change that threatens some of its distinctive heritage while creating new cultural dynamics.[5]

5. The Chinese in Southeast Asia

The Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia — comprising communities in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam, Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos — is the largest and oldest overseas Chinese population in the world, with a history stretching back more than a thousand years to the maritime trade networks of the Song dynasty. Today, an estimated 30 to 40 million ethnic Chinese live in Southeast Asia, constituting significant minorities (and in Singapore, a majority) in the region's countries and playing a disproportionately important role in the region's economic and cultural life.

The cultural history of the Chinese in Southeast Asia is shaped by the interplay of preservation and adaptation — the maintenance of Chinese cultural traditions in a foreign environment and the inevitable transformation of those traditions through contact with local cultures. Chinese communities in Southeast Asia have preserved many cultural practices that have disappeared or been transformed on the Chinese mainland: temple festivals, deity processions, opera performances, clan and dialect-group associations, ancestral worship practices, and culinary traditions that reflect the foodways of southern China in earlier centuries. At the same time, these communities have created new cultural forms through the fusion of Chinese and local elements — the Peranakan (土生华人, tusheng Huaren, or Straits Chinese) culture of the Malay world being the most famous example.

The Peranakan, or Baba-Nyonya, culture — the hybrid culture of Chinese communities that settled in the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian archipelago from the fifteenth century onward — is one of the most distinctive cultural formations in the Chinese diaspora. Peranakan culture combines Chinese ancestral worship, family structures, and festival traditions with Malay language (the Peranakan speak a creole form of Malay called Baba Malay), cuisine (the celebrated Nyonya cuisine, which blends Chinese cooking techniques with Malay spices and ingredients), clothing (the Nyonya kebaya), and architectural styles (Peranakan townhouses with their distinctive tile work and carved decorations). Peranakan culture flourished particularly in Malacca, Penang, and Singapore, and it has experienced a cultural revival in recent decades as a source of heritage and identity.

In Indonesia, the Chinese community — numbering some 7 to 10 million — has experienced one of the most turbulent histories of any overseas Chinese population. Periodic anti-Chinese violence, culminating in the devastating riots of May 1998, and decades of assimilationist government policy under Suharto's New Order regime (which banned Chinese-language education, Chinese-language publications, and public displays of Chinese culture from 1967 to 1998) severely disrupted the transmission of Chinese cultural traditions. Since the fall of Suharto, Chinese Indonesian culture has experienced a remarkable revival, with Chinese-language education, Chinese New Year celebrations, Chinese temples, and Chinese cultural organizations all flourishing once more.

In Thailand, the Chinese community — the largest in Southeast Asia, numbering some 9 to 14 million — has been largely assimilated into Thai society, a process facilitated by intermarriage, the adoption of Thai names, and the absence of the kind of anti-Chinese discrimination that characterized Indonesia and, to a lesser degree, Malaysia. Thai-Chinese culture is characterized by a high degree of cultural fusion, in which Chinese ancestral worship, festival traditions, and business practices coexist seamlessly with Thai Buddhist practice, Thai language, and Thai social customs. The Yaowarat (唐人街, Tangren jie) district of Bangkok remains a vibrant center of Chinese-Thai culture.[6]

6. Chinese Communities in North America

The Chinese presence in North America dates to the mid-nineteenth century, when Chinese laborers — primarily from Guangdong province — were recruited to work in the California Gold Rush and on the construction of the transcontinental railroad. The early Chinese immigrants faced intense racial discrimination, culminating in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which banned Chinese immigration to the United States for more than six decades and forced the existing Chinese community into a marginal, segregated existence in the "Chinatowns" of major cities.

The Chinatowns of San Francisco, New York, Los Angeles, Vancouver, and Toronto became self-contained cultural worlds — worlds of Cantonese language and cuisine, of clan associations (会馆, huiguan) and secret societies (堂, tang), of Chinese-language newspapers and theaters, of herbalists and temples and laundries. These Chinatowns preserved a transplanted version of southern Chinese culture — a culture that, cut off from the mainland by immigration restrictions and political upheaval, developed its own distinctive characteristics and rhythms.

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which abolished the national-origins quota system, transformed the Chinese community in the United States by opening the door to a new wave of immigration from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and eventually mainland China. The new immigrants were often highly educated professionals — scientists, engineers, doctors, businesspeople — who settled not in the old Chinatowns but in the suburbs of major cities, creating new Chinese cultural landscapes in places like the San Gabriel Valley east of Los Angeles, Flushing in Queens, and the suburbs of the San Francisco Bay Area. The post-1965 Chinese American community is characterized by extraordinary internal diversity — encompassing speakers of Cantonese, Mandarin, Hokkien, and other Chinese languages; immigrants from Taiwan, Hong Kong, mainland China, and Southeast Asia; and a wide range of educational, economic, and social backgrounds.

Chinese American literature has become one of the most vibrant and critically acclaimed traditions in American letters. From the pioneering works of Maxine Hong Kingston (The Woman Warrior, 1976) and Amy Tan (The Joy Luck Club, 1989) to the literary fiction of Ha Jin, Yiyun Li, and C Pam Zhang, Chinese American writers have explored the immigrant experience, the tensions between Chinese and American cultural values, the complexities of bicultural identity, and the broader themes of belonging, memory, and home that resonate with readers far beyond the Chinese American community. Chinese American cinema, visual art, music, and performing arts have likewise enriched the American cultural landscape, contributing to a more diverse and cosmopolitan national culture.[7]

7. Chinese Communities in Europe

The Chinese presence in Europe, while smaller and more recent than in Southeast Asia or North America, has grown significantly since the late twentieth century and has produced distinctive cultural formations in several European countries. The largest Chinese communities in Europe are found in the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, and Germany, with significant populations also in Russia, Portugal, and the Scandinavian countries.

The Chinese community in the United Kingdom — numbering some 400,000 — has its origins in the Cantonese seafarers who settled in Liverpool and London's Limehouse district in the nineteenth century, and it was augmented by immigration from Hong Kong (particularly from the New Territories) in the 1950s and 1960s, when many Hong Kong Chinese entered the restaurant trade. London's Chinatown in Soho, established in the 1970s, has become a major cultural and commercial landmark. More recently, immigration from mainland China — including large numbers of students at British universities — has diversified the community and introduced new cultural dynamics.

In France, the Chinese community — concentrated in Paris's 13th arrondissement and in the Belleville neighborhood — includes significant populations from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos (ethnic Chinese who fled those countries after 1975), as well as more recent immigrants from Wenzhou (温州) and other parts of mainland China. The French-Chinese community has produced a distinctive literary tradition, including the works of François Cheng (程抱一), the first person of Chinese origin elected to the Académie française.

The cultural contributions of Chinese communities in Europe extend beyond literature to encompass cuisine (Chinese restaurants are among the most ubiquitous features of the European urban landscape), visual art, film, music, and martial arts. Chinese cultural festivals — particularly Chinese New Year celebrations — have become major public events in many European cities, serving both as expressions of Chinese community identity and as points of intercultural encounter. The growing presence of Chinese students and scholars at European universities has created new channels of cultural exchange and has contributed to a deepening European engagement with Chinese culture and civilization.[8]

8. The Question of Sinophone Culture

In recent years, scholars have developed the concept of "Sinophone culture" (华语语系文化, Huayu yuxi wenhua) to describe the diverse cultural productions of Chinese-speaking communities around the world — a concept that challenges the traditional equation of "Chinese culture" with the culture of the Chinese nation-state. The Sinophone framework, as articulated by scholars such as Shu-mei Shih, emphasizes the multiplicity and heterogeneity of Chinese-language cultural productions, rejecting the notion that Chinese culture has a single center (the mainland) from which all other Chinese cultures are derived.

The Sinophone concept draws attention to the fact that Chinese is not a single language but a family of related languages and dialects — Mandarin, Cantonese, Hokkien, Hakka, Shanghainese, Teochew, and many others — and that the cultural productions in these different linguistic varieties are not mere regional variants of a single Chinese culture but autonomous and creative cultural traditions in their own right. Cantonese-language culture — encompassing Hong Kong cinema, Cantopop, Cantonese opera, and the literary traditions of Guangdong — is as rich and complex as Mandarin-language culture, and it deserves to be studied and appreciated on its own terms rather than as a subordinate appendage of a Mandarin-centered "Chinese culture."

The Sinophone framework also challenges the assumption that overseas Chinese cultures are mere extensions of the Chinese homeland — that the Chinese in Southeast Asia, the Americas, or Europe are simply carrying Chinese culture to foreign lands and will eventually either assimilate into local cultures or return to the Chinese cultural mainstream. Instead, the Sinophone perspective emphasizes the creative and transformative nature of the diasporic experience — the ways in which Chinese-speaking communities in different parts of the world have created new cultural forms, new identities, and new ways of being Chinese that are irreducible to mainland Chinese culture.

9. Conclusion: A Multipolar Chinese Cultural World

The cultural histories of Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, and the overseas Chinese diaspora demonstrate that Chinese civilization is not a monolithic entity centered on a single political state but a complex, multipolar cultural world — a world of many centers, many languages, many traditions, and many ways of being Chinese. The cultural achievements of these diverse Chinese communities — from Hong Kong cinema to Peranakan cuisine, from Taiwanese democracy to Chinese American literature, from Macanese architecture to the vibrant temple cultures of Southeast Asia — are integral and irreplaceable parts of the broader story of Chinese civilization.

In the twenty-first century, the relationship between mainland China and the broader Chinese-speaking world continues to evolve in complex and often contentious ways. The rise of mainland China as a global power has increased the cultural influence of the PRC — through the expansion of Mandarin-language media, the growth of mainland Chinese tourism and investment, and the promotion of "Chinese culture" by the Chinese state — but it has also provoked resistance and anxiety in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and overseas Chinese communities that fear the erosion of their distinctive cultural identities. The future of Chinese civilization will be shaped not only by developments within the PRC but also by the vitality, creativity, and resilience of Chinese cultures everywhere — cultures that draw on a common civilizational heritage while charting their own distinctive paths through the modern world.

References

  1. Shu-mei Shih, Visuality and Identity: Sinophone Articulations across the Pacific (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 1–30.
  2. Leo T.S. Ching, Becoming "Japanese": Colonial Taiwan and the Politics of Identity Formation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 1–40.
  3. A-chin Hsiau, Contemporary Taiwanese Cultural Nationalism (London: Routledge, 2000), 1–30.
  4. Sai-shing Yung and Chan Sau-yan, Cantonese Opera (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012), 1–25.
  5. Christina Miu Bing Cheng, Macau: A Cultural Janus (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1999), 1–40.
  6. G. William Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1957), 1–40.
  7. Madeline Y. Hsu, The Good Immigrants: How the Yellow Peril Became the Model Minority (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015), 1–30.
  8. Gregor Benton and Frank N. Pieke, eds., The Chinese in Europe (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998), 1–30.